4
Digitized by the Internet Archive
in 2011 with funding from
University of Toronto
http://www.archive.org/details/timeshistoryofwa03lond
I)
Tilt Times Histtry of the War, May, 1915.
Th« London Q«ocrapK<c«i Instilur*.
The Times Hi.
T-l^^'^-^fe^
tmti
HISTORY
OF
THE WAR
VOL. III.
-ri y^
PRINTING HOUSE SQUARE.
PRINTED AND PUBLISHED BY "THE TIMES,"
PRINTING HOUSE SQUARE, LONDON.
1915-
D
SOI
T5
v,3
1
CONTENTS OF VOL. III.
CHAPTER XLVIII.
The Advance on Ypres
PAGE
CHAPTER XLVII.
Fbom the Fall of Antwerp to the Battle op the Yser 1
15
CHAPTER XLIX.
The Intervention of Turkey... ... ... ... 41
CHAPTER L.
The Turkish Army ... ... ... 55
CHAPTER LI.
The Outbreak of War and the Campaign in the Caucasus ... ... ... C7
CHAPTER Lll.
The Invasion of Chaldea ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... SI
CHAPTER LJII.
The Second Three ^Ionths of Naval War ... ... ... ... ... 121
CHAPTER Ll\'.
The German Counter-Offensive and the Belgian Battle of the Yser ... 161
CHAPTER L\'.
Russia's Problem... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 201
CHAPTER L\'I.
The First Invasion of East Prussia ... ... ... ... ... ... 223
CHAPTER LVII.
The Russian Conquest of IUlria ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 241
CHAPTER lATII.
The Problem of Egypt: A New Regime ... ... ... ... ... ... 281
CHAPTER LIX.
The German Failure in Poland ... ... ... ... ... •■• ... 321
CHAPTER 1^.
Second and Third Austrian Invasions of Serbia : Fall and Pecapture of
Belgrade ... ... ... ••• •■• ••• ■•• ••• ••• ••• -^^'l
CHAPTER LXI.^
The Autumn and Winter Campaign in Eastern Fr.\nce 401
CHAPTER J.Xll.
The Battle of Ypres (First I'hase) -l-'l
CHAPTER J.XIll.
The Franco-Belgian Battle of the Yser -^^'^
CHAPTER LXIV.
The South African Rebellion '^^
CHAPTER XLVII.
FROM THE FALL OF ANTWERP
TO THE BATTLE OF THE YSER.
The SiTiTATiON October 9 — The Retreat of the Belgians from Antwerp — The Advance of
THE English — The Belgian Retreat to Ostend and the French Frontier — German
Occupation of Ghent, Bruges, Ostend— The Flight to England and France — German
Mistakes — Their Possible Explanation — Want of Accurate Information — Failure oh
THE German Cavalry — Their Aeroplane Service — The German Gains.
BY October 9, the date of tlie fall of
Antwerp and the day before the
bombardment of Lille, the anny of
General de Castelnau, with General
Brugere's Territorial Divisions, stretched across
the Plain of the Somme from the region of
Compiegne to the heights north of that river.
Castelnau's left wing rested on the Ancre west
of Bapaume. Upon the hills northward
between the Ancre and the Plain of the Scheldt,
as far as the region of Bethune, were disposed
the troops forming the army of General de
Maud'huy, a detachment of wliich in the centre
held Arras at the edge of the plain. Since
October 6 that city had been bombarded by the
enemy. Facing Maud'hiiy's Army (the 10th)
extended a lino of Germans forming a continu-
ous crescent from the region of Bapaume to
La Bassee. The left wing of this body held
high groimd between the Plains of the Somme
and the Scheldt. The centre was in the Plain
of the Scheldt west of Douai ; the right wing
passed east of Lens through Loison to La Bassee
on the Canal St. Omer-Aire-La Bassee-Lille.
This canal enters the canalised river Aa a little
to the south of St. Omer. At Wat ten, five miles
Vol. ill.— Part 27.
to the north of St. Omer, it meets a canal which
runs eastward — througli Furnes — to Nieuport
and thence into the Canal de Ghent between
Ostend and Bruges.
From Watten the Aa flows past Gravelines
to the North Sea. It meets the Canal de
Calais going west, and next, from the east,
another canal, which enters the sea at Dunkirk,
The Canal de Calais, the canalised Aa. and
the portion of the Canal St. Oraer-Airc-Betluino-
La Bassee-Lille which lies between St. Omer and
Bethune skirt the liilly district extending from
the south of Calais to the south of Arras.
Together these waterways formed a deep ditch
in front of the low ramjiart of hills which from
Calais to Peronno barred the advance of the
Germans to the English Channel. The army of
General d'Urbal, to whose support the Cavalry
Corps, the TIL and the II. Corps of the British
Expeditionary Force* were being rai)idly
transported, held both banks of the ditch and
also the line of the canal which from Wattcii
runs south of Dunkirk through Furnes and
* To fncilitato refeionce tlio British Army Corps are
iiuinberod tlius : I., II.. HI-, IV., &e. ; tlio divisions niid
brigades 1st, 2nd, 3rd, iXi-.
THE TIMES HlhTORY 01 THE WAR.
MAJ.-GEN. THE HON. JULIAN BYNG.
Nieuport to the Canal de Ghent. But d'Urbal's
Army, on October 9, was only in process of
formation.
Further to the east was Lieut. -General Sir
Henry Rawlinson \\ith the 7th Infantry Divi-
sion and 3rd Cavalry Division. They had
disembarked between October 6 and 8 at Ostend
and Zeebrugge. On the 10th the 3rd Cavalry
Division under Major-General the Hon. JuUan
Byng was south of Bruges, round Thourout and
Ruddervoorde. The task of Sir Henry Rawlin-
son was to prevent the Germans, who had crossed
the Lys west of Ghent, seizing Bruges and Ostend
and cutting the retreat of the Belgian Ai'my
and its British auxiliaries retiring from Antwerp
on Bruges, Ostend and Nieuport.
One by one the national defences of Belgium
against an invasion from the east had fallen
into the possession of the Germans. First had
been lost the Meuse and the Ardennes, then the
Dyle and the Senne, next the Dendre and the
Scheldt, and now the Lys. In the oblong plain,
roughly 60 miles by 30 miles, wliich is bounded
by the Lys from Aire to Ghent, by the canal from
Ghent to Zeebrugge, by the sea from Zeebrugge
to Calais, and by the canal and the canalised
Aa from Calais to Aire, the Germans had
occupied Ypres, the long, narrow ridge of hills
to the south-west of it, and Baillevil. Their
outposts were close to Hazebrouck and Cassel,
and they were advancing up both banks of the
Lys from Armentieres towards Aire ; they held
the bridges and fords of the river between
Courtrai and .Merviile and even fiu"thor
west.
South of the Lys and between it and the
Scheldt the Germans were surrounding and
about to bombard Lille, sternly defended by
French Territorials.
This and the next chapter deal chiefly with
the important movements between October 9
and 20. During this period the Germans pur-
sued the Belgian Army through Ghent, Bruges
and Ostend to the Une of the Yser from Nieuport
to Dixmude, and they succeeded in capturing
Lille. But, at the same time. General d'Urbal's
Army (the 8th), wliich was daily growing in
mmibers, and the British Cavalry Corps and
the III. Corps, with the assistance of the I\'.
Corps — i.e., the forces vmder Sir Henry Rawlin-
son— drove the Germans east of Y^pres.
The oblong Aire-Ghent-Zeebrugge-Calais is
divided into two more or less equal sections by
the canal from Comines on the Lys to Ypres,
by the canal from Ypres to the Yser, and by the
canalised Y'ser through Dixmude to its mouth
at Nieuport Bains. The Germans were ex-
pelled from the western section of this oblong
and from a part of the eastern section. South
of the oblong, in the " Black Coimtry " of
France, Sir Horace Smith-Dorrien, with the
II. Corps, and General Conneau's Cavalry
Corps pushed the Germans some distance back
towards Lille between the Lys and the Aire-
Bethiine-La Bassee-Lille Canal, and the armies
of Maud'huy and Castelnau continued their
struggle with the Germans from Bethune to
Compiegne.
Meanwhile Hindenburg in the Easterii Theatre
of War, after his defeat on the Niemen at the
battle of Augustovo (September 25 to Octo-
ber 3), had advanced on Warsaw, and in South
Africa, on Octol:)er 13, Maritz raised the stan-
dard of revolt.
Of the above events in the Western Theatre
of War, the first to be described will be the
retirement of the Belgian Army from Antwerp
to Nieuport and the hue of the Yser.
Antwerp, " the pistol aimed at the heart of
England," as Napoleon had called it, was in
the grasp of the mailed fist, but so long as the
Kaiser respected the neutrality of Holland he
could not load and fire the weapon he had
filched.
THE TIMES HISTOBY OF THE WAR.
CO
CD
E
o
o
O
'^
«0
§
I
I
1
I
I
^
.o
cu
GENERAL MAP TO ILLUSTRATE THE OPERATIONS
FROM OCTOBER 9 TO OCTOBER 20.
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
LILLE.
Nevertheless, the capture of Antwerp — held
by tlie ignorant to bo iin]3regnable — was not
without influence, especiallj- in Germany,
where even the bombardment of an open sea-
side town in England is regarded as a notable
military operation. Antwerp had long been
coveted by German captains of indvistry, like
Herr Ballin : German capital had been largely
invested there and, before the Great War, it
w as fast assuming the appearance of a German
port. Whether it was the fall of Antwerp that
decided Beyers and Do Wet to f^tart their
abortive rebellion in South Africa may be a
moot point ; but it is certain that this success
put fresh life into the German forces in Europe.
It was an excellent augurj'^ for the impending
marches on Warsaw and Calais. Also, it again
enabled the German commanders on the Oise
and Aisne to look forward to the resumption
of the march on Paris.
So long as Antwerp was in Belgian hands, the
German commixnications back through Liege
were perpetually menaced. For the two towns
were only sixty miles apart — i.e., roughly fom-
days' march — so that if the Allied force at the
former place was materially strengthened it
would need no great effort to thrust Beseler
back on Liege or be\'ond. Then not only
would the whole of the German communications
through Liege have been cut, Init tliose south
of Liege through the Ardeniies would have been
rendered precarious.
While Ostend and Zeebrugge were Belgian
ports, and the line of the canal from Ostend
through Bruges to Ghent and the line of the
Scheldt from Ghent to Antwerp were held l>y
the Allies, the Belgian Army in Antwerp miglit
be rapidly reinforced either from Great Britai-a
or from France by the railways and roads along
the French coast to Dunkirk. From Dimkirlc
a single-line railroad ran through Furnes and
Dixmude to Thom*out : through Thourout
passed the double-line railroad* from Courtrai
to Ostend and the single-line railway from
Ypres to Bruges, Steam tramwaj^s joined
Furnes and Dixmude to Ostend, and, until
the Germans occupied Hazebrouck and Ypres,
troops could be transported from St. Omer,
wdthout going north to Dunkirk, through
Ypres and Thourout to Bruges. There were
also, of course, plenty of highways on \^'hich
men and material could be carried by auto-
omnibvis, that new and useful military vehicle,
from France to Ostend or Bruges.
The German Staff had, therefore, to face
the possibility, or rather probability, of
the areas between the Dutch frontier and
the Canal de Ghent and the Scheldt, between
* The line between Courtrai and Thourout was single
THE TIMES HISTOBY OF THE WAB.
the Lys and the North Sea, being suddenly
filled with armies from England or France.
From Antwerp those armies could be directed
on Liege, Brussels, Namur. Lastly, as a
springing- off point for air-raids on Aix-la-
Chapelle, Cologne, Diisseldorf, Essen and the
cities of Westphalia the country round Antwerp
woxild be invaluable to the Allies.
By the capture of Antwerp and by holding
Brussels and Liege the Germans opposed a
strong bai'rier across the road to the Rhine.
But, though the Germans had taken Antwerp,
crossed the Scheldt between Ghent and Ant-
werp, and forced a portion of the Belgian and
British troops on to Dutch soil, the remainder
of the Allied forces had reached the line
Ghent-Selzaete in good order. There was a
chance that the German forces which had
occupied Ypres on October 3 and had spread
out towards Hazebrouck might move froixi
Ypres to Bruges and Ostend and cut off the
retreating Belgians and British at those points.
To provide for this contingency. Lord Kitchener,
as mentioned, had dispatched Sir Henry Rawlin-
son with the 7th Infantry Division and the 3rd
Cavalry Division to Ostend and Bruges.
Between Ypres and the canal connecting
Ostend with Bruges was no serious natural
obstacle to delay the German movements, and
oops alone could stop a German advance in
force. On the 9th — the day after Sir John
French's interview with General Foch at
DouUens — the Cavalry Division, under Mcxjor-
General the Hon. Julian Byng, concentrated at
Bruges, where it was joined by a detaclunent of
armoured motor-cars. The next day, the 10th,
it moved towards Ypres, the 6th Cavalry
Brigade to Thourout, and the 7th Cavalry
Brigade to Ruddervoorde. The day after. t!.o
armoured motor-cars " di-ew first blood,"
capturing two officers and five men in tlic
direction of Ypres. On the 12th the Division
held a line stretching through Roulers from
Oostnieuwkerke on the west to Iseghem on the
east. From Roulers a canal runs to the Lys.
During the next day the Cavalry reconnoitred
towards Ypres and Menin, wliilo the 7th
Infantry Division reached Roulers. At 9 a.m.
on the l-lth Byng's Cavalry entered Ypres,
which had already been occupied by Franco-
British troops on the 13th ; Byng was followed
by the Infantry of the 7th Division.
Three days before (October 11), as will bo
related elsewhere, the II. Corps (Sir Horace
Smith-Dorrien's)had coiuinenced its luoi'chsouth
of the Lys from the Aire-Bethune Canal to turn
the position of the Germans at La Bassee. The
French Cavalry Corps of General Cormeau was
to his left ; on Conneau's left — round Haze-
brouck— was the III. Corps (General Pulteneys),
and beyond them, to the north, the Cavalry
Corps (General Allenby's). The Cavah-y Corjjs
had captured the western end of the ridge to
the south-west of Ypres. On Ypres itself the
87th and 89th French Territorial Divisions,
coirunanded by General Bidon, had been directed
by General d'Urbal.*
Thus any German intention of marching from
Ypres on Bruges had been frustrated by the
advance of Rawlinson from Bruges on Ypres,
combined as it was with the movement eastward
of d'Urbal's and Sir John French's Armies from
the line Dunkirk-Bethune. In the next chapter
that movement \\ ill be narrated in detail.
In the meantime the Belgian and British troops
who evacuated Antwerp had halted round
Ghent. They were threatened by the German
forces at Lokeren, north of the Scheldt, and at
* " When I arrived in the Nord I found in all two
divisions of Territorials and some Cavalry." — General
d'Urbal.
THE BELGIAN WAR OlFIGK.
Villa Louis XIV. at St. Adnsse, near Ilnvre.
27—2
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAIL
Alost, on the Dendre.which flows into the Scheldt
east of Ghent from the south. A Taube had flown
over Ghent and dropped — for a wonder — not a
bomb but a proclamation. On the morning of
the 9th Uhlans were repulsed by some Belgian
cyclists at Quatrecht, but, later in the day,
German field artillery opened on what remained
of the village of Melle, which three weeks before
had been visited by the Kaiser's professional
mcendiaries. Quatrecht and Melle were south
of the Scheldt and east of the Lys.
Bj' 5 p.m. the Belgian artillery was over-
powered and withdrawn, and a column of
German infantry pushed forward. Passing under
a long railway bridge they were mown down by
some Belgians in ambush.
Nor was that the end of the Belgian successes.
Batteries of quick-firing guns had been quietly
brought up into positions from wliich they could
enfilade the German guns. Suddenly they
opened fire and the hostile batteries were put
out of action. More guns were moved forward
by the enemy, and at midnight the Germans
renewed the battle. Fmally, in the early hours
of the morning of October 10 the Belgians
marched tlu'ough Melle, fired on the Landsturm
troops entrenched in the fields to the east of the
village, and charged them with the bayonet.
The Germans fled, losing heavily in dead,
wounded and prisoners.
The next day (Sunday) the people of Ghent
s[)ent in peace and at liberty. The streets were
filled with refugees. As Ghent and Bruges were
to Belgium what Verona and Venice were to
Italy, it had been decided to give the demolishers
of Louvain and Mahnes and the bombarders of
Antwerp, Reims, Arras, Lille no excuse for the
exercise of theu* pecuUar talents for destruction.
Ghent and Bruges were to be left open cities ;
the town m which ]\Iaeterlinck had been born
was to be surrendered on the morrow to the
followers of the Kaiser.
On Monday, October 12, three German
officers m a motor-car drove up to the Hotel
de Ville, and arranged with the Burgomaster
for the " peaceful occupation." After the
motor-car came some cyclist soldiers, next
troops of cavalry. An hour later the German
flag was hoisted over the Hotel de Ville.
From Ghent one body of Germans proceeded
to Bruges. Half way between the two cities — at
Ursel, to the north of the Canal de Ghent —
there was a brief engagement. Another force
marched by Thielt towards Thourout and
Roulers.
At 2 p.m. on October 14, forty cyclist
soldiers rode into Bruges, and some of them tore
down the British and French flags from the
Hotel de Ville. Out of derision they left the
Belgian flag flying. The "All-highest" had
A BELGIAN FIRING LINE.
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
FRENCH CITIZENS TAKEN PRISONERS BY THE BAVARIANS.
not proclaimed himself King of Belgium ! The
day before, at 8.30 a.m., the Belgian Govern-
ment, the personnel and families of the Ministers,
had sailed for Havre ; the King and the Minister
of War remained behind. To receive the
exiled Goverimient the French Minister of
Marine had left Bordeaux for Havre. The
official announcement was made in the following
terms :
The Belgian Government, finding no longer in Belgium
the necessary freedom for the full exercise of its authority,
asked for the hospitality of France, and indicated a wish
to transfer its residence to Havre. The Government of
the Republic replied at once that, even as it made no
distinction in its solicitude for the Belgian and French
Armies, so it would heartily receive the Belgian Govern-
ment and would assure it full sovereign rights and the
complete exercise of its authority and governmental
duties.
It had been arranged that the Belgian
Govermnent should have the same rights at
Havre as were accorded by Italy to the Pope
under the Law of Guarantees. The King of
the Belgians thanked M. Poincar6 :
" We await," he telegraphed, " the hour of
mutual victory with unshakable confidence.
Fighting side by side for a just goal, our courage
will never fail."
The Belgian Prime Minister, M. de Broque-
ville, at the same time assured M. Viviani
that Belgium, who sacrificed everything for
the defence of honesty, honour, and liberty,
regretted nothing.
Bruges seized, the Germans rushed on the sea-
side resorts of Belgium from Ostend, the Monte
Carlo of the North Sea, to the picturesque httle
village of Knocke, with its golf greens. Ostend
and Zeebrugge (connected with Bruges by a
ship caiial) were the termini of the Belgians
escaping to England ; those flying to France
were pouring either along the coast from
Ostend through Nieuport and Fumes to
Dunkirk, or by the more inland roads.
Never before this war had such sights been
seen. Ever since 1870-1 the French, who had
then learnt the real nature of those Prussians
idolLsed by Carlyle and his school, had been
expecting the Prussians to commit atrocities.
But living Belgians as yet had had no experience
of Prussian Kullur in war-time.
Remembering this fact, picture the scene
at Ostend. Of those unable to bear arms, some
with stoical resignation were awaiting an in-
vader who at any moment might behave as he
had behaved at Louvain, Malines, or Termondo.
The remainder, abandoning businesses whicli
they had built up, Icavijig the posts which
asstu-ed their livelihoods, snatched up a few
clothes and portable objects of \altu>.
escaped with their womenfolk and childnn
8
THE TIMES HISTOBY OF THE WAR.
A SUSPECTED SPY STOPPED BY GERMANS OUTSIDE BRUSSELS.
from the houses which had sheltered them,
leaving their furniture, objects of art, trinkets,
books, letters, pictures, portraits, photographs,
which meant so much to them, to be stolen,
destroyed, or defiled by the German house-
breakers. The rich, who had no money
invested out of reach of the Germans and their
Allies were, unless they had had the prescience
to convert their wealth into gold and silver or
jewels, reduced to the level of the poor.
On the quays at Ostend, and in the Square
fronting the Gare Maritune, were collected old
men, women, children, infants in arms, town-
folk, farmers, peasants, waiting under the
drizzling rain to be shipped in the chilly month
of October to an island of whose inhabitants
but few spoke French, and hardly any Flemish.
They embarked on trawlers, fishing smacks,
even row boats, as well as on steamers. Between
dawn and 9 a.m. of October 13 a vast crowd
awaited the mail boats. The arrival of the
ships Avas the signal for a frantic rush to board
them. Hundreds jmnped from the landing
stages on to the decks. Cliildren were separated
from their inotliers ; wi\-es from their husbands ;
the old were trampled on. It was like the
stampede which takes place in a theatre on the
cry of " fire."
Overhead flew a German biplane, whose
occupants coolly inspected the horrible scene
below. After gratifying their curiosity they
departed to observe what was happening at
Zeebrugge.
When the last boat put off (October 14), the
scene was indescribable. Nearly 4,000 parsons,
mostly women and children, were gathered in
and round the boat station. Many of them
had tasted neither food nor drink for twentj^-
foor hoLU-s. As the boat pushed off there was
a wild rush, and several persons were flung
forward into the water between the pier and
the ship's side and were drowned.
A Times correspondent witnessed the heart-
breaking spectacle on October 14 :
Ostend had a great alarm this morning, and the panic
at the time I write is much worse than yesterday.
This morning two mail boats had cleared loaded to
the gunwales with a varied human freight, when certai i
persons among the crowds on the quays forced thoir
way through the struggling mass shouting out that all
the remaining vessels in the port had been requisitioned
to carry oS the wounded soldiers, hundreds of whom
had been hurried in from Knocke, Blankenberghe. Coq,
and other coast villages between Ostend and the Dutch
border, and so save them from falling into the clutchss
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
of the Germans. The alarmists — they were both men
and women — added that the enemy had already occupied
Bruges, and was marching on Ostend in force. Women
fainted, children shrieked, and men ran hither and
thither as if possessed. Only when three more steamers
drew alongside and the people were permitted to board
them without any such formalities as ticket examina-
tion and production of passports did the terror abate.
To make matters worse, the familiar Taube made its
morninc; call, and dropped a bomb. This fell in the
Rue Peter Bsnoit, close to a group of refut^ees, who
scattered in all directions. LuckUy no one was injured.
To-day practically nobody remains in the hotels, and
the shopkeepers are putting up their shutters. Hun-
dreds of woimded — those on the way to recovery — have
crossed to England to-day, but a large number remain
with few Red Cross people to care for them, and to add
to their misery and that of the town in general food has
become very scarce.
One of the War Correspondents left for
England in a paddle-wheel steam-tug. Nomially
it took 50 ; that night it had to accommodate
200 or 300 persons. At 9 p.m. the passengers
went on board. There was neither light nor
food nor shelter ; rain swept in from the sea ;
a heavy mist penetrated everywhere. Not
till 7 a.m. was a start made. Then the pilot
remembered that he had left behind him his
wife and children. The tug returned and was
made fast to a large mud barge. At last, with
the pilot's wife and her belongings, which
included a pet dog and a canary, they put out
again, and it was then discovered that the
compass was out of order. Fortunately the sea
was calm, and by following another vessel the
tug reached Folkestone in safety.
But all could not obtain passages for England.
AVlien day broke (October 15) men and women
sat shivering on the Digue, some reading the fol-
lowing proclamation :
Fellow citizens, countrymen ! For two months ai.d
a half, at an heroic price, the Belgian soldiers have
defended inch by inch their homeland. The enemy
counted on the annihilation of our Army, but a retreat
cariied out in admirable order has, at the same time,
wrecked his hopes and assured to us the conservation of
our military forces, who will continue to fight to the
bitter end for the highest and most just of causes.
From now onwards our Army in conjunction with the
Allies will operate on the southern frontier. Thanks to
this valorous cooperation the triumph of right is certain.
To the sacrifices already made and accepted by the
Belgian nation is added another. So as better to bring
to nauglit the designs of the invader the Belgian Govern-
ment has provisionally established itself in a place
where on the one hand it may rest in contact with the
Army, and on the other, with the help of France and
England, it may better exercise and continue the
national sovereignty. That is why it has left Ostend,
carrying with it the memory of the warm reception that
town extended to it. The Belgian Government goes to
Havre, where the noble friendship of the French Republic
willpermitit at the same time the fullness of its sovereign
rights and the complete exercise of its authority and its
duty.
This momentary tribulation to which our patriotism
ought to yield will have, we are convinced, a prompt
revenge. The public services in Belgium will continue
in such measure as the local circumstances may permit.
The King and the Government count on the wisdom of
your patriotism. On your side count on the ardent
devotion, on the valour of our Army, ami the help of
the Allies to hasten the hour of the common deliverance.
Our dear country, so odiously treated by one of the
Powers which had sworn to guarantee our neutrality,
has excited an astonished admiration throughout the
entire world. Thanks to the unanimity, the courage,
and the clear-sightedness of all our children, she will
remain worthy of that admiration which comforts her
to-day. To-morrow she will emerge from her tribula-
tion greater and more beautiful, having suffered for the
justice and for the honour of civilization itself.
Long live Belgium. Free and Independent.
A Belgian galloped up shouting : " The Ger-
mans are coming. The Germans are coming."'
A lieutenant and six Uhlans trotted into
the central square ; behind them was a
detachment of twenty cyclists. Half-an-hoiu-
later General von der Goltz, the ex-trainer of
the Turkish Army, author of " The Nation in
Arms," and Governor of Belgium, motored in,
and soon after left with the Burgomaster
for Bruges. The day afterwards Ostend was
filled with German officers and soldiers. The
3rd German Reserve Corps was quartered in
or around it, and forty officers of the Staff were
feasting at the Hotel Royal du Phare. Magnums
of looted champagne and quarts of stolen
Burgundy " lined the centre of the two long
tables."
GENERAL MAUD'IIUY (right)
Talking to a French officer.
10
THF TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
BRITISH TROOPS AT OSTEND.
Simultaneously with the exodus to England
by boat, there had been an exodus on foot or
on wheels to France. Vehicles of all sorts,
crowded with hmnan beings or piled high with
their belongings, had been rolling along the
muddy, cobbled roads to the French frontier.
An endless stream of men, women, and childi-en,
sopked to the skin by the incessant rain, some
with their clothes reduced to rags, sleeping for
the most part in the fields, unfed, unwashed,
their feet lacerated by their unwonted exertions,
straggled slowly across the border. How many
died, how many were crippled for life, how many
lost their reason will probably never be known.
Behind, or among the fugitives, marched or
rode what remained of the heroic Belgian Army.
As early as October 12 the vanguard passed
through Fiu-nes. A Times correspondent on
that day saw it defiling through the streets of
the little town.
I have just returned from Fumes, the first town
across the Belgian frontier on the road to Ostend. There
I met the head of the army. They began to arrive
yesterday between 5 and 6 in trains, in trams, and by
road, and completely upset the Sunday evening calm of
the little town. The people were just trickling out of
church, and the priest and his surpliced choir boys were
slowly walking in procession across the square when the
first transport motor-cars arrived. Then came a Red
Cross detachment, a mixed bodj' of soldiers, civilians, and
priests, who had come by tram from Ostend ; they were
followed by the troops themselves, and an hour later the
little square with its high crow-stepped gables was
crammed with parked autonmobiles, and a steady stream
of infantry, wagons, and guns was moving by in the
lamplight.
Most of the troops had marched out of Antwerp three
days ago. The town wa^ becoming untenable and a field
army could do nothing. " We have done our best," the
soldiers kept saying. There was little sign of demoraliza-
tion among them. The infantry in particular seemed
glad to be out of Antwerp, where they were at the mercy
of the Germans' big guns, and to have a chance of
meeting them again in the open. Fighting is all very
well, but sitting in a trench without firing a shot, while
100 lb. shells come shrieking over six or seven miles of
country to kill and bury you at the same time, is a
depressing occupation. Such, at least, was what the
infantry felt, and they were glad to have done with it.
All the coast district from here to Ostend is crowded
with refugees who have fled from Antwerj) to Ghent,
from Ghent to Ostend, and are now making their way
into France. The French Consulate at Furnes was
besieged by hvmdreds of people waiting to get their
passports vi/id. As the railway is now entirely reserved
for military purposes, the roads are black with travellers
in every sort of vehicle. Many of them have no fixed
idea of where they are going, and move on from place
to place wherever they can find beds. Several thousand
are stranded at Panne, a little village on the dunes near
Furnes. for the sole reason that it is the terminus of a
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
11
local tramway, and once thcro they can get no further
without going back the way they came.
Others are going to Calais in order to take the boat
to England. Again and again I have been anxiously
questioned by poor people about the price of living in
England, and as to where it would be best to go. I have
es.sured them that everything would be done to help
them in England, and that those who had not frienda
there already to go to would speedily find them.
A portion of the Belgian Army halted on the
Yser and faced the hated foe ; the rest retired
into France. " You can imagine," wrote a
Belgian officer to a friend, " with what grief I
crossed the frontier, followed by my squadrons,
and left our native soU. I do not even hide
from you the fact that I rode ahead of my Staff
so that they might not witness my emotion.
But let us hope," he added, " that God may give
us the happiness to recross it, driving before us
these slave-merchants of the twentieth century."
Though the uniforms of the Belgian soldiers
were caked with mud or soddened with rain, and
their boots and gaiters were adliering to their
swollen feet, though the plight of Belgian
civilians was a miserable one, all alike, from
their King downwards to the boy of eleven
who was observed riding on a tall horse and
smiling to the passers-by, were resolved to
assist the French and British now hurrying up to
avenge the outrages committed by the " slave-
merchants " from beyond the Rhine. But for
a time nine-tenths of Belgium was left to the
mercy of her enemies.
Here one criticism may be safely ventured on
the German strategy. Before Sir Henry Ra\\ lin-
son's force landed at Ostend and Zeebrugge
there appears to have been nothing but the
two French Territorial Divisions and some
cavalry roimd Dunkirk to prevent a Gennan
Army crossing the Lys between Ghent and
Courtrai and advancing tlirough Roulers and
Thourout on Bruges and Ostend. Even after
the British IV. Corps (minus the 8th Division
which was not yet mobilised) had issued from
Bruges, the German leaders, considering the
railway and road facilities and the motor
traction at their disposal, ought to have been
able to concentrate between the Lys and the
Belgian coast overwhelming forces. Had they
done so and the movement been properly timed,
they might have occupied Ostend and Bruges
before, or inmaediately after, the fall of Antwerp.
In that case it is difficult to see how the
Belgian Army and its British auxiliaries could
have escaped destruction or capture.
To have permitted the mass of the Army
defending Antwerp to retire to the line Ghent-
Selzaete may have been pardonable. Until
Antwerp was actually taken the garrison could
not be pursued through the city, and to cut
A BELGIAN ARMOURED TRAIN.
12
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
thoir retreat by crossing the Scheldt between
Antwerp and Ghent in face of desperate troops
well supplied with artillerj^ was no light under-
taking. But it was a different matter to
traverse the undefended Lys and move over the
easy country from that river to the environs of
Bruges and Ostend.
Two explanations for the strange behaviour
of the German General or Generals may be
hazarded. They undoubtedly overestimated
the numbers of the French troops spread out
from Dunkirk to Lens ; they may have imagined
that Lord Kitchener would pour a much larger
force than he actually did into Ostend and
Zeebrugge. The overestimate of the French
forces resulted from a variety of causes.
One of the chief advantages with which the
Germans had started the war had been that the
countries invaded by them were swarnaing with
the Kaiser's spies — often in the possession of
wireless installations. By October, however,
the nmnber of spies and traitors within the
Allied lines could have been but small. The
Belgian and French officers and officials had
not played with espionage ; among German
spies the mortality had been very high ; and
shot or hanged spies could not quickly be
replaced.
From Belgians and Frenchmen no reliable
information could be obtained by the Germa;ns.
The latter's ferocity, greed, and insolence had
united their neighbours against them to an
extent wliich would never have been credited
before the war. Cosmopolitan Socialists and
Republicans had become the bitterest ojjpo-
nents of the Germans. A rigid censorshijj of
letters, postcards, and telegrams had, too,
minimized the chances of useful information
with regard to the Allied Forces reaching Berlin
through Great Britain or neutral countries.
The German leaders had now to rely for
their knowledge of the Allied movements
mainly on the reports of their cavalry, auto-
mobolists, cyclists, and airmen. Unfortunately
for them the German cavalry woiild seldom in
equal nmnbers face the British or French, and
the Allies, although badly provided with
armoured motor-cars at the outset of the war,
had in October a sufficiencj'^ of land cruisers to
render the expeditions of German automobilists
in advance of the main bodies very dangerous. *
We have seen that the British IV. Corps was
* See an interesting article, " La Guerre en Auto-
mobiles," in the Lectures pour Tous of January 15,
1915.
accompanied by several armoured cars, which
rendered an excellent account of themselves.
As for aeroplane reconnaissance : the French
and British aviators were more than a matcli
for the Germans, and the scouts on " Taubes,"
when reconnoitring, found it more and more
difficult to survey at their leisure the country
beneath them. Even when undisturbed by
enemy air-craft or fire from below the aerial
observer, however skilled, was liable to make bad
mistakes. In August, when the days were
long, the weather fine, and the air clear, watching
from the skies had been comparatively easy.
But the nights were lengthening, rain coming
down, and mists and fogs covered the surface
of the ground. The leaves had not j'et fallen,
and were turning the colour of khaki, and so the
woods afforded considerable cover.
For all these reasons the German Staff could
not see clearly the forces opposed to them on
the huge chessboard. Taken prisoner in the
fighting round Dixmude, which will be described
in a subsequent chapter, a Prussian Major asked
his captors the number of the forces opposed
to the Germans at that point.
" Forty thousand, I suppose ? " he queried.
" Yes, yes," answered a French officer,
indicating by his manner that he was not
answering the question.
"But tell me how many," pleaded the
German.
" Six thousand," was the suave reply.
The other burst into tears.
" Ah ! if we had known ! " he cried.*
The strategy of Joffre and his Ueutenants also
mj'^stified the Germans.
" I have attacked the Germans to make
them believe that I was in force," said General
d'Urbal, referring to the fighting in the first
fortnight of October. " T have multipUed the
actions, I have harassed them day and night
without giving them a moment's rest. Mean-
while, my army was being formed ; each day
reinforcements were reacliing me."
The other explanation why the Germans pro-
ceeded with so much caution and by the wrong
route to Ostend and Bruges is that they could
not read into Lord Kitchener's mind and know
what forces he was sending to Ostend and Zee-
brugge. Mr. Winston Churchill's presence at
Antwerp must have suggested to them that the
British set immense importance on the retention
by the Allies of that city and a fortiori on the
* Lectures pour Tous, January 15, 1915, p. 426.
THE TIMES HISTOBY OF THE WAB.
13
A BRITISH HEAVY GUN.
The markings are daubs of paint which help to render the gun invisible.
holding of Ostend and Zeebrugge, from wliicii
submarines and aircraft could operate in the
Straits of Dover and the estuaries of the
Thames and Medway. That the First Lord of
the Admiralty should have rushed away from
tlie most responsible duties to lead Marines iu
Antwerp must, it may be surmised, have made
the Staff officers round the Kaiser pause.
Since 1807 the military policy of Prvissia had
been always to run no excessive, no avoidable
risks. The Prui-:sian Ai"my did not desert
Xapoleon I. until they were aware that nearly
the whole of the Grande .\rmee had jierishecl
in Russia. Even then they waited for t)ie
advancing legions of the Czar to arrive. The
Prussians had attacked Denmark in 18(>4, but
they had the Austrian Army supporting them ;
they attacked Austria in 18(>6, after Bismarck
had induced Italy to help thorn and Napoleon
III. to remaiii neutral. In 1870 IJismarck
had Moltke's and Roon's assurance that the
German Armies were immeasurably supei'ior
to the {""rcnch, and the Czar's promise that
Russia would not permit Francis .losepli to
assist Napoleon 111. In the light of subsequent
events it may seem strange, but there can V)e
no doubt that the Kaiser and his oilicers had
entered on the Great War in the fiiiu belief
that they would break up the French in the
first three weeks of the struggle.
To calculating schemers of the Prussian
type unexpected moves were most distiu-binir.
The regret felt by the Germans that a civilian
was not British Minister of War must at this
moment have been intepj5e. Unable to surmise
their astute and experienced adversary's hand,
unable to look over his or Jof^re's shoulder, they
hesitated, played for safety, and the oppor-
tunity of capturing or annihilating tlie Belgian
army and the British IV. Corps was lost for
ever. They had to content themselves with
having obtained an unfortilied post, Ostend.
70 miles distant from Doxcr. which foruicd
the first milestone on the road to London.
But though the enemy's army had escapnl,
the conquest of the Belgian coast line between
Ostend andliie Dutch frontier, the ncqui.sitioi.
of Ostend, of Zeebrugge, and th(> ship canal
from Zeebrugge to Bruges, of the Canal div
Ghent, of the Scheldt from (ihent to Antwerp,
and of the railways from .Antwerp to the coast.
were from th(> i'an-German jjoint of view i\<>
mean achicxcmcnts. Tin- Kai-cr liad perfDrnu-d
part of hi< coMtr.ict. 'I'iic Gi-rmans liad l>e<-u
14
THE TIMES HISTOBY OF THE WAE.
ON THE GERMAN LINE OF COMMUNICATIONS.
content to leave their liberties in liis hands on
the understanding that he would deprive the
British of the command of the sea. From
Eniden, Wilhelmshaven, Bremerhaven, Heligo-
land, Cuxhaven, and the mouths of the Elbe and
Kiel Canal to strike at the British Fleet, to raid
the British naval bases, to invade the British
coast, l\ad hitherto been proved to be imprac-
ticable.
Ostend and Zeebrugge once gained, all
attempts of this kind might be feasible. The
German " High Seas Fleet " being intact sub-
marines could be transported to Zeebrugge,
or built there ; boats and barges for the
transport of troops to Kent or Essex might be
accumulated in the watervvay.s between Aj\\-
^^'erp and the coast, as Napoleon had done a
hundred and ten years before.
Abo\-e all, a convenient base for aeroplanes.
Zeppelins, and Par.sevals, which might bombard
Portsmouth, Dover, Chatham, Harwich and
London, had been annexed.
CHAPTER XLVIII.
THE ADVANCE ON YPRES
The Plan of the Allied Advance — The French Cavalry Cross the i-,Ys— The Attack
ON the German Line between Kstaires and La Bassee — The Field of Battle — The Batti.I';
OF La Bassee — The Fall of Lille — The Movement osi Ypres — Actions of Meteren and
Mont-des-Cats — Occupation of Ypres, Bailletjl. and Armentieres — Attempt to Cross
the Lys near Menin — End of the Allied Offensive.
WHILE the Belgian Army was with-
drawing to the banks of the Yser
and the British IV. Corps (Sir
Henry Rawhnson's) was protect-
ing the flank of the retiring divisions by occu-
pying the country between Bruges and Ypres,
the third attempt of General Joi^re to turn the
right wing of the main German army was in
progress. Lille, the importance of which to the
French was explained in Chapter XLVL,
p. 479, had been bombarded on October 10.
As detachments of Germans had passed west-
ward between this town and the Lys and were
to the north of the St. Omer-Aire-Bethune-La
Bassee-I.iille Canal in the vicinity of Merville,
and as the right wing of the army opposing
Maud'huy extended to La Bassee, Ijille ran the
risic of being completely isolated and its garrison
of French Territorials captured. To obviate
this disaster the offensive had pronijjtly to be
resumed. It had been brought to a standstill
after Maud'hiiy's unsuccessful advance through
Arras.
For a renewed offensive there were available
on the 9th the skeleton army of General d'Urbal
based on Dunkirk and the British 7th Infantry
Division and IJrd Cavalry Division round
Bruges. Ypres was in the hands of the Ger-
mans and the latter were operating on both
banks of the Upper Lys. The comparatively
small Allied forces north of the Lys were,
therefore, fully employed, and the only
hope for Lille lay in the now rapidly-
approaching II., III. and Cavalry Corps of the
British Expeditionary Force coming from tlie
Aisne.
It will be remembered that on tlie 8tli General
Foch had arranged at Doullens with Sir John
French that Sir Horace Smith-Dorrien with the
II. Corps should arrive on the line Aire-
Bethune by the 11th. This corps was to
prolong Maud'huy's Army to the north and,
pivoting on the French position to the west of
La Bassee, attack in flank the German troops
stationed there. The Cavalry Corps under
General Allenby, of which the 2nd Division
(General Gough's) had marched from Com-
piegne on October 3, was, with (Jeneial
Conneau's Cavalry Corps, to protect Sir Horace
Smith-Dorrien's left flank from the attack of
the Germans north and south of the l.,ys.
When the III. Corps (GeJieral Pulteney's) \uni
detrained at St. Omer, north of the Lys, wliich
would not be till the 12th, Allenby — but not
Conneau — was to move to rulteney's U-ft
wing. General d'Urbal's 87th and 8!)t li 'l\ii i-
torial Divisions under GenerrJ Bidon, to l)t'
supported later by foiu* French Cavaln 1 )ivi.sn)ns
16
16
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
under General de Mitry, the British Cavalry
Corps and the III. Corps were to sweep the
Germans east of the line Dixmude-Ypres-
Comines and effect a junction with the British
IV. Corps (Sir Homy RawHnson's) and the
Belgian Army. Into JJixmude wore to be
thrown a ))ody of French ^Marines under Rear-
Admiral Rornarc'h ; into Nieuport, at the
mouth of the Yser. a division of French troops
commanded by General Grossetti.
Obviously, this ])lan for the employment of
the British Expeditionary Force — 7ni)ius the
I. Corps (Sir Douglas Haig's), which it was
calculated \\ ould not reach St. Onier till about
October 19 — contemplated, besides the saving
of Lille, the probability that the Germans north
of the Lys might make a rush for Calais and
Dunkirk or endeavour to envelop and destroy
the British IV. Corps and the Belgian Army
retiring behind it. Otherwise the Corps of
AUenby and Pulteney would have remained
south of the Lys, and supported Smith-Dorrien
in his advance on Lille.
Foch's decision to leave Smith-Dorrien with
Maud'huy to save, if they could, Lille, was a
wise one. The misty weather had hampered
aerial reconnaissance, and the numbers of the
Germans north of the Lys could only be guessed.
Weighed against the preservation of the Belgian
Army, of RawHnson's Corps, the forces of
d'Urbal, of Calais and Dunkirk, the safety of
Lille and its garrison had to be subordinated to
the major interests of France and the Allies.
The stakes were too tremendous for senti-
mental reasons connected with Lille to affect
Joffre and Foch. Nearly the whole of Belgium
had been overrun by the Germans and, accord-
ing to M. Clemenceau, Count Bernstorff, the
Cierman Ambassador at Washington, had de-
clared that the only conditions of peace whieli
the Kaiser would grant to France were :
1. The cession to Germany of all the territory north
and east of a straight line drawn from the mouth of the
Sonime to Lyons — in other words, the redviction of
millions of French men and women to a worse position
than that of the Alsatians before the war ; the loss of
some of the most venerated places and monuments in
France — e.fjr., the battlefields of Valmy and Montmirai!,
the Cathedral of Reims and the cottage of Joan of Are ;
the acquisition by the Germans of the rich coal coimtry
round Lille, of the vineyards of Champagne and Bur-
gundy, and the extension of the German frontier to the
outskirts of Paris and Lyons.
2. The surrender to Gennany of Algiers, Timis, and
all other French Colonies, and also the French Pro-
tectorate of Morocco.
S. The payment to Germany of a War Indemnitv of
£400,000,000.
4. The transfer to Germany of ."J.OOO.OOO rifles, .3,000
guns, and 40.000 horses ; the dismantling of all French
fortresses, and the suppression of recruiting in France
for twenty-five years.
5. .A.n alliance with {jcrmany against Great Britain
and Russia, and a cominereial treaty with Germany
for twenty-five years. Under the commercial treaty,
(Jennan merchandise was to enter France free of duty,
and Kronch patent fees were not to be payable by
(iermans.
Wlu'ther M. CU-menceau were ill-inlormed or
not as to Coimt B(?rnstorff's statements, there
could be little doubt that if the Allies were
defeated and France conquered, a treat\- on
some such lines as the above would be imjjosed
on the French. " France," had written General
Bernhardi, " nuist be so completely crushed
that she can never again cross our path.'
On October 9, 2,000 French Dragoons from
Aire were ordered by General Conneau to dis-
lodge the German cavalry lining the south bank
of the Lys from Mer\'ille to Estaires, The
crossings at those places were covered by
machine guns, and after sunset they were
illuminated by searchlights. The French com-
mander assembled his men on the north bank
at a point west of Merville where the current
was very swift and the water deep. The Ger-
mans had regarded the river as unfordable at
this point, but a trooper who was a good
swimmer stripped and. pulling after him a
light line, swam to the right bank. The line
at the other end was tied to a heavy rope and
when the diipping soldier stepped out of the
water he hauled the rope across and fastened
it securely to the trunk of a tree. The other
end was similarly secured and, assisted by the
rope, the men on horseback filed one by one
across the river during the night. At daybreak
(October 10) the w^hole force had passed safely
and the hostile horsemen retired in the direction
of Estaires.*
The character of the fighting in ^\hich
Conneau' s Cavalry was engaged was ^\ell
* It was east of Estaires, at Sailly, that Lieutenant
Wallon the well-known rider, fell a victim to German
perfidy. He was advancing with .some Dragoons ta
seize the crossing of the Lys at that point. Some
distance from the village which was held by the Germans
the party entrenched itself. They beat off an attack
and shot several German scouts. Soon eleven "' pea.-
sants " with picks and spades over their shoulders were
-een moving towards the French. When these
" peasants " were within 40 yards or so of the trenches,
they suddenly dropped their stolen implements and
drawing concealed revolvers emptied them into the
French, while their comrades in front of the \illage
opened a general fusilade. A ball struck Lieutenant
Wallon in the chest. He dropped to the ground.
Sergeant Rossa, in spite of the woimded man's protests,
dragged him to the rear and placed him on a cart.
Shortly after he expired. The eleven " peasants " were
shot and the village taken.
THE TIMES HISTOBY OF THE WAR.
17
FRENCH INFANTRY GUARDING THE RAILWAY LINES SOUTH OF LA BASSEE.
described in the Standard on the authority of
a ^\ ounded French ofHicer. " There are no
longer," he said, "massed charges in \vhicli
tlioiisands of men collide in formidable shock,
hut cngagonients of detail, in which ruse and
decision play the greatest part. The side which
succeeds in surprising the other, in filtering
through its lines, in gaining ground without
arousing the attention of the enemy, obtain^
an indisputable advantage." He illustrated
the point by two examples.
A regiiucTit of Fren<h Cavalry wius deputeil
to cross from the south to the north bank of the
Lys. The Gennan.s had here broken down tlie
IS
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
GERMAN PRISONERS IN CHARGE OF SPAHIS.
bridges and their giuxs commanded all the
fords. In the middle of the night a reservist,
and four troo}:er-;. like the Dragoon who swana
across the Lys between Aire and ]\Ierville,
plunged into the river at a spot where it was
\mfordable. They reached tlie left bank and
installed cables which permitted a bridge to be
rapidly constructed. An hovir later the whole
regiment was north of the Lys.
The other incident occurred between La
Bassce and Estaires. At dawn some 600
l^lilajis, taking advantage of a thick fog,
occupied one among the numerous villages
tliat stretch like a chain from the La Bassee-
Lille Canal to the Lys. A captain, with the
officer who told the storj', was sent with 80
Cuirassiers to reconnoitre. In half an hour they
were tliree hundred yards from the village, and
halted. Dismounting, a sergeant and four men
crept forward through the dense fog. They
found the Uhlans camped in the streets or
resting m the houses. On hearing this the
Cuirassiers resumed their march. Suddenly a
(jlerman patrol appeared through the fog. It
was immediately captured, and the French rode
on. Close up to the village church the French
captain gave the order to charge. The Germans
offered little resistance ; many were killed and
\\ ounded ; 2.50 were made prisoners ; the rest fled.
This example shows the repeatedly-proved
inferiority of the German Cavalry to that of the
Allies, which was, indeed, one of the most
marked features of the war.
The French and British Cavalry habitually
routed the vaunted German horsemen. Re-
membering the past history of the Prussian
Cavalry, an explanation is not diflficult. Cavalry
is an arm particularly liable to impressions.
On the results of the fu'st collisions largely
depend the futiu-e conduct of the arm. Thus
it was that Frederick's cavalry won for him
the battles of the Soor, Hohenfriedberg and
Rosbach. For the above reason forty years
later it \\ent down before the French horse at
Auerstadt and Jena like corn before the sickle,
and made no further effort during the war.
It cut but a sorry figure in 186G, but in 1870
did good service. In this war the encounters
of the German with the British Cavalry were
a revelation to the former. Their previous
training led them to think themselves invincible.
The belief was as erroneous as it was in 180(),
and, after the first few shocks, they seldom tried
to meet the British cavalry, and nearly always
tied before them. The same was true when
they were opposed to the French. The moral
of their opponents was superior to theirs, and
this was because the individual men were
more rationally trained, better led and better
manaPu\Ted.
Conneau's Dragoons were south of the Lys
on the 10th. The next day (October 11)
THE TIMEIS HISTORY OF THE WAR.
19
General Gough with the 2nd C'a\iilry Division
cleared the German cavalry from some woods
north of the Bethune-Airo ('anal. The
Division i^laced itself astride the Lys, its right
wing in touch with the left of the II. Corps,
which had crossed the canal and was moving
in a north-easterly direction. Goiigh's left
joined hands with the Divisional Cavalry of the
(itli Infantry Division (III. Corps) near Haze-
brouck.
The right of the German front rested on
I\[ont-des-Cats, a hill some 500 feet high " from
which radiate spurs like fingers from the jjalm
of the hand " * at the western end of the long
ride south-west of Ypres. Mont-des-Cats is
opposite the little hill on which stands Cassel,
and is eight miles or so north-east of Haze-
brouck and a little to the south of a straight
line drawn from Cassel to Yj)res. From Mont-
des-Cats the German line ran south through
Meteren to Estaires on the Lys and from Es-
taires due south for three miles tlu-ough very
intricate country. It then tiu-ned slightly to
the south-east, " passing about three miles
east of Bethune " tlirough La Bassee to Ver-
melles. West of the German front were de-
tached bodies of cavalry and infantry. It was
* The Eve-witness, October 17.
with some of these that the French dragf)ons
who had crossed the Lys above Merville and
General Gough's cavah-y had come in contact.
The task allotted to Sir Horace Smith -
Dorrien with the 11. Corps was to pierce
through the German line between Estaires
on the Lys and La Bassee ; he would be aided
by Conneau's Cavah-y Corps on his left. The
-Vllied troops were then to wheel to the right
against the right flank of the Germans en-
trenched round La Bassee, which would thus
be exposed, while, to hold the latter fast.
Maud'huy was to attack them in front.
The locality in which Sir Horace was to
operate was the " Black Country " of France,
" similar," as Sir John French observes, " to
tliat usually fomid in manufacturing districts
and covered with mining works, factories,
buildings, &c." The desperate and bloody
Battle of Charleroi (August 21-2) had been
fought under analogous circumstances.
Like the rest of the plain of the Scheldt, the
country was very flat. The word " plain,"
however, which is associated with long and
uninterrupted views, does not convey an ade-
quate idea of the district between the Lys
and the Bethune-La Bassee-Lille Canal. The
military Eye-witness at the British Headquartei-s
sketched the landscape in graphic language.
MACHINE GUN SECTION GUARDING A ROAD.
20
22
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
BRITISH INFANTRY: EXAMINING ARMS.
" It is mainly," he says, " an industrial region,
and, with its combination of mining and agri-
culture, might be compared to our Black
Country, \vith Fen lands interspersed between
the coal mines and factories. In some direc-
tions the villages are so close together that this
district has been described as one inunense
town, of which the various parts are in some
places separated by cultivation, and in others by
groups of factories bristling with chimneys.
The cultivated portions are very much enclosed,
and are cut up by high, unkempt hedges and
ditches."
Such was the new field of battle as it appeared
to Sir John French and the officer on his Staf¥
who supplied the descriptive accounts of the
movements of the British Expeditionary Force.
The enemy had barricaded themselves in many
of the villages. Nearly all these villages were
defended by a series of narrow, inconspicuous
trenches. Driven from these trenches the
Germans retired into the village itself, the
streets of which were commanded by machine
guns. To hide them from observation these
were often placed in the centre of roo as.
^Vhen the village was in danger of being taken
incendiaries set fire to the houses on the out-
skirts and. under cover of the flames, the
defenders retired to the trenches behind t'.ie
village. If the British or French put the fires
out and themselves occupied the village it \\ as
heavily shelled.
Another difficulty encoimtered was this.
Some of the villages on the line of march were
held, others were left undefended. It was not
imtil the cavalry, cyclists and advance guards
had thoroughly recormoitered a village and, if
it was held, drawn the enemy's fire, that the
troops behind could be brought through it.
The danger of ambushes in this network of
buildings and mounds was very great, and the
ambushes of the past were by no means as
dangerous or as difficult to detect as those of
modern warfare. In 1914: two or three men
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
•23
liidden with a machine giin might destroy a
cohimn of soldiers.
The soldier of 1914 had, in fact, to be as
meticulously vigilant as the n:iodern surgeon.
Behind every embankment, spoil heap, hedge,
in thickets, in houses, cottages, factories, as
well as in villages, might be lurking Germans
with rifles and mitrailleuses. Broad and deep
dykes traversed the fields and meadows betw een
the villages, and, if the troops had to deploy on
either side of a village, farm, or factory, they
were likely to be met by these obstacles, for
the crossing of which planks or ladders had to
be carried.
Sir Jolin French and Sir Horace Smith-
Dorrien were not Hindenburgs and Kluclis.
They regarded the soldiers entrusted to them
as their comrades, and not as " cannon-fodder ";
to attempt to surprise the villages by clothing
their men in the dress of German soldiers or
French peasants or workmen was in the eyes
of British officers dishonourable ; to place
prisoners, much less civilians, in front of a
column of attack was to the Allied leaders as
an abominable crime. The appropriate tactics
from the British and French standpoints was
to deluge the villages and buildings occupied by
the enemy with common shell and shrapnel,
and when the enemy's nerves were shaken and
their machine guns destroyed or buried in the
ruins, to order an attack with the bayonet,
which the Germans seldom faced. Unfor-
tunately, as mentioned, the weather was misty,
and the flatness of the country and its enclosed
nature rendered it very difficult even for
howitzers to find and get the range of a village
unless, indeed, its presence was indicated by a
church or a factory chimney rising above the
trees surrounding it.
Met with such difficulties it might have been
expected that the III. Corps would have halted
on the edge of the " Black Country " or joined
the TI. Corps and the Cavalry Corps to the
north of the Lys ; and, as Lille fell on Octo-
ber 13, it may be plausibly argued that either
course would have been preferable to that
which was actually adopted. Had, however.
Sir Horace Smith-Dorrien not attacked, the
Germans might have poured most of the troops
contained by him across the Lys, employed them
against Sir Heru-y Rawlinson's and General
d'Urbal's forces, and turned the line of the Yser.
Indeed, if the British II. Corps had followed
the III., the Germans between the Lys and
the La Bassee-Lille Canal would have certainlj
been sent to strengthen the front between
Mont-des-CatsandEstaires. Had then, d'Urbal's
Divisions, with the II. and III. Corps and the
Cavalry Corps, been imable to pierce or
turn the German line the lY. Corps (Sir Hem-y
Rawlinson's) might have been caught between
the Germans advancing through Ghent to
Ostend and the army facing d'Urbal and Sir
John French. By thrusting the II. Corps
against the flank of the army engaged in a
desperate struggle with Maud'huy's force
Sir John French destroyed the last chance the
Germans had of oxerw helming Sir Henry Raw-
linson's Corps and the Belgian Army. The
vanguard of the Belgians reached Fumes on
October 12, the day Sir Horace commenced
his attack. Other points had their weight. If
Sir Horace and General ^Nlaud'huy had cleared
the enemy from La Bassee, Lille would have
still svurendered, but the effect of a vict£)ry at
La Bassee might have been decisive on the
long-drawn Battle of Arras. The tenacity
with which the Germans coritinued to hold on
io La Bassee shows tlie importance they
attached to it in their scheme for crushing
3Iaud'huy.
On the other hand, if ^laud'huy had been
driven to the Somme, the main communications
MAJOR-GENERAL H. de la P. COUGH.
•24
THE TIMES HISTOUY OF THE WAR.
NEWS FROM THE FRONT.
Germans in the trenches writing hurried letters home.
of d'Urbal's, Sir John French's and now King
Albert's Army would have been cut, and the
whole of the Allied Forces north of Bethune
would have had to be based on Etaples,
Boulogne, Calais and Dimkirk. Needless to
say, their position would have been most pre-
carious : most, if not all, of the gigantic army
hurled a week or so later by the Kaiser into the
battle which goes by the name of Ypres
would have been directed against them, and,
in the event of defeat, they would have had to
embark at three small ports, an undertaking
M'hich, in the days of guns and howitzers with
a range of from five to ten miles and of sub-
marines and bomb-dropping airships and aero-
planes, might have led to a frightful catas-
trophe. To add Smith-Dorrien's Corps to
Maud'huy's Army and to help Maud'huy to
achieve a victory or to avoid a defeat was,
therefore, the wisest course open to Joffre,
Foch and French. But it led to a terrible
strain being put on the heroic body of troops
who at the Battle of Le Cateau had saved the
British Expeditionary Force from annihilation.
Happily the II. Corps was no longer opposed
by troops of the same quality as those they had
.net in August, nor were the conditions under
which they opposed them so unfavourable.
Judged by the following Order of October 7 to
the German 14th Reserve Corps, the directors
of that vast organisation, the German Army,
-were already experiencing difficulties in feeding
and munitioning the soldiers :
It is notified that the troops must no longer count
on the regular arrival of supplies. They must, there-
fore, utilize the resources of the covintry as much and as
carefully as possible.
'J'he regulation for the use of the iron rations must be
strictly observed.
In spite of all precautions complaints are conlinually
being received that supply and ammunition columns
constantly fail to arrive becaiise they are stopped and
unloaded by unauthorised persons. It is again notified
that only the avithorities to whom the supplies, &p., are
eon--igned have the right to take dehvery of them.
To terrorise the Belgians and the French the
disciples of Bernliardi had relaxed the bonds
of discipline ; they had encouraged the men to
murder, rape, burn, get drunk and loot. It
was not to be expected that, after their de-
baucheries and crimes, the soldiers would
rigidly obey the call of duty and behave with
the carefulness of ordinary men.
The TI. Corps had reached the Aire-
Bethune Canal on October 11. As related, it
crossed the Canal the same day, its left wing
moving in a north-easterly direction. Sir John
French decided that on the 12th this wing was
to be brought up in the direction of JVIerville,
from which the Uhlans had been driven by the
French Dragoons of Conneau's Cavalry Corps,
who had crossed the Lys east of Aire. Sir
Horace Smith-Dorrien was then to move to the
line Laventie-Lorgies. The former place is a
little to the south-east of Estaires, the latter
a few miles to the north of La Bassee. He
would then be threatening the flank of
the army strtiggling with Maud'huy's. On
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAB.
'25
October 12 the 5th Division (Sir Charles
Ferguson's) " connected up " with Maud'huy's
left, north of Annequin, which is south of the
canal and to the west of La Bassee.
To counter this manoeuvre the Grermans
extended their right. The 3rd Division (Sir
Hubert Hamilton's) now d ployed on the left
of the 5th Division and the whole of the II.
Corps advanced to the attack, but, owing to the
obstacles already described, they could make
little headway. Several counter-attacks, how-
ever, were repulsed with heavy loss to the
enemy, who abandoned a number of machine
guns. Conneau's Cavalry Corps joined in the
battle, following the roads between Estaires
tuid Fle.urbaix, Laventie, Vieille Chapelle,
Lacouture and Richeboiu"g. The Germans were
defeated in almost every encovmter. At Vieille
Chapelle the church was bombarded and left
in ruins, and in the kitchen of a house a French
Chassem" engaged in an Homeric contest with
a Uhlan. Thrusting and cutting at the German,
the Frenchman drove him into the backyard,
where both fell mortally wounded. Thej' were
biu-ied in a neighbouring field. Richebom*g
was set on fire by the Germans as they re-
treated. The first bviilding bvuiied was a
factory which gave employment to the village.
On October 13 Sir Horace Smith-Dorrien,
pivoting on Givenchy — a village two miles due
west of La Bassee — wheeled to the south and
endeavoiu-ed to get astride the La Bassee-Lille
road in the neighbourhood of Fournes. Thence
he would menace the enemy's position on the
high ground south of La Bassee. In the course
of the advance, near Pont Fixe, the Dorsets
and other regiments of the 7th Brigade es-
pecially distinguished themselves. They, like
the enemy, were entrenched. During the night
the Germans sapped towards them, and they
towai-ds the Germans. At daybreak a British
shell dropped into and burst in one of the
advance trendies of the enemy. Five Germans
were taken ])risoners. " I saw the fellows,"
wrote a war c orrespondent of the Daily Chronicle,
some days later, " and they undoubtedly
belonged to the last line of the German Reserve.
One felt sorry for them, they looked starved,
dirty and weary to death." The British guns
shelled, and the infantry fired at the (Germans
till 5 p.m., when the latter abandoned ail but
the last trench.
By this time only a ploughed field and a
couple of ditches divided the two infantries,
and the soldiers on cither side could be heard
cursing each other. At last the order was
given to the British to fix bayonets and charge.
^^'ith a yell they rushed forward and, in the
expressive language of a corporal, " dug 'em
out same as you'd dig bully beef out of a can."
Then they rushed for the Aillages behind tiie
trenches, clearing the enemy out and capturing
a mitrailleuse. For two miles the chase con-
tinued.
In the morning of October 14 the battle was
continued, the advance being in the same
direction.
It was on this day that the 3rd Division and
the nation suffered a heavy loss. WTiile riding
along the lines the Commander of that Division,
Sir Hubert Hamilton, was struck by a shrapnel
bullet. He fell from his hor.se and died im-
mediately afterwards. At night he was buried
in the churchyard of the little village of Lacou-
ture, three French Chasseurs being interred
near him. An eye-witness described the scene
to a Times Correspondent :
The darkness of the night was profound and the
mourners had a difficulty in distinguishing the features
of their neit;hl)ours. The group which gathered round
the grave at the entrance of the httle village of Lacouture
included the General Staff of the 3rd British Division,
delegates of the Headquarters Staff, the oiticers of the
II. Army Corps, led by Genera! Smith-Dorrien in person,
and some French officers attached to the British General
Stnff.
GRAVE OF GEN. HUBERT HAMILTON
At Lacouture.
26
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
INDIANS NEAR LA BASSEE.
Owing to the proximity of the enemy absolute silence
was observed, except for the low voice of tho priest,
advantage being taken of a lull in the attack. Just at
the moment when the priest was saying the last pra3'ers
the guns began to roar agam, and projectiles whistled
over the heads of the nnourners. The German attack
was directed from a distance of a few hundred yards.
The moment was well chosen, for the volle\s fired by tl;e
troops of the Allies in honour of the dead, gloriously
fallen for the common cause, were at the same time
volleys of vengeance. Crackling reports of rifles con-
tinued round the ruined church, but the \'oice of the
priest, reciting the last words of the Requiem, lost
nothing of its calm and clearness.
Soldiers in single file acted as an escort to the cemetery
beside the little church, which is now a Tnass of ruins in
consequence of the bombardment.
Afterwards Sir Hubert Hamilton's body was
removed and reburied in his native land.
Among the wreaths on his tomb was one from
Lord Ivitchener. Hamilton had been among
the ablest of Kitchener's pupils ; he had been
liis ^Military Secretary in India, and had shown
marked ability in the retreat from ^lons and
at the battles of the Marne and Aisne.
The death of their leader was avenged by
the 3rd Division on tlie 15th when, as Sir John
French wrote, " they fought splendidly." The
dykes in their way were crossed with planks,
and they " drove the enemy from one en-
trenched position to another in loop-holed
villages.'" By nightfall they had tlirust the
Oennans off the Estaires-La Bassee Road, and
they were established on the line Pont de Ham-
Croix Barbee. On the 16th the left of the
II. Corps was in front of Aubers, wliich was
strongly held. The next day this village was
captured by the 9th Infantrj- Brigade^ and at
dark the village of HerUes, south-east of
Aubers, was carried at the point of the bayonet
after a fine charge. " The Brigade," remarks
Sir Jolin French, " was handled with great
dash by Brigadier-General Shaw." At this
time the beUef was that the II. Corps was
being opposed by a portion of the 14th German
Corps, by several battaUons of Jaegers, and by
the 2nd, 4th, 7th and 9th German Cavalry
Divisions.
With the capture of Herlies the offensive of
Sir Horace Smith-Dorrien came to an end.
The Kaiser was about to begin the counter-
offensive, whicli is known to the public imder
the name of the Battle of Ypres. Sir Horace
Smith-Dorrion had not been able to drive the
Germans out of their position at La Bassee nor
to save Lille.
Before describing the bombardment and
surrender of Lille let us look at some details of
the fighting between the Lys and the canal,
\\liich have some value in completing the
pictvire of the war. The British " Eyewitness "
states :
Parts of the legion where fighting has been in progress
now present, a melancholy aspect. Many of the once
prosperous homesteads and hamlets are literally torn
to pieces, the walls still standing pitted by shrapnel balls,
and in some of the villages the churches are smouldering
ruins. Dead horses, cows, and pigs which have been
caught in tlie hail of shrapnel litter the village sti-eets;.
THE TIMES HISTOBY OF THE WAR.
27
iind among the carcases and (M'lris wander the wretched
inhabitants, who have returned to see what they can
save from the wreckage. Here, blocking up a narrow
side street is a dead horse still harnessed to a trap and
beside it is stretched the corpse of a Jiiger ; close by, in
an enclosure where a shell has found them, lie some thirty
cavalry horses ; a little farther on is laid out a row of
German dead, for whom graves are being dug by the
peasants.
The work of buriul falls to a great extent on the
inhabitants, who, with our soldiers, take no little care in
marking the last resting-places of their countrymen and
their Allies, either by little wooden crosses or else by
flowers. Amidst tVie graves scattered all over the
countryside are the rifle pits, trenches and gun emplace-
ments, which those now resting below the sod helped to
defend or to attack. From these the progress of the
fighting can be traced, and even its nature, for they v'ary
from carefully constructed and cimningly jilaced works
to the hastily sliapeil lair of a German sniper, or the
roadside ditch, with its sides scooped out by the eutronch-
ing implements of our infantry.
The unfortunate inliabitants, too, had to
suffer from friends and foe alike. For the
British had liad to destroy the farms and
cottages which had sheltered a large number
of industrious families.
Sir Horace Smith-Dorrien, we have seen,
began his advance towards Lille on October 11.
But on the 10th the Germans, unable to break
their way into the city, had resorted to their
favourite procedure. They bombarded Lille
with their heavy artillery. The city had been
seized by them in August and a war indemnity
levied on it. It was a flourishing town of over
200,000 inhabitants ; the fine public buildings
and the splendid Art INIuseum bore witness to
its prosperity, and to the innate culture of the
French which distinguishes them from most
industrial races. The Germans affected to
treat the French as decadent. A A^alk through
Lille should have dispelled that illusion.
In 1792, when the I'rusiians and Austrians
endeavoured to reimpose the yoke of the
Bourbon despotism on France, Lille had been
.vainly bombarded by the Austrians. A bom-
bardment in 1914 was not so likely to be ineffec-
tual, for the weapons employed had fifty times
«.<. ■
AN INTERRUPTED GAME OF CARDS.
28
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
LILLE DURING THE BOMBARDMENT.
the power of those brought to bear on the town
a hundred and twenty-two years before.
On October 10 a small body of German
cavalry rode up to the Town Hall and inquired
for the ]\layor. AMiile they were demanding
hostages, French horsemen arrived, and the
Germans, after a brief encounter, fled. At
5 p.m. the bombardment began, a shell bvirsting
above the Town Hall. It was the furst of
several. A panic started and the streets were
soon a seething mass of excited men and women
flying for refuge to their cellars. A Taube
hovered and dropped a bomb, which killed a boy
and a horse, and injured a woman. At 7 p.m. the
bombardment increased in violence and several
houses in the Rue Nationale were destroyed.
The night was comparatively calm. On
October 11, from 8 a.m. to nightfall shells
fell incessantly. Numerous public buildmgs,
houses and factories were on fire, and the
jDeople were flying in all directions. The next
day, at 6 a.m., the Germans resumed their
work of destruction. Far off could be hetird
the French artillery replying to the German
heavy guns. On the 13th, as there was no
hope of succour, to save the city from total
destruction it was surrendered. Five or six
thovisand shells had been fired into it, the Art
]\Iuseum was damaged, some quarters of the
city were in flames. The Germans, who after-
wards systematically pillaged the to\\"n —
packing up and dispatching to Germany
furnitLU-e, Imen, and even clothing — sent for
the fire engines of the neighbom"ing places and
the flames were finally subdued. According
to the official report 882 buildings, amongst
them some of the finest, had been destroyed
and Ij.jOO damaged, but the loss of life had been
small. The Mayor, Bishop and Prefect and
several coimcillors were taken as^ hostages.
A gentleman who was in Lille during the
bombardment and for a week after the Gennan
occupation ^^Tites as follows :
The two most prominent buildings in Lille were
untouched by the shells, but the splendid art gallery
had suffered. There were holes through the roof, but
I do not know what damage was done to the pictures.
In the Rue de la Gare two solid blocks of buildings were
destroyed, and from the Place de la Republique to the
Gare du Nord the buildings were terribly damaged. The
Cafe Joan, known to every Englishman and American
who has visited Lille, was in ruins.
The Germaiis on the entry behaved well. Tliey were
apparently mider strong and admirable discipline. They
set themselves at once to put out the fires. Buildings
were dynamited to prevent the flames from spreading.
The ordinary police were left in charge of the town,
although there were German soldiers stationed in all the
streets. The people were told to remain witliin their
liouses with the blinds down. Civilians with arms in
their possession were told that thev were liable to be
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
29
shot at once. Owners of motor-cars were bidden to
report the- fact to the authorities. The Germans com-
mandeered all the horses, motor-cars, and bicycles — in
fact, every means of transport.
During the bombardment few civilians suffered. I
saw one civilian dead in the street. Among the defenders
was a small party of Algerian troops. While they were
defending the gates one man was left in charge of the
horses, just off the Rue de la Gare. A shell burst just
by him, and I saw the man and thirteen horses lying dead
in a heap.
For a week after the German occupation I remained
in the town. No attempt was made by the Germans to
dig trenches. I saw twenty-five big guns brought into
the city.
My papers were inspected by, the German military
authorities, who were satisfied of my neutrality, and I
left Lille and came to England through Belgium. As
we passed through we saw entrenchments and barbed
wire defences being constructed around the towns.
The German soldiers entered Lille accom-
panied by bands playing their favourite music.
They were singing and smoking, but many
were in a state of complete exhaustion. A
prominent resident who escaped from the city
stated that several soldiers lay down on the
pavements and slept for hours and that some
of the cavalrymen could scarcely sit their
horses. Later, regiments of white-haired old
men, and boys between the age of 16 and 18,
in brand new uniforms arrived. They had been
told that France was conquered and that they
were to be reviewed by the Kaiser in Paris !
The feelings of some of the Germans may be
surmised from the letter below found on the
body of a dead soldier :
Perenchies, near Lille,
16th October 1914.
Dear Brother, — Taking the opportimity of a five
hours' pause, which is the first chance of writing I have
had, I hasten to inform you of my present position. On
the 5th October came the order that the XlXth Corps
should leave the Third Army and form part of the First
Army under General Kluck. The march from St.
Hillegras to Lille, 180 kilometres (108 miles) in five days
was very exhausting. In Lille hostile infantry was
reported, and we were engaged in street and house
fighting on the 13th and 14th, and it was only by t'.ie
19th Heavy Artillery that the town was compelled to
surrender. Lille has already been taken by us three
times, and if troops or supply columns are attacked again
the place will be razed to the ground. The shell fire,
although it only lasted an hour, has cost the town at
least a hundred buildings. Here, also, in Lille the 77th
Field Artillery has manj' of our comrades on its con-
science.
Of prisoners we have absolutely none at present,
since the wretches put on civilian clothes, and then one
can look in vain for soldiers. We lie five miles from
Lille and are to hold up the English who have landed.
This will be no light task, since we are not fully informed
as to their strength. It gives one the impression that
the war will last a long time. Well, I shall hold out
even if it goes on for another year. In front of us we
can hear heavy guns, so we may easily have more
fighting to-day. W^e have had no post for fourteen days,
for the country here is very unsafe.
Thus Lille — like Liege, Namur, Charleroi,
Louvain, Malines, Brussels, Antwerp, Mons,
Tournai, Valenciennes, Maubeuge, Cambrai,
Douai, Rethel, Mezieres, Sedan, Montmedy,
St. Quentin, Laon — was in the possession
of the Germans. The day before (October 12)
they had seized Ghent ; the day after they were
to occupy Brixges, and, on October 15, Ostend.
North of the Lys, however, the tide of invasion
had tiu'ned. The British IIT. Corps and
Cavalry Corps with d'Urbars Territorial Divi-
sions and Cavalry were driving the enemy from
Ypres and its vicinity at the very moment
Mhen the Germans entered Lille.
FRENCH SEARCHLKJHT
Thrown on attacking (jermans.
30
THE TIMES IllSTUliY OF THE WAR.
The tuminGT movement prepared by Joffre
and French, north and east of the Aire-Lillo
Canal, had on the centre and left been more
successful than on the right. This was due to
two causes. The obstacles had been fewer,
and less serious than those encountered by
Sniith-Dorrien's and Conneau's Corps ; the
enemy had been less numerous.
From the Lys to the sea is a distance on an
average of tMrty miles. Wliile the population
of Lille was over 200,000, that of Ypres, one
of the largest towns in the inland portion of the
oblong Aire-Ghent-Zeebrugge-Calais was under
20,000 — 10,000 less than that of Armentieres,
on the south bank of the Lys to the north-west
of Lille. Crossing the Lys one passed from an
industrial to a rvu-al neighboiu"hood, to villages
instead of towns, to farnxliouses instead of
villages. Except for the liill on which Cassel
stands and for the INIont-des-Cats, and the long
ridge which stretches from it eastward, the
whole district was either fiat or gently imdu-
lating. Next to the coast were reclaimed
marshes drained by canals and dykes. On the
edge of the sea were dunes. Hedges and
belts of trees restricted the view ; the main
roads, though straight, were badly paved ;
the by-roads were winding.
On October 11 the whole of the coast and
reclaimed marshland was in the hands of the
Allies, and the German line, as already men-
tioned, stretched from Mont-des-Cats (south
of the road from Cassel through Poperinghe
to Ypres) to Meteren (on the road from Cassel
via Bailleul to Armentieres) and thence to
Estaires on the Lys. This position could be
turned froin the nortli by an advance of d'Urbal's
troops from Dunkirk through Bergues and
Poperinghe to Ypres or on the south by Con-
neau's cavalry crossing the Lys east of Estaires.
To the rear it was threatened by the move-
ment of Rawlinson's Corps from Bruges. By
the 10th the head of Byng's Cavalry Division
was at Thourout ; and on the 12th the 6th
Cavalry Brigade held the line Oostnieuwkerke-
Roulers, the 7th that of Rumbeke-Iseghem.
The aim of the Germans was to remain on
the defensive vmti] the army released from
A BELGIAN LOOK OUT IN FLANDERS.
Finding Ranges.
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
31
WOUNDED BRITISH IN THE STATION AT BOULOGNE.
Antwerp, and the reinforcements which had
crossed the Scheldt and were now hurrying
to the Lys, joined hands with them. They took
every advantage of the ground, concealing
themselves in ditches, woods, and villages,
and behind hedges, and a network of telephone
wires warned them of the Allied movements.
The line, however, they had to defend was
longer than that from Estaires to La Bassee,
and, while the commander opposing Smith-
Dorrien and Conneau had one wing resting on
the Lys and the forces from Estaires to Mont-
des-Cats, the other on the Canal La Bassee-
Lille, the right wing of the Germans north of
the Lys was in the air, while their left wing was
threatened by the movements of Conneau and
Smith-Dorrien south of the Lys.
The resistance of Lille was another important
factor in the situation. Troops badly needed
between Estaires and Mont-des-Cats had to be
held back till Lille surrendered. The inhabi-
tants of Lille and the French Territorials there
have the gratification of Icnowing that, like
the Belgians in Liege, they largely contributed
to the coming success of the Allies. If LUle
had surrendered on the 9th, and not on the
13th, it may be doubted whether d'Urbal and
the British would have reached the canal from
Comines to Ypres, and from Ypres to the Yser.
The misty and, occasionally, rainy weather
and the hostility of the civilian pop\ilation
were also to the disadvantage of the Germans.
There can be no question that they believed
they were being attacked by a much larger
force than was actually the case. The reports
of their air-scouts were defective, and the
Allied Cavalry, assisted by armoured motor-
cars, screened the advance of the infantry.
From now onward the armoured motor-car
began to play an important part in the schemes
of Joffre and French for defeating the invaders.
One of the many examples of their use is given
by the British Eye-witness :
On the 16th the crew of one of our armoured motor-
cars obtained information that a party of hostile cavalry
was in a farm. They enlisted help from ten men of the
nearest battalion, who stationed themselves on one side
of the farm while the motor-car waited on the other.
Being unable to bolt their quarry, our men carried fire
to the farm, which had the desired effect and resulted in
two Uhlans being killed and eight captured, no cosualtiea
being sustained by the attacking party.
The Belgians showed special aptitude for
this kind of warfare. They " appeared to regard
Uhlan-himting as a form of sport," and often
ventured miles ahead of their own troops,
and seldom failed to return with spoils in the
shape of helmets, lances, and rifles. At the
opening of the war the Germans had scored
heavily with their miniature forts on wheels,
but with every day their superiority in the
mere machinery of war was diminishing.
It will be recollected tliat on October 11
General Gough with the 2nd Cavalry Division
a2
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
GERMANS ON THE DUNES
Watching the Allied Fleets.
had driven the German Cavalry from woods
to the north of the Bethune-Aire Canal, and
Unked up with the Divisional Cavalry of the
6th Division (part of the III. Corps) in the
neighbourhood of Hazebrouck. On the 11th
General Pulteney had practically completed
the detrainment of that corps at St. Omer, and
moved it east to Hazebrouck, in and aroimd
which town it remained during the 12th.
The same day a Taube ventvu-ed over St.
Omer and dropped three bombs on the Rue
Carnot, killing a laundress and a small child in
her arms and woimding a man. It was imme-
diately pursued by five French aeroplanes.
The " passenger " \\ as shot by the pursuers in
the head. The Taube swerved, but the pilot
managed to right it and flew away at full speed.
Another shot struck the pilot and the machine
" fell like a stone to the ground." At Pradelles,
on the road from Hazebrouck to Bailleul, a
German officer wished on the 12th to make
some observations from the tower of the church.
He applied to the Abbe Bogaert for the key.
The Abbe could not find it. He was taken to
Strazeele, where he was murdered. Extra-
ordinary and horrible as such incidents as the
above would have seemed in July, in October
they attracted little attention.
On Tuesday, the 13th, the advanced guard
of the III. Corps, consisting of the 19th
Infantry Brigade and a Brigade of Field
Artillery, moved eastward to the line St.
Sylvestre-Caestre-Strazeele Station. Three
miles out of Hazebrouck the 1st North Stafford-
shire Regiment came under shell fire at 7. 30 a.m.
" Lost Private Ward," notes a non-com-
missioned officer, " about two yards in front
of me — ^struck dead by a shell. He had just
lighted a cigarette, and said it might be his
last." Through Strazeele the Staff ordshires
advanced to Merris, south of Meteren, " where
we reniamed in position under sheU-fire for
Ih hours, holding up the Bosches." Merris a
few days before had been the scene of an act of
atrocious cruelty. Uhlans had pursued an old
man to the " Bon Bovu-geois " Inn. He had
hidden in an oak chest. Discovered, he was
at once shot with a revolver.
At St. Sylvestre and Caestre the British were
on the main road between Cassel and Bailleul ;
at Caestre they were across the single line
railway from Hazebrouck tlirough Poperingh©
to Ypres ; at Strazeele Station they were on
the double-line railway from Hazebrouck
through Bailleul to Armentieres and LUle. The
Germans held the ridge of the Mont-des-Cats
between Godewaersvelde (on the railway from
Caestre to Poperinghe) and Bailleul. They
THE TIMES HlSTOliY OF THE WAR.
33
were in force at Meteren foui* miles or so to the
east of Caestre and two miles west of Bailleul.
The Fourth German Cavalry Corps and some
Jaeger Battalions were known to be occupying
the neighbourhood of Meteren and were believed
to be supported by the advanced guard of
another German Army Corps. The high ridge
of the Mont -des -Cats extends eastward to
the road from Armentieres to Ypres. It ends
round Wytschaete and, south of Wytschaete,
round Messines.
Sir John French now ordered General Pul-
teney to push toward the road between Armen-
tieres and Wytschaete. The latter village is four
miles south of Ypres, seven from Armentieres.
In heavy rain and fog and through very en-
closed country the III. Corps marched for-
ward. The artillery gave little assistance
because objects could not be seen distinctly ;
the roads and fields were bad going. By night-
fall, however, the British had routed the enemy
in all directions and captured Meteren, and
Oultersteene to the east of Merris. " We lost,"
says the non-commissioned officer, " another
seventeen men in taking Oultersteene. . . .
Were not the villagers pleased to see us ! But
what a toll ! I do not take into account the
battalion or brigade — only my company. We
got two machine guns, a dead German officer,
with the Iron Cross ; cycles. Repaid our
losses," he adds, "With interest."
On account of their deeds at ileteren the
Medal for Distinguished Conduct was awarded
to Sergeant E. Howard of the 1st Royal
Lancaster Regiment, to Sergeant H. Duckers
of the 2nd Lancashire Fusiliers, to Sergeant
G. A. Hodges of the 2nd Essex Regiment, and to
Private C. Rowley of the 1st Royal Warwick-
shire Regiment. Howard, at very great risk
to himself, had crawled to 12 men of his platoon
who had ceased firing. He found they were
all dead. Duckers had handled his platoon
with remarkable skill, both at Meteren and on
other occasions. Hodges, shot througii the
shoulder, continued in command of his platoon
and led it forward to the firing line. Rowley
had volunteered under a heavy rifle fire to go
back from the firing line to the support trench,
a distance of some 300 yards, for ammunition.
He reached it and, later, recrossed the same
piece of ground under similar conditions.
Meanwhile General Gough, to the left of the
III. Corps, had not been inactive. As had
been arranged, the Cavah-y Corps, after the
arrival of the III. Corps, had moved to the
north of it. On tlio 1 2th Cough's Division
had ridden through Fletre (between Caestre and
Meteren) and on the 12th-13th engaged the
right of the enemy at Mont -des -Cats. In this
action Prince Max of Hesse was mortally
wounded. He lies buried in the grounds of the
monastery wliich crowns the hill, together
with three British officers and some German
soldiers. This day a cavalry patrol came sud-
denly upon a German machine gun detachment.
The subaltern gave the order to charge ; the
Germans were killed and scattered and the
gim captured. For his gallantry and deter-
mination at Mont-des-Cats Lieutenant C. J.
Aris of the 16th Lancers obtained a D.S.O.
He had charged and driven off a German
patrol, and although twice wounded, persisted
in sending in his report to liis squadron leader.
It was on the 13th-14th that French and
British troops marched into Ypres.
On the 14th tiie 1st Cavalry Division joined
up with the 2nd, and the whole Cavalry Corps
under General Allenby moved north, and in
face of considerable opposition seciued the
»»
MORTAR CAPTURHD IN A GERM.\N
TRKNCH.
34
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
high ground above Berthen round Westoutre,
whoso Mayor, it will be remembered, had been
lashed across the face by a German cavalryman.
Further to the north the 87th and 89th French
Territorial Divisions were marcliing from the
direction of Dunkirk on Poperinghe, Vlamer-
tinghe and Ypres. The 3rd Cavalry Division
(Byng's) on the 13th had reconnoitred towards
Ypres and JNIenin.* Patrols had been sent
forward towards Comines and Wervicq. At
Comines — the birthplace of the historian Philip
de Comines, who deserted Charles the Bold
for Louis XI. — the canal from Ypres enters the
Lys. Both places are on the Lys between
Menin and Armentieres. The 7th Infantry
Division (Major-General Capper's) had occupied
Roulers, menaced by the Germans from Thielt,
and Sir Henry Rawlinson ordered B^mg to hold
the line Dadizeele-Iseghem.t
* The latter town is on the Lys a few miles west of
Courtrai. It was at Menin that Scharnhorst, the Hano-
verian who reformed the Prussian Army after the Jena
catastrophe, had first distinguished himself in war.
t Roulers had a population of over 25,000 ; on June 13,
1794, the French under Pichegru and Macdonald he. I
Jiere defeated the Austrians under Clerfait. The Battle
of Roulers had been the prelude to that of Fleurus, the
first battle in wliich a captive balloon was used — by the
French — for military purooses.
The next day (October 14) considerable
bodies of Germans, believed to belong to ti e
12th Corps, were reported to be moving
from the vicinity of Balleul towards Wervicq
and Menin. Consequently Byng, followed b\-
Capper, was directed on Ypres with orders to
reconnoitre to the south-west. At 9 a.m.
Byng's Division v,as at Ypres and the 6th
Cavalry Brigade proceeded to the line La
Clytte-Lindenhock. Near Ypres the Brigade
with rifle and revolver fire brought down a
Taube. The pilot and observer fled to the woods,
but were capttired. Accompanied by armoured
motor-cars, the advance guard pushed on
towards Xeuve Eglise, killing and capturing
numbers of the retreating enemy, No
" formed bodies " were, however, met with.
From the direction of Bailleul heavy firing was
heard. At dusk the 7th Cavalry Brigade
moved into billets at Kemmel, west of the
Ypres -Armentieres road ; the 6th were at
Wytschaete in touch with Cough's Cavalry
Division, with which they had established con-
tact during the day. On the 15th, the day of the
German entry into Ostend, Byng's divisionrested.
As the Germans, issuing from Ostend, Bruges,
and Ghent, might be expected to advance on
MOTOR FOR HEAVY TRANSPORT WORK.
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
35
GERMAN CAMP OUTSIDE OSTEND.
Ypres, Sir John French on the 16th placed
the 3rd Cavalry Division round Langemarck
and Poelcapelle north-north-east of Ypres and
south of the Foret d'Houthulst. The Division,
with the 7th Cavalry Brigade leading, moved
via Ypres and Wieltje to the line Bixschoote-
Poelcapelle. It was reported that the enemy
in large nmnbers were in the Foret d'Houthulst
and Oosfehieuwkerke, and a patrol of the 2nd
Life Guards was obliged to withdraw from
Staden. There was intermittent figliting diu-ing
the afternoon, and at dusk French troops
relieved the 7tli Cavalry Brigade, which was
then billeted at Passchendaele, south-east of
Poelcapelle. The 6th Cavalry Brigade w^as south
of it at Nieuwemolen. The 7th Infantry
Division extended east of Ypres in the wooded
district from Zandvoorde through Gheluvelt to
Zonnebeke, south of Xieuwemolen. SujDport-
ing Sir Henry Rawlinson's Corps was General
Bidon W'ith the 87th French Territorial Division
in Ypres and 'N'^lamertinghe, and behind it,
on the road to Dunldrk, the 89th French
Territorial Division in Poperinghe. Sir Henry
Rawlinson was to support the Cavalry Corps
and the III. Corps on the Lys if he was not
attacked by the Germans advancing from
Ghent, Courtrai, Bruges, and Ostend.
The next day (October 17) four French
Cavalry Divisions under General do Mitry
deployed on Byng's left and drove the vanguard
of the Germans from Ostend and Bruges out of
the Forot d'Houthulst.
The day before the German Army coming
from Ostend had commenced its attack on the
Allies defending the Yser.
A glance at the map will show that on October
14 the Germans, who were originally on the
line Mont-des-Cats-Meteren-Estaires, were in
imjiiinent danger of being enveloped and
their retreat cut. The operation orders of the
6th Bavarian Cavalry Division which were
captured stated that, the right of the line
having been forced to withdraw, the left was
compelled to follow the movement.
While Rawlinson's Corps moved against the
German rear, and while the French Territorial
Divisions and the Cavalry Corps crumpled up
the German right, the III. Corps moved on
towards Bailleul, which was entered at
10 a.m. on October 14, and where many
\\ounded Germans were captured. The town
had been pillaged ; a war-tax of £2,000 — paid by
the farmers of the neighbourhood — imposed,
and several houses burned. Fourteen men of
military age had been shot. There was a
lunatic asylmn in the town. With Teutonic
liLunour, the Germans turned the hundi'ed
imnates out of doors. These poor creatures
wandered about the country and many were
afterwards found dead by the roadside or in
the woods.* That night the III. Corps occupied
the line St. Jans Cappel-BaUleul.
* See the account givoa by a imtivo of Biiilloul in tho
Daily Chronicle of October 20 : " Tho Oormims." he
says, "arc not soldiers so much as brigands and assassins.'
3G
THE TIMES HISTORY UF THE WAR.
The advance was resumed on the loth in
very foggy weather. The enemy offered a
stubborn defence. As Ypres and Wytschaete
Mere now in the hands of the Alhes Sir John
French had altered the direction of the III.
Corijs. He pushed it to the north bank of the
Lys between Sailly and Armentiercs. It
will not be forgotten that Conneau's Cavalry
Corps Avas on the south side of the river in
the region of Estaires. By nightfall the 6th
Infantry Division was at Sailly-Bac St. Maur,
tiie 4th at Nieppe on the road from Bailleul
to Armentieres. On the 15th the Cavalry
Corps had been ordered to make for the Lys
below Armentieres. There had been an en-
counter near Messines on the 14th, and Sergeant
C. Graham, of the 5th Lancers, for engaging
with his revolver the enemy behind a barricade
and, although badly wounded in the hand,
giving a clear account of liis reconnaissance
whilst his hand was being dressed, subseqiiently
!S.-'
received the Medal for Distinguished Conduct.
At sunset all the country on the north bank
to some six or seven miles below Armentieres
(on the south bank) and all the bridges above
it from Aire eastward were held by the Allied
troops, ^^'arneton, six miles or so east of
Armentieres^ was taken in the following
circumstances :
At tne entrance to the town the Germans had
constructed a high barricade loopholed at the
l)ottom so that men could fire through it
from a lying position. A squadron of British
Cavalry rode up in the dark (October IG),
but, nothing daunted, obtained help from the
artillery, who man-handled a gun into position
and blew the barricade to pieces. The cavalry
then rode into the middle of the town. Hardly
liad they reached the further end of the large
Place, when " one of the buildings appeared to
leap skj'wards in a sheet of flame, a shower of
star shells at the same time making the Place
liglit as day." The enemy from the houses
round the Place fired on the horsemen from
rifles and macliine-guns. The squadron retired
with the loss of an officer wounded and nine
men killed and wounded. Determined not to
leave the wounded to the mercy of the dervishes
of Central Eiurope, some troopers took off their
boots, went back into the Place and succeeded
in carrying away their bleeding comrades.
W'arneton was captui-ed, but the bridge had
been destroved.
AN ADVANCED POST.
THE TIMES HISTORY • OF THE WAR.
37
Armciitieres lies to the south of the Lys. A
bridge connects it with Nieppe. After a few
shells had been fired at the barricade on the
bridge the Germans evacuated Armentieres
(October 16), leaving behind them fifty wounded,
rifles, ammunition, and a motor-car. The river-
line, almost as far east as Frelinghien, was in
British or French hands. Ai'mentieres had
been systematically plundered. The members
of the INIvmicipal Council and prominent
factory owners had been arrested and held as
hostages. The inhabitants, it need scarcely
be said, welcomed with joy the British troops.
From the condition of the bridges over the
Lys it is clear that the Germans had been
completely surprised by tlie rapid offensive
of the Allies. At Warneton the damaged
bridge was being repaired ; at Frelinghien
the bridge had not been demolished and
was defended ; further west, at Houplines, the
bridge was destroyed, but at Nieppe both the
rocid bridge and railway bridge leading to
Annentieres were only barricaded, and the
bridge at Erquinghem, west of Armentieres,
was neither defended nor broken. The Lys
in this part of its course flows through a slight
depression in the plain. It is from 45 ft. to
7.5 ft. wide, and only 6 ft. deep. At places it
had been canalized. Many of the bridges
were of the draw or swing type.
Accordingly, on the 17th, when Smith-
Dorrien's Corps — the right wing of the Allied
Forces engaged in the battle between La
Bassee and Nieuport — had ended its offensive
and the Germans from Ostend and Bruges had
already* begun their attempt to break through
the left wing on the Yser between the sea and
Di.xmude, the 3rd Corps (General Pulteney's)
had crossed the Lys and occupied Arinentieres.
" Took up outposts," writes a non-com-
missioned officer of the 1st North Staffordshires,
" near Armentieres at Wez Macquart and
dug ourselves in." Both banks of the Lys up
to Frelinghien were held by the Allies. To the
north of the Lys the Cavalry Corps had taken
Warneton and were reconnoitring towards
Alenin. " With a view to a further advance
east," wrote Sir John French in his dispatch of
November 20, 1914, " I ordered General
Allenby, on the 15th, to reconnoitre the line
of the River Lys, and endeavour to secure the
passages on the opposite bank, pending the
arrival of the III. and IV. Corps." From
the 15th to the I'Jth this reconnaissance was
* The Battle of the Yser bogau on Octol)cr 16.
LOADING AN 18-pr. GUN.
most skilfully and energetically carried out,
but, although valuable information was gained
and strong forces of the enemy held in check,
the Cavalry Corps was unable to secure pas-
sages or to establish a permanent footing on the
southern bank of the river. On the 17th the
III. Corps (Pulteney's) was on the line Bois
Grenier-Le Gheir. The enemy were holding a
line from Radinghem through Perenchies to
Frelinghien and thence along the south bank of
the Lys as far as the crossing at Wervicq.
On the 18th Sir John, trusting to the Belgians
and French to maintain the line of the Yser,
and to the Cavalry of de Mitry and the Terri-
torials of Bidon to stop any German advance
on Ypres through or past the Foret d'Houthulst,
ordered up Sir Henry Rawlinson's Corps — i.e..
Capper's Infantry and Byng's Cavalry Divi-
sions— to the support of the Cavalry Corps.
The 7th Infantry Division (Capper's) was to
drive the Germans from Menin on the north
bank of the Lys between Warneton and Courtrai.
" I considered," says Sir John, " that the pos-
session of Menin constituted a very important
point of passage, and would much facilitate the
advance of the rest of the Ai-my." Sir John
still hoped that the offensive of the Allies might
be continued. The left of Capper's Division
was to be supported by Byng's Cavalry and
by the French Cavalry operating on the ea,st
of the Foret d'Houthulst in the neighbourliood
of Roulers. Sii' Hemy Rawlinson reprosentod
:i8
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAU.
A GERMAN RANGE FINDER.
to Sir John French that large hostile forces were
advancing upon him from the east and north-
east and that his left flank was severely
threatened, but Sir John, now that the I. Corps
(Sir Douglas Haig's) was detraining at St. Omer,
decided that Rawlinson's Corps should run the
risk of an attack of the Germans on his flank.
The following account by a Flemish gentle-
man of the fighting roimd Roulers to the North-
east of Ypres on October 18 and 19 will help
to explain Sir H. Rawlinson's objections to
Sir John French's plan : —
About the middle of this month thousands of German
soldiers appeared in Roulers. On the doors of the houses
they chalked the nimiber of men to be billeted under
each roof. The requisitions were numerous^-carriages,
barrows, horses, cycles, hay, oats, etc. Everything had
to be supplied so quickly that the invaders had no time
to give coupons. But as a reward they chalked here and
there on a house the words " Good people."
On October 17 the German troops marched ofi in the
direction of Dixmude, towards the coast, to strengthen
the (Jerman forces between Ostend and Nieuport. A
hundred men remained in occupation of Roulers. Early
next morning, Sunday, the cry was heard along the road
to Dixmude, " The French are here ! " Seventeen French-
men appeared from the direction of Ypres and two hours
later 200 French dragoons followed them. They con-
cealed themselves in a little wood. The hundi'ed Ger-
mans in the town got to know their whereabouts, perhaps
through spies. A skirmish occurred in the little wood,
and at 3 o'clock in the afternoon only 40 survivors of
the German troops went back to the town.
The same evening many French troops marched into
the town, and more arrived during the night. They
built in the market-place and the streets barricades of
mattresses, sacks, and barrels. Mitrailleuses were
stationed behind pillar-boxes and in the porches of corner
houses. Guns were placed in position at one of the
approaches to the town.
The next morning, Monday, many Genm n tro ip-
appeared from the direction of Bruges and Ghent, i'hey
placed I heir guns in three villages, Hooglede, Ardoye,
and Iseghem. At Hooglede they had a .specially good
position, on the ridge of a hill, which runs straight
through West Flanders. The Flemish people say that
the threshold of the church of Hooglede lies as high as
the top of the tower of Roulers, which is about 245 feet
high.
The Germans placed their guns in front of the church
of Hooglede, whence they saw Roulers lying below them.
The French artillery began the action, but the Germans
for a time did not answer. The clock of Roulers had
struck 12 before they opened lire, and it rained ;-hells
on the town. Its population escaped into the cellar-^,
anxiously awaiting the fate of their beloved town. The
bombardment went on. Roofs fell in, walls reeled.
The tower of the church of Notre Dame leaned over.
A shell fell through the roof of St. Michael's Church and
did much damage. Flames went up on several sides.
In the meantime German infantry tried to approach
the town. Their advanced troops fortified themselves
in railway carriages at the shunting station on the line
Beveren-Roulers, but the French artillery on the Dix-
mude road shelled and destroyed the carriages. More
troops were brought up and, towards evening, the
Germans succeeded in forcing their way into the town.
The fight was continued in the streets, but the French
were obliged to retire. They fell back in good order, with
all their guns, and took up new positions at East Nieu-
kerke, about three miles to the south-west.
Night came, and from afar one could see the fierce
glow of burning Roulers. That night, however, the
British advanced from Ypres and camped near Moors-
lede, with the French lying near the old battlefield of
Roozeheke.
At the same time as Rawlinson's movement
on Menin the III. Corps was to move down the
south bank of the Lys from Armentieres to
assist the Cavalry Corps to cross to the right
bank. To do this, the enomy between the
III. Corps and Lille had first to be vigorously
pushed back. On the night of the 17th the
III. Corps and Cavalry Corps were being opposed
by the 19th Saxon Corps, released from Lille
after its capture, by at least one division of
the 7th Corps, and by tliree or four divisions of
cavalry. Reinforcements for the enemy were
known to be coming up from the direction of Lille.
Despite the odds against hun, Pultenej'^
attacked on the 18th, but he made little pro-
gress. At nightfall his 6th Division had taken
Radinghem and was holding Radinghem, La
Valine, Ennetieres, Capinghem, and a point
300 yards east of Halte. A wounded soldier
described the attack of Ennetieres to a Times
correspondent :
The advance began early yesterday morning. The
enemy was driven out by shell fire. They retired towards
Lille and shelled the village in their turn. Not a habit-
able house was left standing. The Allied troops
advanced round the village under a terrible fire, talcing
cover under the walls of factory buildings. The enemy
had taken the range of the buildings. Their fire was
accurate. An officer with two companions mounted to
the roof of a factory to make observations. A shrapnel
shell burst on them at once, and all three were killed.
In the village 500 German dead were found. The cart-
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
39
lidges foiuid upon them wero of the old Snider type
\<nt]i large lead bullets, some flattened at the top. I
have seen two of them. Infantry succeeded in entrench-
ing themselves on the farther side of the village. But
their trenches were not more than two feet deep, and they
had to lie full length in them. It was here in the trenches
that my informant was wounded. A shrapnel struck the
pile of earth in front of him, and a bullet from the bur-ting
ghell hit liim on the head It was a glancing shot, which
inflicted a severe scalp wound. Just previously he had
seen a shrapnel shell burst immediately over the heads of
six men. " They arc gone," he thought. But when the
smoke had cleared away all six rose from the ground,
luiscathed.
It is clear that in the operations of the past week our
troops have gained much ground. They are now, how-
ever, coming into touch with the main German position
at Lille. Our men are now " digging themselves in "
to hold their ground until the necessary reinforcements
can reach them.
The 1st North Staff ordsliires were engaged
roiind Wez Macquart. A non-commissioned
officer mentions that a Roman CathoUc Father
gave his chiim and him a bottle of wine at
J 0.30 p.m., which gave them sleep. " iNIay God
bless him for it," he observes.
The 4th Division held the line from
L'Epinette to the Lys at a point 400 yards
south of Frehnghien and thence to a point on
the Lys half a mile south-east of Le Gheir.
The Corps Reserve was at Armentieres station,
with its right flank in touch with Conneau's
Cavalry Corps. South-west, at Aubers, began
the left wing of Smith-Dorrien's force, which
dui'ing the 18th was violently but unsuccess-
fully attacked by the Germarus between Lille
and La Bassee. Tlie left of Pulteney's Reserve
joined hands with the Cavalry Corps, and,
beyond the Cavalry Corps on the north bank of
the Lys, the 7th Infantry Division was advanc-
ing on Meuin.
On October 19 Sir H. Rawlinson — with
Byng's Cavalry Division on his left — tried to
carry out Sir John French's orders to drive the
enemy through Menin, but the task was beyond
his power. His Corps (the IV.) was worn out by
constant marching and fighting, and the Ger-
mans were in overwhelming force. By 10 a.m.
the 7th Cavalry Brigade, attacked by bodies of
the enemy from Roulers, which had been
occupied by the Germans, fell back three-
quarters ot a mile to a strong position. " K "
Battery of the Royal Horse Artillery, which had
been attached to the Brigade, came into action
north of IMoorslede and rendered great assist-
ance. The 6tli Cavalry Brigade, with " C "
Battery, advanced from So. Pieter and, after
a brisk little action captured Ledegehem and
RoUeghemcappelle. But the enemy from
Roulers continued to press on, and the 7th
Cavalry Brigade was withdrawTi to the high
BRITISH MOTOR-AMBULANCE WRECKED BY GERMAN FIRE.
40
THl-: TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
ground east of Moorslede. This exposed the
ihnik of the (itli Cavalry Brigade and, as large
hostile forces were reported advancing from
Courtrai, it was ordered to fall back gratlually
on ^loorslede and thence to withdraw to
billots at Poelcapelle. Its retirement was
covered by the 7th Brigade, which, under heavy
shell fire, retreated to Zonnebeke. The French
took over Passchendaele, north of Zonnebeke.
The pressm-e of the Germans on BjTig had
decided Sir Henry RawlLnson not to attack
Menin. " He probably exercised a wise judg-
ment," says Sir Jolm French, " in not com-
mittmg his troops to tliis attack in their some-
what weakened condition ; but the result w a^
that the enemy's continued possession of the
passage at Menin certainly facilitated liis
rapid reinforcement of liis troops, and thu?'
rendered any further advance impracticable."
Tlu-ough Menin ran the railway from Lille to
Roulers, and one from Courtrai.
The 1. Corps (Sir Douglas Haig's) had com-
pleted its detrainment on the 19th and was con-
centrated between St. Omer and Hazebrouck.
" A question of vital importance," writes Sir
John French, "now arose for decision." To
which point of the line of battle should the
I. Corps be dispatched "? The enemy on the
Lys, it was apparent, were in very superior
nmnbers, and the II., III., IV. and the Cavalry
Corps were holding a much A\ider front than
their strength w arranted. Should the I. Corps
his sent to the line of the Lys ? The objection
was that the German 3rd Reserve Corps and
at least one Landwehr Division were Icno^v^^ to
be operating in the region north and east of
Ypres, and that the enemy were bringing up
large reinforcements from the east, which for
several days could only be opposed by two or
three French Cavalry Divisions, the two
Territorial Divisions and the Belgian Army,
which was badly in need of a rest after its
heroic exertions. Unless some substantial
resistance could be offered on the Yser and
between the Yser and Ypres the Allied flank
would be turned and the Channel Ports laid
bare to the enemy. " I judged," says Sir
John, " that a successful movement of this
kind fon the part of the Germans] would be
fraught with such disastrous consequences that
the risk of [the II., III., IV. and Cavalry
Corps] operating on so extended a front must
be undertaken."
On the evening of the 19th Sir Jolm had a
personal interview with Sir Douglas Haig, and
the latter was instructed to advance with the
I. Corps through Ypres to Thourout. His
immediate objective was to be the capture of
Bruges. If Bruges were taken the communi-
cations of the Germans attacking the line of the
Yser would be cut. When Bruges was cajitured
Sir Douglas was, if possible, to drive the enem\-
towai'ds Ghent. But it was left to him to
decide after he had traversed Ypres whether
he would move on Bruges or towards the Lys.
Sir John had arranged for de ilitry's Cavalr_\-
to operate on the left, and Bj-ng's Cavalry
Division on the right of the 1st Corps. The
7th Infantry Division (Capper's) was to " con-
form generally " to the movements of the 1.
Corps, iis for the Cavalry Corps and the III.
and II. Corps on the north and south bank'^ of
the Lys, they were to remain on the defensive.
The forces which the enemy had accumulated
on their front precluded ai^}' other course. The
Lahore Division of the Indian Expeditionary
Force was arrivmg in its concentration area in
rear of the II. Corps on October 19 and 20.
The I. Corps on October 20 reached a line
from Elverdinghe to the cross-roads one-and-a-
half miles north-west of Zonnebeke. Why
Sir Douglas Haig w as unable to carry out Sii-
John's plan for the capture of Bruges will be
described in a subsequent number. The
Battle of Ypres was about to begin ; the Battle
of the Yser had been in progress for foxir days.
The reader must not forget that during the
fighting from La Ba.ssee to Nieuport the Battles
of Arras and Roye-Peronne continued to the
south along a Une of about 100 miles
CHAPTER XLIX.
THE INTERVENTION OF TURKEY,
Turkey and Greece — The Crtsts in 1914 — German Policy at Constantinoplk — Great
Britain and Turkish Ships — Goeben and Breslau in the Dardanelles — Grand Vizier's
Promises of Neutrality — Diplomatic Negotiations — Abolition of the Capitulations —
Germany Forces War — Entente Ambassadors Leave Turkey.
WHEN the European crisis gi-ew to a
head in the closing days of July,
1914, it obscured a minor, but very
acute, crisis between Turkey and Greece, which
seemed to mean that we were on the eve of a
war between those two countries. There had
been a series of shameless persecutions of Greek
Christians in Asia Minor, and there still
remained as a legacy from the war of the
Balkan Allies against Turkey the question of the
future ownership of the islands of the Dode-
canese. The dispute was further aggravated
by a contest for naval supremacy. Turkey
had ordered two battleships in England, which
were expected to be ready for delivery in the
autumn, but Greece had retaliated, and fore-
stalled her rival, by the purchase of two
cruisers from the United States Government,
which were expected to reach Greek waters
at the end of July. Both countries had British
naval missions hard at work, increasing the
efficiency of their fleets, and it was obvious
that if war were declared in the summer the
arrival of the American cruisers would give the
advantage in the Aegean Sea to Greece, while
if Turkey protracted the crisis until the delivery
of the British-built Dreadnoughts a superiority,
at least in tonnage and in guns, woukl rest with
Vol. JIT.— Part 28.
Turkey. M. Venezelos, who always showed
high qualities of moderation and statesmanship,
made a final and, as it was then believed,
despairing attempt to compose the quarrel.
A meeting was arranged to take place at
Brussels between M. Venezelos and Prince
Said Halim Pasha, the Turkish Grand Vizier.
M. Venezelos duly left Athens for Brussels, and
proceeding up the Adriatic to Trieste reached
Munich. The Grand Vizier, however, who was
to have left Constantinople at the same time, \\ as
so much impressed by the growing gravity of the
crisis that he failed to keep his engagement,
and did not leave Constantinople. By the
time M. Venezelos had reached IMunich the
Austrian Ultimatum to Serbia had been
launched. Europe was on the eve of wai-.
and the railways in Austria and Serbia were
already in the hands of the military authorities.
Greater evils drive out loss, and not the least
astounding result of the outbreak of the groat
war in Europe was the fact that the minor
danger of war between Greece and Turk(\\-
disappeared for a time. Yet neither country
could be indifferent to the great conflagration,
and here, too, as might have been ex]jfcted, their
sympathies were on opposite sides, Turkey
had for years past been to all intents and pur-
41
42
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
THE SULTAN
Leaving the Mosque after the declaration of war.
poses a member of the Triple Alliance, and if
not a very effective partner she had in hei'
sjTnpathies been a much more real ally of
Germany and Austria than had Italy — the
nominal third member of the Triple Alliance.
It IS true that there was somewhat of a diplo-
matic tangle. With Italy Turkey was at war
from 1911 to 1912, and with Austrian diplomacy
also she had had stormy passages in recent
years, notably after the Young Turk Revolution
when the Dual Monarchy in October, 1908,
suddenly declared the annexation of the
already occupied provinces of Bosnia and
Herzegovina, but with Germany, since the
advent of William II. to the throne, she had
increasingly intimate relations. Bismarck may
have declared that the Eastern Question was
not worth the bones of a Pomeranian grenadier,
but in this domain as in others Bismarck's
politics were entirely discarded in modern
Prussia. It had been long decided that Ger-
many was to be Turkey's patron. In the days
of Abdul Hamid's tj-ranny it was a simple
matter to buy the Palace clique at Yildiz Kiosk,
and by this means she had begun the policy
of securing political and commercial ascendancy,
of advancing her trade interests, and of exploit-
ing the great mineral wealth of the Empire.
The Kaiser himself went to Constantinople
and visited Palestine, for it was to Asiatic
Turkey that Germany's longing eyes were
turned. " Peaceful penetration " was her
method, and with the ever pecuniarily
embarrassed Turk she found many oppor-
tunities of strengthening her hold in his country.
To build and own his railways, to be his banker,
to teach his soldiers drill, to sell him Kriipj)
guns, and to dominate his dii)lomacy, wore the
objects which she pursued, in the hope that
one day, either by some dramatic turn of events
or gradually and almost imperceptibly, the
Sultan's sceptre in Asia would pass from the
feeble Oriental grasp into her own firm hands.
The advent to po%%er of the Young Turks in
1908 temporarily checked the march of German
influence at Constantinople, and the friends of
Abdul Hamid were out of comt. But Germany
had the good fortune to be represented at
Constantinople by Baron IMarschall von Bieber-
stein, a singularly able diplomatist, who rapidly
gained the confidence of the new party, and
cleverly represented to it that whether Old
Turks or Young Turks were in power the
interests of the Empire in its relations with
foreign Powers remained precisely the same,
and that, whatever might have been the defects
of Abdul Hamid's internal adminLstration, his
foreign policy had been conducted with real
regard to the safety of his country. Yet it
THE GROWN PRINCE OF TURKEY
(centre).
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
43
CONSTANTINOPLE,
Showing the Golden Horn and Stambul.
might have been apparent that this was pre-
cisely the reverse of the truth. For Abdul
Hamid, in his long years of feeble tyrannj',
had not only brought Turkey to the direst
straits internally but had greatly imperilled
her international position, exposed her to a
long series of humiliations and severely tried
and chilled the once wann and well tried
friendship of Great Britain and France, the
two naval Mediterranean Powers which held
Turkey in the hollow of their hands.
The Aiistrian annexation of Bosnia and
the Italian declaration of war against Turkey
placed Germany in an exceedingly difficult
position, but she managed to maintain her
influence at Constantinople through these
trying periods. Then came Turkey's disastrous
war with the Balkan Allies, in which Germany's
sympathies were on the side of Turkey, though
German friendship was confined entirely to
good wishes and Turkey was left to stomach
her defeats as best she iniglit. There follo\M'd
the war between Bulgaria and her former
Allies, Serbia and Greece, and when^ at its
conclusion, the Treaty of Bukarest was made,
the German Emperor busied himself to secure
the retention of Adrianople by Turkey. Doubt -
less he and the German General Staff had been
sadly disillusioned as to the military capabilities
of their friends, but they were still determined
to continue their old programme of exploiting
Turkey, and they had a definite plan for
dragging her into the European conflict whicli
was not far distant.
When at last the Great War broke out it
became evident that Turkish neutrality was
not likely to endure for long. Complications,
also, very soon sprang up. On August 3
Sir Edward Grey instructed I\Ir. Beaumont,
the British charg6 d'affaires, to inform the
Turkish Goveriunent that Great Britain do-
sired to take over the Tiu-kish battlecship,
44
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
THE bHElJvH-LL.lSLAM PROCLAIMING A HOLY WAR.
Sultan Osman, then under construction by
Messrs. Armstrong, Wliitworth, and Co. The
. Grand Vizier gave an assiu-ance that Turkey
intended to observe .a strict neutrality, and
explained that the Turkish mobilization, already
begun, had been ordered only because it would
take months to complete, and because the
Government wished not to be taken by surprise
in case of any aggression. Sir Edward Grey
replied by expressing his conviction that the
Turkish Government would understand the
necessity for Great Britain to keep in England
all warships available for England's own use, and
gave an assiu-ance that all financial and other
loss to Turkey would receive due consideration.
Fiu-ther, he added that if Tiu-kex- remained
neutral no alteration would be made in the
status of Egypt.
Germany, however, rapidly thickened the
plot. At 8.30 p.m. on August 10 the German
warships Goeben and Breslau reached the
Dardanelles. It was the duty of Tiu-key. as
a neutral Power, to see that they did not pa.ss
through, and that they should either leave
before twenty-four hoiu^, or be disarmed and
laid up. The next day the world was astonished
by the news that the Ottoman Government had
bought the Goeben and Breslau. The Grand
Vizier informed the British charge d'affaires
that the piurchase was due to Great Britain's
detention of the battleship Sultan Osman.
Turkey, he said, must have a shjp to bargain
with in regard to the question of the Islands
on equal terms with Greece, and he declared
that the purchase was not due to any intention
to make war upon Russia. At the same time
he asked that the British Naval Mission might
be allowed to remain. To tlus request Sir
Edward Grey replied that if the crews of the
Goeben and Breslau were returned at once to
Germany there would be no need to withdraw
the Naval Mission. Thereupon Admiral Limpus
received a message that crews would be made
up for the Goeben and Breslau, and that there
was no mtention of sending the two slups
outside the Sea of INIarmora until the end of
the war. This was on August 14, but on the
very next day Admiral Limpus and all the
officers of the British Naval Mission were
suddenly replaced m theu" executive command
by Turkish officers and were ordered, if they
remained, to work at the ^Ministry of Marine.
A dehghtful Turkish explanation of this volte
face was given by the Grand Vizier, who, on
the following day, solemnly assured Great
Britain that Turkish neutrality would be
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAB.
45
maintained. A certain number of German
experts would be left on tlie Goeben and
Breslau, owing to the inability of the Turks to
liandlo tliese ships themselves. " It would,"'
fie declared, " have been an impossible position
for Admiral Limpus if he had had under his
direct orders a mixed crew of Turks and
Germans, and perhaps the reason of his with-
drawal fj-oiu executive command may lie in
this consideration."
The Grand Vizier, who daily distributed
smooth assurances to the Ambassadors of the
I']ntente Powers, may have been weakly anxious
to preserve neutrality, wliile the \Var IMinister,
Enver Pasha, carried on a strong propaganda
in favour of immediate adhesion to the Triple
Alliance. Not only was the army mobilized,
but a new field of mines was laid in tiie Dar-
danelles in the first week of August, ajid
warlike preparations were daily more and
more in evidence. The attitude of England
was one of marked forbearance. On Avigust Iti
the British charge d'affaires was instructed,
as were his colleagues of the Entente, to declare
to the Turkish Government that if Turkey
would observe strict neutrality during the war,
England, France, and Russia would uphold
her independence and integrity against any
enemies that might wish to use the European
conflict in order to attack her. When the
British Ambassador, Sir Louis ]\Tallet, wlio
TALAAT BEY,
Minister of Interior.
had been on leave at the outbreak of the
European War, returned to his post he tele-
graphed to Sir Edward Grey, on August 18,
that he had been aacorded a moHt cordial
reception by the Gi'and Vizier, and that
though the situation was delicate he had
CROWD LISTENING TO THE READING OF THE PROCLAMATION.
:s - 2
46
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
A VIEW OF THE BOSPHORUS.
great hopes that if His Majesty's Govern-
ment would exercise patience it might yet be
saved. In reply to his inquiry as to whether
the German crews would be removed soon,
and what guarantee the Grand Vizier would
give that the Goeben and Breslau would be
used neither against Great Britain nor Russia,
the Minister replied that neither -would go
into the Black Sea or the Mediterranean.
Sir Louis Mallet added, " His Higlxness was
much impressed and relieved when I informed
him of the declaration authorized in your
telegrams of August 16. He said that this
wovUd be of enormous assistance to him, and
he assured me that I need not be anxious lest
Turkey should be drawn into war with Great
Britain or with Russia. The present crisis
would pas;^. I am convinced of the absolute
personal sincerity of the Grand Vizier in these
utterances."
Nevertlieless, the fissure between the two
parties was so great that on August 19 Sir
Louis Mallet telegraphed : '"In view of the
possibility of a coup d'etat being attempted
with the assistance of the Goeben in cooperation
with the military authorities under German
influence, who exercise complete control, I wish
to inake it clear that in my opinion the presence
of the British Fleet at the Dardanelles is wise.
I am anxious to avoid any misunderstanding
as to the gravity of the situation notuith-
ptanding the assurances received from the
Grand Vizier."
In order to avoid a conflict Sir Edward Grey
was prejiarcd to go so far as to recogiuzo the
sale of the Goeben and Breslau provided it were
a genuine one. He informed the Turkish
Ambassador in London tliat Turkey would
have nothing to fear f roin , Great Britain, and
tint her integrity would be preserved in any
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
47
conditions of peace which affected the Near
East, provided that she preserved a real
neutraUty during the war, made the Goeben
and Breslau entirely Tiu'kish by sending away
the German crews of those vessels, and gave all
ordinary facilities to British merchant vessels.
Turkey, however, greeted tills striking conces-
sion in a most remarkable manner, and on
August 20 Djemal Pasha, the Minister of
Marine, called on Sir Louis Mallet and made
the astonishing proposal that the Capitulations
should be abolished immediately, that the
two Turkish battleships acquired by Great
Britain at the outbreak of war should l^e
returned immediately ; that interference in
the internal affairs of Turkey should be re-
nounced ; that Western Thrace should be
restored to Turkey if Bulgaria were to join
the Triple Alliance, and that the Greek Islands
should be restored. Even in the face of these
extraordinary demands Sir Edward Grey
replied that he did not wish to refuse all dis-
cussion, and the English, French and Russian
Ambassadors addressed the following communi-
cation to the Porte : " If the Turkish Govern-
ment will repatriate immediately the German
officers and crews of the Goeben and Breslau, will
give a written assvirance that all facilities shall
b3 furnished for the peaceful and uninterrupted
passage of merchant vessels, and that all the
obligations of neutrality shall be observed
by Turkey during the present war, the three'
allied Powers will in return agree, with regard
to the Capitulations, to withdraw their extra-
territorial jurisdiction as soon as a scheme of
judicial administration which will satisfy
modern conditions is set up. They will,
fiu"ther, give a joint guarantee in writing that
they will respect the independence and integrity
of Tiu-key, and will engage that no conditions
in the terms of peace at the end of the war
shall prejudice this independence and integrity."
This remarkable pronouncement was made
in vain. The war party in the Cabinet,
although in a minority, relied on the guns oi
the Goeben to overawe the Sultan himself, if
necessary, and continued to drive their im-
willing colleagues. On September 9 the Porte
sent a Note to the Powers, in which it
announced the abolition of the Capitulations,
as from October 1. Even the German and
Austrian Ambassadors made a show of resenting
this unwarrantable act, and on the following
day identical Notes were addressed by the six
Great Powers to the Sublime Porte, in which
it was pointed out that the capitulatory
regime was not an autonomous institution
of the Empire, but the resultant of inter-
national treaties, diplomatic agreements and
contractual acts of different kinds. It could
not, therefore, be abolished without the con-
sent of the contracting parties, and, in the
RECRUITS AND RESERVISTS FROM PALESTINE, on the lett ;
Regulars oa the right.
43
THi: TIMES HISTORY OF IHE WAIL
SIR LOUIS MALLET,
British Ambassador at Constantinople.
absence of any understanding between the
Ottoman Clovernnient and their respective
Governments, the Ambassadors refiLsed to
recognize the executive force of a vuiilateral
decision of the SubUme Porte.
The whole area of the Dardanelles, Con-
stantinople, and the Bosphorus w«u» rapidly
becoming neither more nor less than a German
enclave. Special trains full of Ciennan sailors
with officers were run through Bulgaria, and
by tiic end of August the total passed tlirough,
over and above the original crews of the Goeben
and the Breslau, was over six hundred. In
addition to these, many German military
reservists arrived, and were posted to garrison
the Dardanelles forts. The German admiral
on board the Goeben and the German Govern-
ment were the absolute masters of the situation
and were in a position to force the hand of the
Turks at anj^ moment which might suit them,
and steady pressure was exerted to prepare
public opinion for hoslihties. Sir Louis Mallet,
m the dispatch wherein on his return to
London he summarized the events which
led up to the final rupture of diplomatic
relations, showed clearly enough the methods
employed. German success in the Eiu'opean
war was said to be assured. The perpetual
menace to Tvirkey from Russia might, it was
suggested, be averted by a timely alliance \\ ith
Germany and Austria. Egj'pt might be re-
covered for the Empire. India and other
^Moslem countries, rejaiesented as groaning
under Christian rule, might be kindled mto a
iiame of infinite possibilities for the Caliphate
of Constantinople. Turkey would emerge from
the war the one Great Power of the East, even
TURKISH TROOPS LEA\ING FOR THE FRONT.
THE TIMES HISTOBY OF THE WAR.
49
as Germany would be the one Great Power of
the West. Every agency which could be used
to stimulate public opinion and to inflame it
against the Allies was set at work, with the
connivance, and often with the cooperation,
of the Turkish authorities. All the Turkish
newspapers in C'onstantinople became German
organs ; they glorified every real or imaginary
success of Germany or Austria and minimized
every disaster or reverse. The semi'official
telegra^jhi.? agency, which was practically p.
department of tlie Ministry of the Interior, was
placed at the disposal of the German propa-
ganda. Through all these channels unhmited
vise was made of Tiu-key's one concrete grievance
against Great Britain as distinguished from
other European Powers, the detention of tlie
two Dreadnoughts, the Sultan Osman and the
Reshadie. The populace had contributed freely
to the fund raised by voluntary subscription
to defray the cost of these much-desired
vessels, and there is no doubt that bi1t(>r
disappointment was felt when the turn of
events prevented or postponed their acquisition.
The "Committee of Union and Progress,"
the chief organization of the Young Turk
Movement, which had its origin in Salonika,
had been torn by many intrigues and feuds
since its first great public triumph in 1908.
But a rump remained of which the most
powerful members were Enver Pasha, the
Minister of War, Djemal Pasha, the ^linister
of Marine, Talaat Bey, the Minister of the
Interior, and Djavid Bey, the Minister of
Finance. Of these Djavid Bey alone was a
champion of neutrality, and Berlin, finding his
opposition uncompromising, in the end forced
his resignation. Enver Pasha was an open
and whole -liearted partisan of Germany. Talaat
Bey, described by Sir Louis Mallet as " the most
powerful civiUan m the Cabinet and the most
conspicuous of the Committee leaders," was
no less real an adherent, though it was not till
early in October that he was openly reckoned
as a member of the war party.. Djemal Pasha,
likewise, wore the mask of neutrality for long,
but only in order to attempt to conceal the
pre]iarations which were being made. Against
these, at least apparently, were ranged the
Sultan, the Heir Apparent, the Grand Vizier,
Djavid Bey, and the remaining members of
the Ministry — enough to constitute a clear
majority against a desperat(> \'enture, but
unfortunately the majority' had no means
of asserting itself against the folly of the
TEWFIK PASHA,
Turkish Ambassador !n London, leaving the
Embassy.
fire-eaters, who in the last resort were prepared
to train the guns of the Goeben upon Con-
stantinople itself. Both the j)ro-Germans and
the Germans themselves, however, were anxious
to retain the Grand \'izier in office if possible,
and to avoid a coup d'etat. As Sir Louis
Mallet later pointed out, it was clearly only
as an extreme step that the Monarch whom
Pan-Islamic pro-C!ermans acclaimed as the
hope of Islam, and whom the devout in some
places had been taught to regard a-s hardly
distinguishable from a true belie\'er, would
run the risk of scandalizing the Moslem world,
whom he hoped to s(!t ablaze to the undoing of
J'^ngland, Russia, and France, by using the
guns of the Goeben to force the hands of the
Sultan-Calij)li.
On September :21 I lie I'ritish Ambassador
saw the Sultan for the last lime, au'l read to
him a personal message from King Ccorge,
who ex]iress(>d his profound r(>gret that "' the
exigencies of unforeseen circumstances " had
compelled (Jreat IJritain to detain tlu> two
50
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
MOBILIZATION.
Marching into Constantinople to join the Colours.
warships intended for the Turkish Navy,
and expressed the hope that the decision to
return these vessels to Turkey at the end of the
European War would suffice to prove that
their detention was dvie to " no unfriendly
intention towards an Empire bound to vis by
a friendship of more than a century." " My
Sovereign," said the Ambassador, " trusts
that Turkey will do nothing to prevent his
Government from acting up to this decision,
that she will maintain strict and absolute
neutrality during the present war, and tliat
there will be no delay in putting an end to
certain facts contrary to neutrality which have
caused some anxiety as to the attitude of the
Turkish GoN^ernment."
Tlie Sultan listened to his communication in
silence until the Master of the Ceremonies
translated the clause containing the words
" certain facts contrary to neutrality." He
then broke in with an eager disclaimer of
any unneutral conduct on the part of Turkey.
The rest of this interesting interview is best
recorded in the Ambassador's o\\ n ^vords :
On my mentioning, as a specific instance, the retention
of German officer's and crews on board the Goeben
and Breslau, His Majesty explained with some lucidity
that they had been kept for a short time to train the
Turkish crews. Tlie " captains " available in the
Turkish Navy were unequal to the task, and it was
necessary for that reason to do what had been done.
The German crews would be sent away in " five or ten
days," and the officers also. Only one or two of the
latter would be retained. He would speak franklj', he
said. Great Britain was a great Power with a great
navy, and had no need of the two ships of the Ottoman
fleet. Great Britain had taken them, but he knew
they would be given back at the end of the war. On
my remarking that Great Britain wished to make
absolutely sure of the position at sea, the Sultan again
said that she was too great a maritime Power to need
these ships, but he once more stated his conviction
that they would be given back. Anyhow, he and hia
Government were not going to depart from their
neutrality. His Majesty repeated this more than once,
saying that they knew that that was the only path of
safety, and that his great desire was to keep the peace.
He laid stress on the friendship between Great Britain
and Turkey. This was the more striking, because the
words were not put into his mouth, as might be sup-
posed, by myself, the Master of Ceremonies having quite
failed to render the parts of my communication in
which I dwelt on past relations between England and
Turkey.
When referring to what the Sultan had said about
the need for training his navy, 1 expressed regret that
the British naval mission had not been allowed to
complete that task. His Majesty did not seem to grasp
the main point, but on mj' referring to the circum-
stances of Admiral Limpus's departure, he broke in with
some emotion, and said twice over that it was not by
his wish that the admiral had left Constantinople with-
out an audience. The admiral had not asked for one or
come to the Palace. Had he done so he, tho Sultan,
would have postponed all other business in order to see
him. I said I would convey this to Admiral Limpus.
I also promised to communicate the Sultan's assurances,
which I said I sincerely believed, to the King, who would
be gratified at receiving them.
Just before I took my leave. His Majesty was good
enough to express his warm personal regard, and made
some further kind remarks about the value which he
attached to his personal relations with me. The Sultan
spoke throughout in the most homely language, but
with great liveliness and point, and with obvious
sincerity. His assurances about his desire to observe
neutrality and remain at peace rather lost than gained
in force by the way in which tho Master of Ceremonies
(whose mind is slow and whose French is defective)
translated them. His remarks on the embargo on the
two ships were plainly, but not discourteously or resent-
fully, worded.
Amongst the " facts contrary to neutrality "
there was much more than the case of the
THE TIMES HIS'J^OEY OF THE WAR.
51
Goeben and tlie Breslau. British merchant
vessels carrying cargoes from Russia to the
Mediterranean liad throughout August been
subjected to delays and searches at the Dar-
danelles, and for one incident at the harbour
of Chanak the Turldsh Government had been
oompelled to tender an apology. On the other
hand, the case of the Goeben and Breslau had
compelled the British Navy to keep a close
watch at the entrance of the Straits, which
greatly perturbed the Turks. On September 26
a Turkish destroyer was stopped outside the
Dardanelles and turned back. Thereupon
the Commandant of the Dardanelles closed the
Straits, and in spite of assurances given by the
Grand Vizier they were not re-opened. The
Goeben and the Breslavi made cruises in the
Black Sea, and niimerous German vessels,
of which the most important were the Corco-
vado and the General, served as auxiliaries to
tliis German Black Sea Fleet. Secret com-
munications with the German General Staff
were established early in August by means of
the wireless apparatus of the Corcovado,
which was anchored opposite the German
Embassy at Therapia. Other German ships
played with the Turkish flag as they pleased,
in order to facilitate their voyages, or cloak their
real character while in port, and a department
was constituted at the German Embassy for
the purpose of requisitioning supplies for the
use of the German Govermnent and their
ships.
By the middle of September it was calculated
that there wei-e over 4,000 German soldiers and
sailors in Constantinople alone. The oflficers
of the German military mission, under General
Liman von Sanders, displayed " a ubiquitous
activity," and were the main organizers of
preparations in S^Tia which directly menaced
Egypt, and became a source of pre-occupation
and a theme of remonstrance to the British
Government.
In October a new weight was cast into the
scale by the importation of large quantities
of bulUon consigned to the German Ambassador,
and delivered under military guard at the
Deutsche Bank. The total amount was esti-
mated at £4,000,000. A definite arrangement
was arrived at with the war group of ^Ministers
that as soon as the financial provision reached
a certain figure Turkey could be called upon to
declare war. The attempt to win over the
Grand Vizier and induce him to make the
declaration was finally abandoned, and by
the last week in October it was decided that
drastic steps to provoke the outbreak must be
taken. On October 29 it was reported from
Cairo that an armed body of 2,000 Bedouins
had made an incursion into the Sinai peninsula,
and occupied the wells of Magdala, and that
their objective was an attack on the Suez
BEDOUIN INFANTRY
62
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
[Barrat!.
PRINCE SAID HALIM PASHA,
Grand Vizier, and Minister for Foreign Affairs.
Canal. On the uiorning of the same daj' three
Turkish tori)edo-boats raided Odessa harbour,
sank the Russian guardship Donetz, damaged
the French ship Portugal, killing two of the
crew, and also damaged three Russian steamers.
Some loss of life was caused m tlie town itscUf
hy sliell-fire. Tlieodosia was likewise bom-
barded. The British Ambas.sador records that
it was certain that the actual orders for
these attacks were given by the German
admiral on the evening of October 27. Tlie
grave new.s reached Constantinople on the after-
noon of October 2!». .M. Bompard, the French
Ambassador, and Sir i^ouis Mallet immediately
called on M. de Giers, their Russian colleague,
and decided to ask for authority from their
Governments to confront the Porte with the
alternative of the rupture of diplomatic rela-
1 ions or the dismissal of the German naval and
military missions.
In the following words the British Ambassador
describes the end of that friendship of more than
a century, of which Eong George had so lately
and so vainly reminded the unhappy Sultan
Mohammed V. :
On tb.p morning of the 30th, liowevor. I learnt from
my Russian colleague that he had recived instructions
from his Government immediately to ask for his pass-
))orts. He had written to the Grand \'izier to ask for
an interview, which his Highnt^ss had begged him to
postpone until the following day owing to indisposition.
The instructions of my Russian colleague being in a
categorical form, he had therefore been constrained to
address a note to the Grand Vizier demanding his
passports ; and I and my F'rench colleague, acting on
the instructions, with which the Ambassadors of the
allied Power.-; had at my suggestion already been fiimLshed,
to leave Constantinople simultaneously should any one
of them be coinpelled to ask for his passports, owing
either to a Turkish declaration of war or to some intoler-
able act of hostility, decided without further delay to
GENERAL LIMAN VON SANDERS (centre) AND HIS STAFF.
THE TIMES HISTOEY OF THE WAR.
53
IHE "BRESLAU" ("MIDILLU")
Flying the Turkish flag.
write to the Grand Vizier and ask in ovu- turn for inter-
views to enable us to carry out these instructions. In
view of his Highness'* indisposition we had not expected
to be received that day, but a few hours later the Grand
Vizier sent us word that he would, nevertheless, be glad
to see us, and notwithstanding the excuse which he had
made earlier in the day he received the Russian Ambas-
sador also in the course of the afternoon. My interview
with the Grand Vizier partly coincided with that of
M. de Gicrs, and preceded that of JI. Bompard. It was
of a painful description. His Highness convmced nie
of his sincerity in disclr.iming all knowledge of oi partici-
pation in the events which had led to the rupture, and
entreated me to believe that the situation was even now
not irretrievable. I replied that the time had passed
for assurances. The crisis which I had predicted to
his Highness at almost every interview which I had
had with him since my return had actually occurred,
and unless some adequate satisfaction were immediately
given by the dismissal of the (Jerman missions, which
could alone prevent the recurrence of attempts upon
Egyptian territory and attacks on Russia, war with the
Allies was inevitable. My Russian colleague had already
demanded his passports, and I must, in pursuance of
tlie instructions I had received, follow the same course.
The Grand Vizier again protested that even now he
could undo what the War party had done without his
knowledge or consent. In reply to the doubt which I
expressed as to the means at his disposal, he said that
he had on his side moral forces which could not but
triumph, and that he meant to fight on to the end. He
did not, indeed, hint at a possibility of immediately
dismissing the German mission, but he informed me
tliat there wa^ to be a meeting of the Council at his
hou.se that evening, when he would call upon his col-
leagues to support him in his determination to avert
war with the allied Towers.
The Council was duly held, and, as ho had predicted,
the majority of the Ministers supported the Grand
Vizier, who made a strong appeal in favour of peace,
and was seconded by Djavid Bey. But the powerless-
ness of the Sultan's Ministers to do more than vote in
the Council Chamber was evident. The question of
dLsmissing the German naval oificers was discu.ssed, but
no decision to do so was taken, and no Minister ventured
even to propose the e.xpulsion of the military mission.
In the interval the War party had sealed their resohi-
tion to go forward, by publishing a conununiqu6 in
which it was stated that the first acts of hostility in the
Black Sea had come from the Russian side. Untrue
and grotesque as it was, this invention succeeded in
deceiving many of the public.
It is not possible to establish by proof which of the
Ministers had pre-knowledge of the German admiral's
coup, but it may be regarded as certain that Enver
Pasha was aware of it, and highly probable that Talaat
Bey was also an accomplice.
The story of a Russian provocation was plainly an
afterthought, and if the oHicial report of the R\issian
Government were not suiTicient to disprove it. I could
produce independent evidence to show that the orders
to begin hostilities wei-e given at the mouth of the
Bosphorus on the evening of October 27 as the
result of a conspiracy hatched between the German
representatives in Constantinople and a small luid un-
scrupulous Turkish faction.
My Russian colleague loft C-instantinoplo without
incident on the evening of October ,"{]. Jly own
departure was eventually arranged for the following;
evening, when I loft for Dcdcagatch, accompanied by
my stall of sixty ollicials and their families ; the Britislj
advisers in the service of the Turkish Government and
some other British subjpct.s also travelled with me. My
French colleague and his staff left by tlio same train.
Owing to the wanton refusal of the niiliiary authorities,
at the last moment to allow the depart uro of a grcvit
number of British and Frencli subjects who were to-
ha\(' left by an earlier train than that which liail been
28 3
54
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
DJEMAL PASHA, MINISTER OF MARINE
(fifth from the right), with Turkish and German Officers on board the
(" Sultan Yawuz Selim ").
Goeben"
placed at my disposal, the station was for some hours
the scene of indescribable confusion and turmoil.
My protests and those of the French Ambassador
were disregarded, and after protracted discussion, we
agreed to leave matters in the hands of the United States
Ambassador, who undertook to use all his influence to
procure the departiu-e of our fellow subjects on the
following day. The " sous-chef de protocole " of the
Sublime Porte and the " chef de cabinet particulier " of
the Slinistry of Foreign Affairs were sent to bid farewell
to M. Bompard and myself at the railway station, and
two Secretaries of the Political Department of the
Ministry accompanied us to the frontier.
^Ir. ^Nlorgenthau, the United States Ambas-
sador, was left in charge of both French and
British interests at Constantinople. The Italian
Ambassador fulfilled a like function for Russia.
CHAPTER L.
THE TURKISH ARMY.
Turkish Military System — German Reforms — Difficulties of Conscription — The Balkan
Wars — The Macedonian Problem — Enver Pasha and the Revolution — Sketch of the
Young Turk Movement — Enver's Career — German Intrigues — The Liman Military IVIission
— Its Difficulties — Peace Strength of the Army — Distribution of Army Corps.
OF all military forces in Eiirope the
Turkish Army is the most difficult
to estimate with any approach to
accuracy. No Government by skilful
artifice could be inore successful in baffling the
curiosity of the outsider than is the Turk by
the simpler means of statistical incompetence
and a natural disinclination to make practice
march with theory.
In the years immediately preceding the war
the army had been subjected to a series
of successive reforms, carried out under
the guidance of German officers, and no
exact accounts were ever published of the
extent or nature of these reforms. Indeed, it
may be said with confidence that so great was
the tangle of Turkish military administration,
so incompetent and weak the central control
over provincial commands, contractors, and
remote officials, that the German reorganizers
of the Tiu-kish Army must themselves have had
but an inaccurate knowledge of the reserves in
men and material at their disposal. There are
many signs that, over a long period of years,
both before and after the l^alkan Wars, and
into the present campaigns, they had con-
sistently overestimated the military possi-
bilities of modern Turkey.
Theoretically the Turkish system bore a
general resemblance to that of the rest of
Europe. The principle of conscription had
long been recognized, but during the reign of
Abdul Hamid the Christian population of the
Empire was not allowed to serve in the army
and was forced to pay a heavy tax instead.
^Vith the advent of the Young Turks to power
there came a supposed change, and under the
Constitution Christians were liable for military
service. The Balkan Christian, as might have
been expected, did not prove a very enthu-
siastic defender of the Sultan's power, and the
Turks complained bitterly that in the battles
of Kirk ICilisse and Lule Burgas, fought in the
Tliracian campaign of 1912, the Christian
soldiers deserted in large numbers to the
Bulgarian standard. The Balkan War and the
treaties of London and Bukarest deprived
Turkey of the most w arlike Christian population
of the p]mpire. The Ainnenian and the Syrian
added little strength, and since the disasters of
1912 and 1913 the Yoimg Turldsh experiment
of using Christian material had been discredited.
3i>
56
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
Jews figured in the army, but they were not a
very important element, and in the main it may
be said that the Turkish Government had to rely
tor its defence upon a system of conscription
applied only to the Musulmans of the Empire.
This statement, unfortunately for the Turk,
requires another important qualification, for
the Turlcish writ ran but lamely amongst the
Arab provinces. The Yemen had for many
years been in a state either of active or simmer-
ing rebellion, and instead of being a source of
supply had been a grave for fine battalions of
the Tiu-kish Army. It may be calculated
that out of an Empire which may be estimated
as containing 20,000,000 inhabitants the Turkish
Anpy could only draw soldiers from a population
of some 8,000,000 — men, women, and children.
Men were liable for service from twenty to
forty years of age. Nine years were spent with
the First Line or Active Service Army, of
which in the case of infantry three were with
the colours, in the case of cavalry and artillery
foiu- ; six and five years respectively were spent
in the reserve. Nine years were spent in the
Redif, or reserve of the active troops (Nizam).
There was, properly speaking, no second line,
and the Redif corresponded to the German
Landwehr. The last two years were spent in
the Territorial Militia (Mustafiz). This line is
sometimes referred to as the Landstuim, but
it possessed no cadres in peace time, and was
most generally found without arms in war time.
In principle a Turkish Army Corps con-
sisted of three divisions or thirty battalion.s.
It had thirty batteries of field, three of horse,
and three of mountain artillery. A battery
had six guns, and each corps had 216 guns.
A field battery had four officers, and 120 non-
commissioned officers and men ; a mountain
battery had three officers and 100 non-com-
missioned officers and men, and a howitzer
battery had four officers and 120 non-com-
missioned officers and men. There were eleven
battalions in all of jDioneers, railway troops,
telegraph troops, sappers and miners, etc.
There were in 1912 140 quick-firing Krupp
mountain guns of 7'5 cm., the majority of
which fell into the hands of Bulgars, Serbs, and
Greeks. Since then, however, 108 Schneider
quick-firing mountain gvms were received
from France, and the Austrian Skoda
Works had doubtless by the date when
Turkey entered the war delivered the
large order given them for 10' 5 cm. quick-
tiring howitzers. Many batteries had, instead
of the regulation T'f) cm. quick-firing Krupp
field gim, the old pattern field gun of
8-7 cm.
In October, 1912, only eight army coqjs
took the field, and these lost the greater
part of their field artillery. Under German
reorganization most of the batteries seemed
to have fovir guns, but some had six ;
a four - company organization appeared
-iPt 4 %
TUKKISH CAMEL TRANSPOKT.
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
57
TURKISH AHivOi'LANIi ABoUT TO tL\ FKOai Si. STEFAiNO TO CONSl AN TiNOPLE.
to have replaced the old five-company battalion.
The infantry of the first line was armed with a
7*65 mm. Manser magazine rifle. The Redifs
were supjjosed to have the same, but many
had the 9*5 mm. Mauser, and the supply was
eked out with Martini-Henrys.
The cavalry consisted in 1912 of 40 regiments,
or 200 squadrons, of 70 men, arn:\ed with a sabre
and a Mauser carbine. One of the peculiar
institutions created and fostered by Abdul
Hamid was the Hamidian cavalry. They con-
sisted of bands of Asiatic tribesmen, chiefly
Kurds, whose official business was to protect
the frontiers that look towards Russia and
Persia, but whose actual duty, carried out with
great zest, was to make life a burden to the
Christian inhabitants of the Armenian vilayets,
where they slaughtered, pillaged and ravaged
to their hearts' content. Under the Turco-
German reform scheme the Hamidian cavalry
were abolished, and 24 regiments of tribal
cavalry, organized on a militia system from
the Kurdish and Arab tribes in Asia Minor,
were substituted for it. The leopard, however,
does not change its spots, and the Kurdish
tribal cavalryman, whether styled Hamidian
or not, probably remained very much as he was.
The Minister of War was entirely responsible
for the army, but he was assisted by the Chief of
the General Staff, and by an Under-Secretary,
or Musteshar, who was always a general officer.
The General Staff department consisted of four
sections, and outside these there was a director-
general of military factories, a sort of master-
general of ordnance, who was formerly coin-
pletely independent, but was made by the Young
Turks subordinate to the Minister of War. He
still had his own independent budget, which was
presented separately to Parliament. For the
last two years, however, before the war tlio
authority of the ]Ministor of War had been
daily abdicated in favour of General Liman
von Sandars, otlierwise known as Liman Pasha,
who was the chief of a very numerous German
military mission to Turkey. The history of
European reform in the Turkish Army is a long
record of failure. During the Crimean W^ar,
when Turkey and Great Britain were allies,
British officers in considerable numbers were
accredited to the Turkisli Army, and succeeded,
temporarily, in the face of intrigue, corruption,
jealousy, and heart-breaking obstacles of every
kind, in working considerable improvement and
in nuvlving good use ox the always magnificent
material which the Turkish Army provided.
The story of General Fenwick \\'illiams'
heroic defence of Kars is a typica\ example of
the work which Englishmen were called upon to
do and of the tremendous obstacles which they
had to fight, but there have been many minor
parallels to this striking and well-known case.
Williams was sent to Kars as a British Commis-
58
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
TURKISH INFANTRY.
sioner, and, strictly speaking, his only duties
uere to transmit to his own Government a
report of the state of affairs in the Turkish
camp. He arrived in the autumn of 1854, and
it is more than probable that, if he had confined
himself to his duties, there would have been no
Turlcish Army in the following year. But this
remarkable man, who had spent the greater
part of his life in the East and had been many
years in Turkey, was not content to be an
observer in such critical hours. He saw the key
of Turkey in Asia defended by an armed rabble,
which had already been ruined by its own
officers and was rapidly dissolving owing to
plunder and peculation. The position which he
found was " an innovation in all military
science." The artillery was nearest the enemy,
the infantry close to the city, and the cavalry
far away southwards on the road to Erzrum.
The Commander-in-Chief was supposed to have
a Staff, but the only plan of operations in his
mind was the vague one that he had to fight
the Giaours.
When the news was spread that a British
Commissioner was arriving there were frantic
efforts made to burnish up accoutrements and
introduce a little order into the camp, but
^Villiams was not to be deceived. He at once
interfered, and, as has been well said, he thereby
committed a breach of etiquette, but saved
Asia Minor. Instead of accepting the muster-
rolls of the troops which were handed to him,
he had the men counted, and, suramoning to his
presence all the gang of corrupt officers and
contractors, he called them sternly to account
and immediately establislied a strong personal
ascendancy which he never afterwards lost.
In all the history of Turkish official corrup-
tion there has been no more disgraceful instance
than that of Kars in the Crimean War. The
Englishmen in the town came to the conclusion
that, dishonesty was the only system which
appeared to be well organized. They were, in
fact, thoroughly disgusted with their allies
and acquired a great respect for their enemies,
the Russians. Then, as now, the Armenians
were strongly on the side of Russia, and one
of Williams' officers records that the Tsar,
throughout all his vast dominions, did not
possess more staunch and zealous partisans
than these Ottoman subjects. But, he added,
*' our indignation at their open and industrious
partisanship in favour of the enemy was
somewhat modified when we heard of the wrongs
and oppressions which had been abundantly
heaped on them." In spite of lies, treachery,
and cholera within, and of the complete
failure of Omar Pasha to relieve him from the
coast or Selim Pasha 'from Erzrum, Wilhams
held the fortress till the end of November, 1855,
when at last he was compelled to surrender.
Later on another Englishman, General
Valentine Baker, known as Baker Pasha,
established, like Williams, a strong personal
influence over the Turks, and during the
Russo -Turkish War of 1877-8 achieved a great
military position. Yet so great was the Turks'
distrust of foreigners that Baker complained
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
59
that up to the end liis authority could only be
exercised in an indirect manner, and that he
was never actually allowed to command troops
or to give a direct order.
A similar bitter experience befell the officers
who at various times were the instruments
of the refonn schemes of the great Powers in
Tiu-key. Their work, it is true, was not in
the army, but in the gendarmerie, but what
is true for one is true for the other. Owing to
the turbulent state of the Empire and its lack
of cohesion, it was necessary to maintain a
large gendarmerie, and the force consisted
actually of some 42,000 men, of whom 16,000
were mounted. After the BerUn Treaty in
1878, British officers under Baker Pasha for a
short time attempted to reorganize the gen-
darmerie in the Armenian vilayets. They did
extremely good w'ork, and their presence
afforded a measure of protection to the op-
pressed Armenians, but their successes were
rather those of military Consuls than of com-
manding officers, for they were unable to get
the reins of power into their own hands, and
shortly after INIr. Gladstone's return to office
in 1880 they were withdrawn for some reason
which has never been sufficiently set forth.
In 1903 the Emperors of Russia and Austria
met at Miirsteg, at a shooting box of the latter,
and devised a programme for reform in Mace-
donia. As a result of this, the Macedonian
vilayets were divided into sectors, and Austrian,
British, French, Italian and Russian officers
were sent to undertake the reform of the gen-
darmerie. Germany refused to participate in
this scheme, in order to avoid giving offence to
Abdul Hamid, to whom all attempts at reform
were thoroughly distasteful. The officers of
the foreign Powers, in spite of stupendous
difficulties, succeeded in effecting a certain
measure of reform, and the British in their
sector at least managed to turn the gendarmerie
into a smart, well-dressed and well-drilled force,
for which the insistence of the Powers seciored
regular pay. Nevertheless, the Sultan obsti-
nately refused to allow any foreign officer to
have any executive authority whatever, or to
issue a single order. But the British took
charge of the gendarmerie training school at
Salonika, and in this manner succeeded in
working wonders with the recruits, and thereby
benefiting the gendarmerie throughout the
sectors.
This gendarmerie reform scheme had tre-
mendous political and military consequences,
and was, indeed, the spark which kindled the
amazing Young Ttu-k Revolution of 1908. The
presence of European officers and the forcible
imposition of reform from without were in-
supportable mortifications to the Turks and
established in the army a bitter hatred of the
corrupt Hamidian rule at Yildiz Kiosk, which
by its feeble tjTanny was exposing the Empire
to a long series of humiliations. The smartness
A TURKISH OFFICER WITH BEDOUIN SOLDIERS.
»;(i
THH TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
TURKISH SOLDIERS GROSSING THE
EUPHRATES.
of the gen»larmerie force under foreign officers,
although their authority was hampered at every
turn, was the most striking demonstration of
the Turkish Government's ineptitude. The
contrast between the condition of the gen-
darmerie luider foreign officers and of the
unpaid, ragged army under their own shiftless
rulers was a very unpalatable one for both
officers and men. There was also a conviction
among the Turks in INIacedonia, more parti-
cularly at Salonika, that the Sultan's handling
of the Macedonian question would inevitably
end in the loss of the whole of European
Turkey. The meeting between King Edward
and the Tsar at Reval, in June, 1908, when
Macedonia \Aas the subject of discussion and
Russia and Great Britain agreed upon the
necessity of imposing a much more drastic
reform scheme, brought to a climax the anxieties
of the Young Turks for the future, and in the
following July they struck their blow.
It was in this Revolution that the
much-discussed Enver Pasha, later to become
Minister of War, made his first public appear-
ance. It is commonly but inaccurately
.supposed that he received his education
abroad, and he is often referred to as a
product of German training. It is, however, a
fact that until he took up his post as military
attache in Berlin after the Yoimg Turk Revo-
lution Enver hnd not been in Western Europe
at all. He w!i.s bom and educated in Con-
stantinople, and wa,s a product of the Con-
stantinople military school. He later learnt to
speak and write both (ierman and English,
but in 1908 his only foreign language was
French. When the Young Turks formed a
secret committee at Salonika in 1905, Major
Enver Bey, who was then stationed in Mace-
donia and was an A.D.C. to Hilmi Pasha, the
Inspector-General of the Macedonian vilayets,
threw in his lot with the committee, which
concentrated all its forces upon a projiaganda in
t!ic arm}'. It saw plainly that a Constitution
could be wrung from the Sultan only by force,
and it conceived a plan for a general strike of
the troops upon some very critical occasion.
The Third Army Corps, which was stationed
both in Macedonia and in the vilayet of
Smyrna, was the special field of its operations,
and the propaganda spread like wildfire among
the officers. Small local committees were
formed wherever there was a garrison of any
kind. An infinity of trouble was lavished
upon this secret society. Books could only
be smuggled in with great difficulty, and officers
sat up at night stud3dng these perilous works,
ransacking the literature of secret societies
and the history of the French and other revolu-
tions. The Balkans themselves provided models,
and Prince Ypsilanti's Greek Hetairia, formed
during the Greek struggle for independence,
and the modern Macedonian and Bulgarian
internal organizations w^ere models fertile in
suggestions. A ritual of signs and counter-
signs was created and Freemasons' lodges were
also formed. These mysterious activities natu-
rally could not continue indefinitely without
coming to the notice of Abdul Hamid's spies,
and in March, 1908, a series of raids was made
and a Commission was sent from Constanti-
nople to procure evidence against suspected
persons. vSo widespread, however, had the
conspiracy become amongst army officers and
Government officials that it continued imabated,
and in the following Jvuie the Sultan sent
another Commission to imearth the Young T\irk
leaders at Salonika. One of the first to be
denounced was Enver Bey. In the paradoxical
fashion common in Tm-key he was promptly
invited to Constantinople with a promise of high
promotion upon his arrival there. He realized
at once that this treacherous offer probably
meant that his body, like that of many another
conspirator before him, would be dropped to
the bottom of the Bosphorus. He therefore
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE
WAP
I.
61
CO
o
u
<
O
z
o
H
I— H
H
(73
H
O
Z
?
o
C/D
w
l-H
X
CO
l-H
H
X
H
PL,
O
<
G2
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
saved himself by flight, and joined Niazi Bey,
who raised the flag of revohition on JuJy 3
in the Resna hills.
In the subsequent proceedings Enver appears
to have had no leading part himself, but owing
to his prominent position in the committee at
Salonika and to his having had the honour of
being denounced by Abdul Hamid he was
universally acclaimed as a hero of the revo-
lution, and his name was everywhere coupled
with that of Niazi. In the middle of the night
of July 3 Niazi, at the head of a small body of
Turks from the 88th Regiment, seized the
money in the battalion treasury, seventy-
five Mauser rifles, and an ammunition chest.
He distributed the rifles to his men and took
to the hills. The same night, at Presba, Lieu-
tenant Osman with the rifles and cartridges of
his own detachment reached Asiunativ, where
be armed the villagers and proceeded to join
Niazi. Next day 200 Musulmans from Ochrida
and Monastir joined the little army and swelled
Niazi's force to the number of 700. On the
night of the 5th the committee placarded the
town of Monastir with its constitutional mam'-
festo, and on the 6th the officers of the garrison
deserted to Niazi with their ammunition.
Bands with officers at their head visited both
the Christian and Musulman villages and
quickly won over the population. Niazi met
with no opponents, and consequently there were
no casualities except some a.ssa.ssinations at
Monastir and the shooting of spies. Deser-
tions of both officers and men in the gendarmerie
increased daily and the Albanian bands came
pouring in. Soon the officials who had remained
faithful to the Government had no forces at
their disposal. The Young Turk Committee
decided to make a demonstration at Ochrida,
and thence march on Monastir. On July 19^
the Monastir garrison, previously reinforced
by two battalions from Salonika, was further
inert ased by 2,500 men from Smyrna, but these
soon showed themselves partisans of the revo-
lution. At midnight on the 22nd Niazi entered
Monastir at the head of 2,000 men, captured
tlie commandant, and returned with him to
Ochrida. At noon on the 23rd a vast cro« d
of Musulmans and Christians, the troops, the
gendarmerie, the local officials, the clergj',
and 1,000 insurgents assembled on the parade
ground at Monastir, and the Constitution was
proclaimed with a salvo of guns. An hour
after midnight, after many telegraphic messages,
and in the face of Niazi's tlireat to march on
Constantinople, the Sultan sent an ofticial
telegram according the Constitution. At noon
on Friday, July 24, Hilmi Pasha proclaimed
tliis somewhat sorry concession from the steps
of the Konak at Salonika.
This is not the place to write the chequered
history of Turkey since that eventful day, but
INSTRUCTION IN THE USE OF THE GERMAN SERVICE RIFLE.
THE TIMES HISTOBY OF THE WAR.
63
it is important to notice that from that tiine
forth the army, by means of which the Young
Turks came to power, remained the dominating
factor in Turkish politics, and it never escaped
from the mastership of the small Salonika
group. Within the conamittee itself there
arose many feuds and factions, but a rump
ever remained, the principal members of which
were Enver Pasha, Talaat Bey, Djemal Pasha,
and, for a long time, Djavid Bey.
At first it was the role of the committee
to play the part of the power behind the throne,
and to put forward elder statesmen as their
puppets. None of the members took office,
and Enver Bey disappeared to Berlin as MiUtary
Attache. When the counter-revolution came,
in March, 1909, he hurried back to Salonika
and once more figm-ed in the Umelight beside
Mahmoud Shevket Pasha, when the latter
made his triumphal march to Constantinople,
suppressed the counter-revolution, deposed
Abdul Hamid, and put the present Sultan on
the throne. After this success the Young
Turks to a certain extent modified their policy,
and a few of their own members accepted the
responsibility of office, but in a large measure
they followed their previovis procedure of
acting as an irresponsible and secret jiinta,
outside of the Government which they con-
trolled. Enver, despite ambition, declared
by many to be his principal failing, still re-
frained from pressing his claims, and returned
to his post at Berlin, from which in the spring
of 1910 he paid a visit to London. In the
autiunn of 1911 Italy suddenly declared war
and Enver Bey hurried to Tripoli, where,
during the later stages of the campaign, he
endeavoured to organize the Arab resistance
to the Italian arms. A year later Turkey,
menaced by the Balkan League, patched up
a hasty peace with Italy at Ouchy, just before
the outbreak of the Balkan war. Enver was
still in Tripoli, and so swift were the blows of
the Balkan Allies and so difficult did he find
his return to Constantinople — he is stated
to have crossed Egypt in disguise — that he was
unable to take any part in the autumn fighting,
thereby escaping the odiiun of any share in
a disastrous campaign. When the first Balkan
Conference met in London in 1913 Enver, who
was then at Constantinople, directed all his
energy to preventing any peace which should
involve the cession of the beleaguered city of
Adrianople to the Bulgars. When the Turkish
Government finally made up its mind to this
tNVER PASHA,
Minister of War.
sacrifice he appeared at the Ministry of War
at the head of a crowd of demonstrators, and
in the tumult that followed Nazim Pasha, the
Commander-in-Chief, was shot, apparently
by Enver's own hand. The generally-accepted
version is that Enver was fired upon by some-
one standing directly beliind Nazim, and that
drawing his revolver vipon his assailant, he
shot the former by mistake. The E n per or
William, at the time, spoke openly of Enver
as an " assassin."
In any case the immediate object of Enver
was achieved. Tlie Ministry of Kiamil Pasha
was ejected from oflice and Mahmovid Shevket
Pasha became Grand Vizier and Minister of War.
This coup d'etat took place on January 24,
1913. Mahmoud and Enver gave Nazim a
military funeral, at which they appeared as
principal moiu-ners. The Turkisii Government
refused to cede Adrianople, negotiations in
London broke down, and the second campaign
began. This brought no credit to the Die-
Hard Party, for Adrianople fell, and when
peace was signed in London the Turks had to
agree to the loss of the fortress and to accept
<>4
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
PIGKHT OF TURKISH MARINES.
the Enos-Midia frontier line. When; how-
ever, the Balkan League broke up and Bul-
garia came to blows with her former allies,
Servia and Greece, while Roumania marched
almost to the gates of Sofia, Enver seized the
chance presented to him, and at the head of a
Turkish army recaptured Adrianople. There
was no one to eject them, and by the treaty of
Bukarost Turkey was allowed to retain Adrian-
ople. In June, 1913, just before these events,
Mahmoud Shevket Pasha was assassinated as an
act of vengeance for the murder of Nazim. and
Enver became Minister of War, with the rank of
Pasha. Prince Said Halim, Minister for Foreign
Affairs, was made Grand Vizier, and still
retained both posts at the outbreak of the war.
As has already been said, the Young Turks'
was essentially a military revolution, and it
was natiu"al that the new party in power should
concern itself with the question of army
reform. Abdul Hamid first brought Von der
Goltz Pasha to Turkey, and under the old
reghne Germany was already the model for the
army. The Young Turks applied to Great
Britain for naval reorganizers and to Germany
for their army reformers. A military mission,
consisting of some twenty German officers,
arrived in 1909 and set to work, but their
efforts were severely hindered by the political
unrest, by successive rebellions in Albania, and
finally by the Turco-Italian and Balkan Wars.
The culminating disaster of the Balkan War did
not, however, diminish the determination of the
Young Turks to proceed with army reform on
German lines. Enver Pasha redoubled his
efforts, and in the autumn of 1913 the German
military mission was very much increased and
further powers were conferred upon its new
head, General Liman von Sanders. Germany
accepted the invitation to undertake this new
responsibility without any reference to the
other Powers, and when the facts became
known considerable dissatisfaction was ex-
pressed. M. Sazonoff, the Russian Foreign
Minister, was particularly indignant, because he
had liimself paid a visit to Berlin and discussed
the field of international relations with the
German Chancellor at the very moment when
Germany had accepted the Tiu-kish invitation,
yet Herr von Bethmann-HoUweg had never
mentioned the matter to him. Russia accord-
ingly made a formal protest, which was met by
German assurances of the irmocuous chtu-acter
of the German mission, but in reality Liman
Pasha became mihtary dictator of Constanti-
nople, a city where martial law had reigned
constantly for six years. The 42 officers with
which he began his mission grew to an inxmensely
greater number. The Turkish War Office was
entirely under their control, and no important
interview could take place without the presence
of a German officer, nor could any contract be
signed without his approval. Scores of Germans
were distributed amongst the various com-
mands, and the Turkish Minister of War was
apparently the willing instrument of a definite
THE T1ME>^ Hl;STURY OF THE WAR,
65-
attempt to make the Turkish Army simply
and solely a weapon at the disposal of the
Kaiser's Great General Staff. For the first time
in history we had the spectacle of the Turk
yielding up authority fully and freely to a
foreigner. In face of all the past experience
of many able soldiers — English, J^^rench, and
others — it would, in any case, have been safe to
predict that no such experiment could work
duccessfully, that however wholehearted in his
German allegiance Enver Pasha might be, the
Turkish Army and the Turkish people could not
be counted upon to follow his example, and that
the German exercise of authority could only
work with tremendous friction and with poor
success. But there is no longer any need to
make predictions in the matter, for much
testimony has been forthcoming that the
German officers were regarded with jealousy
and suspicion by those in high places, were
detested and despised by the rank and file of
the army and the mass of the Turkish people,
and had to contend against all the obstacles
which Oriental apathy, ill-will, and capacity for
deliberate obstruction could contrive to put in
their way. They had, on the other hand, a
thorough knowledge of their work, and strong
determination, but they were utterly lacking in
that experience of Musulman countries and
that talent for the handling of native troops and
tor colonial soldiering which stood Englishmen
and Frenchmen in s-uch good stead in the
past.
It is not unconomon to hear the suggestion
made that the Turkish Army had greatly
decreased in efficiency since the advent of the
Yoting Turks to power, and many people
supposed that in Abdul Hamid's time it would
have proved superior to the armies of the
Balkan League. But this assiunption must not
be made too lightly. The Turks were once a
great conquering race, of whom all Europe
stood in awe, and we cannot forget that in the
seventeenth century they were at the gates of
Vienna. But the qualities of generalship and
leadership on land and of seamanship on sea
deserted them, and the nineteenth century
witnessed a progressive and obvious decay.
The fighting qualities of the Turk remained and
appeared to suffer no eclipse, but he was no
longer led or cared for, and though we foimd
the Turks brave allies in the Crimean War,
courage and patience were the only military
virtues they possessed. In the Russo-Turkish
War of 1877-78 it was the same story. The
Russians had to cross two tremendous obstacles
— the Danube River and the Balkan Moiuitains
— and it was in stubborn defence, assisted bj-
these great barriers, and in the trenches at
Plevna, that the qualities of the Turkish soldier
were displayed ; but there were no signs of
generalship and there was nothing worthy of
TURKISH ARllLLEKY.
66
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
the name of organization. Even in the Greek
War of 1897, although for the most part the
Turks had no enemy in front of them, they
advanced with extraordinary slowness. After
this, year by year, the condition of the army
grew worse. It had neither pay, uniform, nor
commissariat. The infantry got no musketry
training and the artillery had no ammunition
for their guns. When the Revolution of 1908
came, an attempt was made to reform the army,
hut there was no time before the crisis arose.
There were two rebellions in Albania to be
suppressed, as well as an Arab revolt ; then
came the war with Italy, and lastly the life-and-
death struggle against the Balkan League.
No country had ever been in a strategic position
at all comparable to that of Bulgaria for striking
a quick blow at Turkey, and in a war with
Turkey time is the essence of the matter.
Unlike the Russians in 1878, the Bulgarians had
to cross neither the Danube nor the Balkaas.
The Bulgarian Army was universally admitted
to be a most efficient fighting instrument. It
had been trained and disciplined for one object
and one object only — to fight the Turk ; and
every Bulgarian soldier believed in his heart
that the day of that fight would come. The
Turks had an excellent plan of campaign ready,
which had been prepared for them by the
Germans ; but it is one thing to have a good
plan of campaign provided by someone else and
another thing to have the generalship to carry
it out. Abdulla Pasha, the Commander-in-
Cliief, failed in 1912 against the Bulgars in
Thrace precisely as Enver Pasha failed in 1915
against the Russians in the Caucasus. The plan
which had been the inadequately concealed
[purpose of the Turkish army manoeuvres of
1909 and 1910 was fathomed by the Bulgars,
and miscarried hopelessly, being in any case
put out of court by the slowness with which
Abdulla developed his offensive towards Kirk
Kilisse. But it is probably true, as General
Savoff and the Bulgarian Staff themselves
stated, that the Turldsh officers were superior,
the men better fed, better clad and better
trained, and their war stores and equipment of
every kind more complete at the outbreak of
the Balkan War than they had been for some
years. It is, however, possible, although in
1912 the Turkish soldier showed liimself by no
means devoid of his old qualities, that the Young
Turk Revolution, the deposition of Abdul
Hamid, and the spread of hberal ideas and
" free thought," had lessened his simple faith
in, and self-sacrificing subordination to, the
powers above him, more especially the officers
who led him. From the Balkan War the
Turkish Army emerged manifestly weakened,
but, as has been indicated, much energy was
afterwards spent upon it. We may take it that
General Liman von Sanders and his Staff had,
at any rate, given most excellent advice as far
as organization goes, and had taught strategy
on sovmd principles. But possibly thej-- mada
too little allowance for local conditions and for
Turkish characteristics, and in any caso.
however admirable their efforts, we may take
it that they were hampered at every turn by a
personnel none too honest, none too efficient,
and none too earnest. It would be a inistake,
however, not to assmne that the Turkish
infantry would, as always, fight well, and in
particular it could be relied upon for a stubborn
defence. The Turks had always sho^vn great
skill in entrenching quickly and ingeniously,
and the tactics employed in 1914-15 on both
sides in Flanders, for instance, were eminently
suited to the Turkish miUtary genius. The
Turkish gunners, on the other hand, were not
remarkable for their skill, since they got no
special practice, and the Turkish cavalry had
few modem triumphs to its credit.
The latest estimate of the total peace strength
of the army in 1915 was 17,000 officers, 250,000
men, 45,000 horses, 1,500 guns, and 400 machine
guns. Under the army scheme in operation
since the Balkan War there were nominally
four army inspections. The first had the 1st,
2nd, 3rd and 4th army corps, with headquarters
at Constantinople, Rodosto, Kirk Kilisse and
Adrianople ; the second army inspection con-
tained the 8th corps at Damascus and the
5th and 6th corps at centres undetermined.
All the above had their complement of three
divisions. The third army inspection was at
Erzingliian, and included the 9th, 10th and 11th
army corps at Erzrlim, Erzingliian and Van
respectively. Of these the 10th corps had three
divisions, but the 9th and 11th two only. The
4th army inspection was at Bagdad, and
included the 12th army corps at Mosul and the
13th at Bagdad. They had two divisions.
Lastly, there were the independent 14th corps,
with three divisions at Sanaa, Hodeida and
Ebka, and the Hedjaz division.
CHAPTER LI.
THE OUTBREAK OF WAR AND THE
CAMPAIGN IN THE CAUCASUS.
War Strength of the Army — Fields of Operations — The Caucasus Frontier — Tims —
Difficulties of a Winter Campaign — The Turkish Advance — Concentration — German
Strategy — Nature of the Offensive— Envelopment Foiled — The Russian Victory —
Sarikamish — Russian Naval Success — The Persian Frontier — Turks Occupy Tabriz —
Russians Relieve Tabriz.
WHEX the European crisis developed
cat the end of July, 1914, the
Turks immediately began mobili-
zation. This proceeded with ex-
treme slowness, but by the end of October,
when Turkey herself joined in the European
conflict, it was estimated by The Times Military
Correspondent that there were some 500,000
more or less trained men in the Army, and
another 250,000 trained men at the depots.
The army corps were distributed as follows.
At and near Constantinople were the 1st,
3rd, and 5th Army Corps, and a portion of
the 6th. There were also the Bosphorus
Defence Troops, three or four cavalry brigades,
some Kurdish levies, and a few depot troops.
In all some 200,000 men may have been in
the Constantinople district. In Thrace there
were the 2nd and most of the 6th Corps, with
three cavalry brigades and frontier guards ;
these were distributed between Adrianoplc,
Dimotika, and Kirk Kilisse. At Smyrna
part of the 4th Army Corps remained, but the
bulk of it was concentrated at Panderma.
In Palestine the 8th Corps was at its full
strength of some 40,000, plus numerous Arab
irregular corps and cavalry.
It is worth while to pause here and examine
the object of this military distribution. In
Europe the Tui'ks still retained territory in
Tlirace as far as the Balkans in the north,
and the towns of Adrianople, Dimotika, and
Rodosto in the north and west. Tliis was but a
remnant of the former Tiu-key in Europe,
and in a military sense it was, as has been said,
little more than a elacis to the famous lines of
Tchataldja, which defend Constantinople on the
landward side. Both before and after the
Balkan War the main mass of the Turkish troops
had been kept in Eiu-ope with the object of
defending the capital, and also because it was
the bvirning desire of the Young Turks to
regain the territory' which Turkey lost m the
last war. The second group of troops was in
the Caucasus, directed against Russia, while
the third group was concentrated in Sj-ria
and on the borders of Egj-pt. So long as
Bulgarian neutrality could bo counted upon
the immediate task of the Turkish Army was
in the Caucasus. The Oth, 10th, and 11th
Corps were, by the begimiing of November,
brought up to tliree divisions, and each division
to a strength of ten l)at tnlions There were also
three brigades of cavalry, and, in addition, the
67
68
Till': TIMKS HISTORY OF THE
WAR.
DJAVID BEY,
Turkish Minister of Finance.
tribal horse was called out and partisans
raised on the Persian frontier for a raid into
Persia.
As Turkey entered the fray at the beginning
of November it was generally believed that no
exterusive military operations could be under-
taken immediately in the Caucasus, and that
the real campaign must be postponed tintil the
spring of 1915. With a long and arduous
desert march before her towards Egypt; where
the Suez Canal and all the other conditions
piled difficulty upon difficulty, with Bulgaria
and Greece still neutral, with the Russian
frontier buried in snow, with the navy unable
to take the open sea and incapable of more
than Black Sea raids, it looked as if Turkey's
participation in the war would be for months
to come of little more than a nominal kind.
In all of the numerous previous campaigns
against Russia winter had checked the opera-
tions in the Caucasus. It must be set down a-s
a testimony to the energy and determination
of the Turks under their German leaders that,
contrary to general expectation, they refused
to let winter pass without putting forth all
their strength and did not fear to face the
unspeakable horrors of a mid-winter campaign
in those frozen snow-bound heights. The
Caucasian frontier is, indeed, of vast importance
to Turkey. Between herself and Egypt she
has a desert barrier and far to the south-east,
in Mesopotamia, she was probably unprepared
for the swiftness with wliich the British sent
an expedition from the Persian Gulf to the
Tigris. But in the Caucasus she is for ever
face to face with her ancient enemy, and when
the fatal decision to make war was taken in
Constantinople, evei-y Turk knew well that,
whether in the winter or the spring, a desjwrate
struggle must come between the Sultan's ho.sts
and the might of Russia. Doubtless Germany
hoped and believed that by an imrnerliate
vigorous Turkish offensive in the (Auicasus
Russia could be forced to detach considerable
bodies of troop'^ from the Polish theatre of
war, and thus relieve the ))ressure upon herself
or Austria, but the Russians were fully prepared
for Turkey, whose hand had been only too
plainly shown from the very development
of the European crisis. The Russian Army in
the Caucasus stood fast at its post, and when
Turkey declared war it was not thought neces-
sary to transfer a single man from the Polisli
front.
There had been many alterations in the
Russo-Turkish frontier in the Caucasus, but
the wide isthmus between the Black Sea and
the Caspian was still the inevitable theatre of
war. Here Russia's southern frontier marched
successively with Turkey and with Persia along
a line that moved in a south-easterly direction
from the Black Sea to the Caspian. The Russo-
Turkish frontier was a mountain wall runninir
from the Black Sea on the west to the great
bulwark of Ararat on the east. At its western
end there is a passage by the sea that may
be compared to the road on the Franco-Spanish
frontier which lies between the Western
Pyrenees and the angle of the Bay of Biscay.
The rest is a confused mountain wall dropping
down through great ravines and climbing
up again to ^Ararat. The Russo - Persian
frontier, which followed on, ran through very
level country along the course of the great
riv er Araxes to the Caspian. The great Russian
town of the Caucasus is the beautiful city of
Tiflis, the old Georgian capital. Here was the
half-way house between Batouin on the Black
Sea and Baku on the Caspian, while north-
wards from Tiflis ran a road and the new rail-
way over the Vladikafkas Pass into Russia
proper. Southward runs another railway,
through the great fortress of Kars to a railhead
at Sarikamish, close to the Turkish frontier. At
Alexandropol there is a bifurcation and a railway
■THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
69
runs eastward through Erivan to ,hilt'a on the
Persian Frontier. The Kars raihvay runs
through high mountain ridges, and south of
it there is a succession of peaks chniljing up
to the Armenian plateau on the Turkish .side.
Sarikamish itself is 6,000 ft. vip, and beyond.it
are heights 10,000 and 11,000 ft. above the
sea. There are no roads anywhere except
across great heights, which in tlie winter are
buried in snow.
A few days after the first Turkish raid on
the Black Sea coast the Russian troops crossed
the Turkish frontier and, after various skir-
mishes with advance bodies of Turkish troops,
captiu"ed a position close to Kojirukeui. on the
road to Erzrum ; but on November 1 3 they
were compelled to fall back before superior
forces ; reinforcements, however, came up,
and after three days' fighting the Russians were
once inore in possession of Koprukeui by Xovenn-
ber 20. This initial Russian success, however,
was but a demonstration, and not an advance
in force. Transcaucasia was to Russia but
a secondary theatre of war, and her general
policy was to act upon the defensive during
the winter months. The Turks, however, had
no intention of remaining on the defensive, and
at the end of November thej^ began to develop
an advance. As has already been said, the
9th, 10th and 11th Army Corps had a month
previously been concentrated at Erzrum.
SHUKRI PASHA,
one of the Turkish Commanders in the Caucasus.
Erzrum was Turkey's most important fortified
place in Asia, and corresponded to Atlrianople
on her European frontier.
The Russian concentration had taken place
at Kars, and it is important to note well these
two frontier strongholds, as it is between them
TURKISH CAVALRY.
70
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
that tlio hulk of tlie rarly fighting took i)lace.
The intervening distance is over 100 miles.
Hotii are situated some 6,000 feet above the
^sea, and tiio mountain road between them
rises considerably liiglier. The whole inter-
vening co'uitry is a tangle of mountain ridges
and high snow-swept valleys. The plan pre-
pared by the Germans for the Turks was the
plan which is dearest of all to the heart of the
German General Staff, Here they proposed to
repeat \\ith the Turks the procedure which
von Kluck had followed against the French
and English armies in France, and von Hindor-
biu-g against tiie Russians before Warsaw, and
attempt the envelopment of the enemy. The
Germans assumed, and rightly assumed, that
the Russians would move forward their main
army by the road from Kars to Erzrum, for,
except on the Persian side, it is the only avenue
for large masses of troops, and, moreover, the
railhead at Sarikamish vipon this road was not
more than 15 miles from the Turkish frontier.
To engage and hold the Russians on the
Erzrum road with the 11th Turkish Army
Corps, and at the same time to send round
columns on the left for an enveloping attack
against Kars and the Russian right flank, was
the essence of tlie German plan. In order to
carry it out successfully it was clearly necessary
that Enver Pasha i-hould dispose of more
troops than the enemy. The 37th Division
of the 13th Bagdad Corps was brought up
to strengthen the 11th against the Russian
front, and a portion of the Iht Army Corjis was
brought by sea f i om Constantinople to Trebizond,
to advance from the coast again.=t Ardahan
and complete the extreme Turkish left in the
enveloping movement upon the Russians. It
may be estimated, therefore, that Enver Pasha
disposed of more than 150,000 men, while the
Russian forces were probably at most 100,000.
The 11th Corps, as^sisted by a division of Arab
soldiers from the 13th Corps, was to contain
the Russians from Koprukeui, while the 1 0th and
9th wheeled on its left to the line from Olty
and Id to Koprukeui. The 10th concentrated at
Id, and the 9th fell into place in the centre.
Meanwhile far to the n( rth anotheu force, a
portion of the 1st Corps, moved on Ardahan,
with Kars and the cutting of the railway t ehind
the Russians as its ultimate objective.
When the Turkish offensive began the 11th
Corps pushed the Russians back towards
Khorosan, which is about 30 miles south of
TURKISH EMISSARIES IN BERLIN.
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAF.
7J
TURKISH CAVALRY.
Sarikamish and held it tlirough heavy fighting
in Christmas week. Meantime the 9th and 10th
Corps were struggUng through icy winds and
deep snow at tremendous altitudes through the
moimtains, and reached but did not enter
Sarikamish on Christmas Day. The 1st Corps,
coming from the valley of the Chorok river,
crossed a mountain pass 8,000 feet up and bear-
ing down upon Ardahan drove out a small
Russian force of some 4,000 strong on January 1 .
It will thus be seen that with the Russian front
checked at Khorosan, with the Saganuk heights
at Sarikamish occupied by the 9th Turkish
Corps, the 10th fiercely attacking the railway
just beyond it, and the Ist in occupation of
Ardahan, this extraordinarily ambitious scheme
of envelopment came comparatively near
success, in spite of the difficulties of carrying
out a concerted occupation amongst the mass
of mountains deep in snow, without roads or
railways, and with little possibility of inter-
conununication between the columns or of
synchronizing action. In the end, as might
have been expected, these difficulties proved
too much. The 10th Army Corps was the
first to suffer. About the afternoon of Decem-
ber 29 it began to give way, and on New Year's
Day it was driven right back. On January 3
the Russians came up in force and drove the
1st Corps out of Ardahan. With the 10th and
the 1st Corps in retreat the 9th Corps, which
was still fighting desperately at SarikainLsh,
was completely surrounded and absolutely
wiped out. The only unbeaten corps, the
11th, could as yet do nothing to aid it, for it
was fully engaged by the head of the Russian
column at Khorosan, and it made no progress
for over a week. Iskan Pasha, with the whole
of his Staff, including the German officers
attached, and the 11th Corps which he com-
manded, or such portion of it as had succeeded
in reaching Sarikamish, surrendered. The
best resumes of these operations are the two
following official communiques dated
January 6. The first is froui the General
Staff of the Army in the Caucasus :
At the end of November the main body of the
Third Turkish Army was moved in the direction of
the region to the east of Erzrum. The army was
preceded by two army corps, witli a reserve corps near
Hassan Kala.
In accordance with the plan of Enver Pasha, the
Third Army was to operate as follows: The 9th and
10th Corps wero to advance iu the direction of Olty in
order to form tho wing of (ho Tmkish defensive, while
the llth Corps was ordered to maintain its pos^ition,
which was strongly organized, and to draw upon itself,
by a strategic demonstration, our troops. In caso the
Russian troops imdcrtook an energetic offensive, the
llth Corps was ordered to fall back on tho fortress of
Erzrum, drawing our forces with it. Tlie 10th Turkish
Corps was to advance in two coKnnns, the first, one
division strong, marching towards Id, through tlie
valley of tho Olty Chai, while the second, two divisions
strong, was to march on Ardost, through tlio valley of
S<>rvy Chai. The Hth Turkish Army Corps wa-^ to
assume the offensive in the gap between tho 10th and
llth Corps.
72
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WATL
in.
* — .
<
u
<
U
DC
o
l-H
u
THE times; history of the war.
73
FORT CHANAK, DARDANELLES.
Our troops in the region of Olty, in spite of the enemy's
numerical superiority, courageously hindered a Turkish
advance, and, by means of counter attacks, inflicted
lieavy losses on the enemy.
In the meanwhile, we ascertained that a strong
Ottoman column, reinforced by the rebel Musulman
population, was advancing over the Panjouretsk and
Yalanuz-Djamsh passes towards Ardahan. Our garri-
son, which was occupying this point, fell back slightly
after fighting 17 days.
The second communique of .January 0 is
from the Russian Headquarters' Staff :
In the Caucasus, having received reinforcements, we
attacked, on Sunday, the Turkish troops concentrated
at Ardahan and inflicted a complete defeat on the enemy,
taking from him the colours of the 8th Regiment, wliich
formed part of the garrison of Constantinople.
During the later development of the action we dis-
covered that the bulk of the Turkish forces — namely,
the 9th and 10th Army Corps — had taken the offensive
against Sarikamish. This movement, undertaken by
mountainous roads covered by snow, across extremely
steep ridges, was carried out almost without supply con-
voys or field artillery, although the Turkish troops were
abundantly supplied with war supplies.
The enemy planned this operation counting chiefly
upon the sympathy and liberal help of the native
Musulmans who had previously been approached by
Turkish emissaries.
The task of our troops was to check the largo forces
of the enemy on this front and to create a barrier suffici-
ently strong to defeat the 9th and lotli Turkish Army
Corps.
In spilo of the extraordinary dilliculty of this task,
the rigorous winter weather, and the necessity of lighting
in mountainous passes covered with snow anil at an
altitude of 10,000 feet, our gallant troops of the Caucasus,
after <lesporafe fighting, which lasted over 10 days,
brilliantly fullillod the exceptional task which had fallen
to them.
Having repulsed the frenv.ied attacks of the Turks
on the front and at Sarikamish, they enveloped and
annihilated almost the whole of two Turkish Army Corps,
taking the remainder of one of these corps prisoners,
together with its ("oininandcr-in-(-hicf, thre(! Divisional
Generals, the Staff, ninnerous officers, thousands oi
soldiers, artillery, machine-guns, and baggage animals.
Tho intense struggle on the principal front naturally
necessitated a change in the formation of our forces in
the districts of secondary importance, and the approach
of certain of our detachments to the frontier.
Our trophies cannot yet be precisely stated.
The pursuit of the enemy continues.
Iskan Pasha himself stated that he considered
his defeat mainly due to the cold weather
and the ahnost impassable condition of the
roads. Out of the 9th Corps only 6,000
reached Sarikamisli. Here the Russians engaged
him, and after six night attacks he svirrendered.
The prisoners, when captured, were scarcely
able to stand from exhaustion and hunger.
The officers were distracted by the insubordi-
nation of the men, who threw down their
rifles and hurried to the Russians in order to
surrender. Several times the Russians moved
their kitchens up to the front line, and the
Turks, smelling the food, instantly stopped
fighting and surrendered. When they were fed
they kissed the hands of their captors. Des-
criptions of scenes on the battle-field by eye-
witnesses inake the blood run cold. Tlu>
slaughter was particularly great on two heights
with a slight dip between them. Here the
battle had swept with sucli fury that it was
literally impossible to move vvitlioiit treading
on bodies, and I,.")00 dead were left in this
small space alone.
It would appear that during tlie wonderful
defence of Sarikamish from December 2.") to
December 28, a liaiidful of Russians assumed
the offensive against an entire Turkisli division
until reinforcements arrived. This heroic action
alone saved the town. The Ru.ssians advanced
by a forced march tliroiigli deei) snow, engaging
74
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
ADMIRAL SAGHAN (centre) WITH
HIS STAFF.
the enemy in the evening about thirteen miles
from the town.
The ragged, hungry, half -frozen Turks rolled
on in dense columns. The maclaine-gun detach-
ments allowed them to approach within 3t30
paces, and then literally mowed them down ;
but ever new columns sprang up in their place.
The Russians slowly retired eastward step by
step. The enemy, realizing that every hour
and minute was precious if Sarikamish was to
be taken, came on with the madness of des-
pair, fighting always in the darliness. The
Turkish columns hurled themselves on the
slender Russian line, which, coolly falling back,
sold every inch of ground dearly.
The Turks, drunk with fanaticism, fired
standing. Thereupon tlie Russians resorted
to the bayonet, and with ringing cheers charged
home upon the enemy's masses, inflicting
frightful slaughter. The enemy broke on several
occasions, but German officers with loaded re-
volvers drove back defaulters till the Russians,
under the pressure of sheer weight of numbers,
were forced to retreat two or three miles from
Sarikamish. More Turkish artillery arrived
at this juncture, but too late to claim the
victory as the Russian guns were covering
their own infantry, and roared forth an effective
reply. Reinforcements poured in steadily, and
the protracted engagement culminated in a
brilliant victory.
Russian valour thus vipset the grandiose
plan of the German strategists to inflict a
sudden stunning blow on inferior Russian
forces, envelop the vanguards, rear, and flanks,
emerge by a forced march on Sarikamish, cut
off the Russians, overwhelm Ardahan, and
advance far northward from a direction where
they were least expected.
The surrender of the 9th Corps at Sarika-
mish, however, by no means exhausted the
effort of the Turks. Although the 11th
Corps had been unable to move in time to save
the 9th, it made a gallant effort to relieve the
pressure upon the retreating 10th. It pressed
on beyond Khorosan and forced its way to
Kara-Urgan, some twenty miles from Sarika-
THE "MESSUDIEH," SU.SK IN THE l^ARDANELLES BY SUBMARINE Bll.
THE TIMES HISTOBY OF THE WAR.
75
TABRIZ.
inish By tiiis means the Russians were
compslled to check in their pursuit of the 10th
Corps, and instead of dispatching the troops
which had wiped out the 9th on the heels of
the 10th, they had to hiu-ry them up to Kara-
Urgan, where a long fierce struggle began.
Desperate fighting took place throughout the
whole of the second week in January, but it seems
early to liave turned to the advantage of the
Russian troops, who on the lith amiihilated
with the baj'onet the whole of the 52nd Regi-
ment, with the exception of the commander,
staff officers, and some men, all of whom were
made prisoners.
At Yenikoi a battle which was fought with
great fierceness for two days ended in the defeat
of a portion of the 32nd Turkish Division,
wliich fled precipitately, after losing severely
and abandoning two machine guns and its
baggage train. In one cavalry charge alone,
it is recorded that the Turks lost 300 killed and
woimded by the sabres of a regiment of Siberian
Cossacks. On January 17 a dispatch from the
Army in the Caucasus announced that the
battle of Kara-Urgan, which had been fought
for three days in a ceaseless snowstorm, hail
ended in a victory for Russia. Thanks to the
\alour of the regiments of the Caucasus and
Turkestan and the Siberian Cossacks tlie
resistance of the enemy was shattered. His
rearguards, which were covering his retreat,
were amiihilated, the remnants of tlic Turkish
army harried, and the flanks and front put to
flight towardsErzrum. The puisuit was pressed
vigorously, but the tremendous snow (h-ilt
proved a giant obstacle, and the 11th Corps
succeeded in making good its escape towards
Erzrum. The Russians, however, harried it not
only from the rear but from the right flank,
thus depri\ing it of the opportmiity of proceed-
ing along the Kara-Urgan-Koprukeui road.
This accoimted for the heavy fighting west-
ward, at Yenikoi, which represented the last
stand of the 11th Corps.
^Meantime in the north tlie Russians had
A TURKISH SCRIBE READING IHE
WAR NEWi IN THE BAZAAR.
76
THE TIMES HISTOm' OF THE WAB.
ARABIAN INFANTRY DIVISION.
cfjiitinued their successes against tlie 1st Corps,
which had been driven from Ardalian, and
cleared the whole of the Chorok valley of the
enemy. The difficulties of the Turks were
greatly increased by the action of the Russians
in cutting their communications by sea. In
the first week of January, almost simultaneously
with the signal defeat of the Tm-kish land
forces, the Russians obtained a \-ictory on the
water. At Sinope a Russian cruiser engaged
the Turkish cruiser Medjidieh, which was con-
voying a Turkish transport. The transport was
sunk and the Medjidieh fled. On January G
the Black Sea Fleet engaged the Breslau and the
Hamidieh and severely damaged them both,
while along the coast a number of small Tiu-kish
vessels were sunlc. The Ooeben was all this
time out of action ; she w-as reported to have
struck a mine at the entrance to the Bosphorus
in December and was still under repair at
Constantinople. On Sunday, January 1.5,
Russian torpedo boats sunk the large steamer
Georgios, near Sinope, and several sailing vessels
which were supplying the Tm-kish army and
fle<3t witli war stores, provisions, and coal.
Before the destruction of these boats the crews
were given the opportunity to go ashore, and
those who remained were removed and conveyed
to Sebastopol.
Such is the record of the main fighting in the
Caucasian area up to the end of the month of
January, 1915. It left the Russians far on the
road to Erzrum, where the Turks were hastily
attempting a new concentration, while in the
north-west the fragments of the beaten 1st
and 10th Corps had effected a junction and
were attempting a fresh offensive. In the
country round the Chorok ri^•er and in the
region of Sultan Selim the Turks on the morning
of the 20th developed vigorous attacks, which
were repulsed. At Olty they also re>mned the
offensive, pusliing forward a colun^n which, how-
ever, was thrown back w ith very heavy losses.
We have now to turn our eyes farther east.
When the Russian main column crossed the
Tiu'kish frontier in November and pressed for-
ward to Koprukeui, a second cohnnn entered
Tiu-key 50 miles farther east, midway between
Khorosan and Bayazid, and on November 8
seized Kara Kilissa. A week later it met the
enemy 10 miles to the north of Dutukht, and,
driving him back, seized the town. In this
district the Tiu'ks employed the Arab regiments
of the 13th Corps, and, taking the offensive,
delivered a fierce blow on November 22. The
result was indecisive, and for the next montli
desultory fighting took place in the Alusligird
valley. Arab reinforcements kept coming in
from Baghdad via Bitlis and Erzrum. Under
the command of Ha-^san ed Din Pasha they
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
77
developed a vigorous offensive in the middle of
December, and an engagement took place at
Dutukht in which an attempt was made to
envelop the Russians. The latter, however,
were on their guard, and withdrew in time after
infiictuig heavy losses on the Arabs. During
the month of January there was no news of any
fiu-ther fighting in this direction, and it is very
probable that the Turkish forces had to fall
back towards Erzrum.
A third Russian column advanced from the
angle of the Russo-Turco-Persian frontiers,
where the Makuli tribesmen are friendly to the
Russian Army, and on November 3 occupied
the famous, but now forlorn, town of Bayazid
at the foot of Mount Ararat, and thence moved
forward in the direction of Van. There is no
further record of its achievements, and pre-
sumably it cooperated with two Russian
columns which crossed the Turco-Persian
frontier. The operations in this last and
most easterly frontier must now claim oiu-
attention.
The fact that, though Persia was neutral,
Turkey and Russia carried on war on Persian
soil requires explanation. It is not a little
curious, but on examination the cause of it can
be easily seen, and the inwardness of che
situation will be most easily grasped if we
represent the Russo-T;irco-Persian frontier in
the form of a T thus :
Russia
Turkey
Persia
(Azurbeijan)
In this simple diagram the Russo-Turkish
and Russo-Persian frontiers form the top ot
the T, and, if we neglect the niceties of geo-
graphical position, maybe said to run from west
to east. The Turco-Persian frontier is the leg
of the T. Were Persia a covmtry with a settled
frontier, were it able to defend itself, and were
it secure in its inviolability, then Russia and
Turkey would only fight in the left section of
the leg of the T, where the rival strongholds
of Erzrum and Kars on either side are set to
guard the frontier. But Persia was not Ln\iolate,
was incapable of defending herself, had a
frontier the line of which had been the subject
of dispute between herself and Turkey from
time immemorial, and had suffered for years
past from continued Tiu-kish encro^ichments.
Numerous JMixed Commissions to decide the
question of the Turco-Persian frontier had sat in
the last 50 years. Great Britain and Russia, as
mediating Powers, had always beeen represented
on these Commissions, and it has been calculated
tliat during this period tliis miserable dispute, in
WOUNDED TURKS IN HOSPITAL.
78
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAIi.
TURKISH ARTILLERY.
which we had no direct concern, cost the
British taxpayer £150,000 in expenses. In the
year 1913 it really seemed as if the question
was at last entering its final stage. An agree-
ment was signed at Constantinople between
the Turkish and Persian Governments, and
still another Mixed Commission of the usual
kind was formed to carry out the actual
delimitation of the frontier on the basis of this
agreement. The four nations, Russia, England,
Turkey and Persia, were represented, and ]\Ir.
A. C. Wratislaw, formerly Consul-General at
Tabriz, was the principal English member.
It began its operations from the Persian Gulf,
taking the southern sections first, and was still
at its labours when war broke out.
The Turks for the previous ten years had
been particularly shameless in their aggressions
on the northern sections of the frontier, and had
steadily moved forward the frontier stones and
their own Customs' Houses until they had
made themselves masters of all the strategic
points on the western side of Lake L'rmia.
The rich Persian province of Azurbeijan had
sunk into a state of anarchy and weakness,
and the authority of the Persian Govermnent
counted for nothing. From a military point of
view, therefore, the eartern section of the T
TIFLIS.
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
79
RECRUITS FROM ANATOLIA.
became of vital importance both to Turkey
and Russia. With the Turks in occupation
of all the strategic points, and well across the
frontier, it was clear that in the event of a
Russo-Turkish war Turkey could attack not
only along the western section of the top of the
T where the frontier is mountainous and diffi-
cult, but also through Persia on the eastern
section where the lie of the land is very much
simpler. The Russians, therefore, had been
forced to assert their influence and authority
in Azurbeijan. An opportimity was offered
in 1909 at a period of civil war in Persia, when
the constitutional party in Tabriz was besieged
by the forces of Mohammed Ali Shah. In
April, 1909, the British and Russian Govern-
ments were exercising strong pressiu^e at
Teheran to force the Shah to grant a Con-
stitution, but meantime Tabriz, which had
stood a siege of three months, was reduced to
the last extremities of starvation. The Shah
]irocrastinated in his dealings with the two
Powers, hoping for the fall of Tabriz, which
would have immensely strengthened his
position. In the city itself an attack upon
the foreign consulates by the starving mob
was feared, and both the British and Russian
colonies made an urgent appeal to their Govern-
ments to secure them military protection.
Great Britain and Russia, therefore, decided
that Tabriz must be relieved by the dispatch
of Russian troops, and a military expedition
was sent from Julfa to open the road and
revictual the town. From that time onwards
detachments of Russian troops were main-
tained in Tabriz, and later it was found neces-
sary to send a strong military guard to the
Consulate at Khoi, the Turks retorting by a
similar step at Suj Bulak. Both Russia and
Turkey were, therefore, in military occupation
of parts of this Persian province when war
broke out, and both were forced to treat it as
part of the theatre of war. Just as it was
important for Russia that she should not be
attacked along the whole of the top of the T,
instead of on its western section, so it was
equally vital to Turkey that she should not
have her whole flank turned by finding Russia
not merely at the top, but also along the leg of
the T.
Two Russian columns, therefore, were sent
across the Persian frontier into Tiu-key by
the Kotur and Khanesur passes, which are
about 30 miles apart, and are between the north
end of Lake Urmia and Van. These drove
the Turks back in November and engaged
them between Oilman and Kotur. On Decem-
ber 1 they again defeated the enemy at
Serai and Bashkola. The Turlcs retreated
towards Van. lint were reinforetMl and again
80
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
A BEDOUIN.
assumed the offensive, only to receive another
check.
Farther to the south a mass of Kurdish
levies from both sides of the frontier advanced
upon Tabriz from the direction of Suj Bulak,
Apparently the Russians did not expect that
the Tiu-ks would show such a total disregard
of the neutrality of Persia as to make a wide
movement through Azurbeijan, and they had,
therefore, withdrawn their small detachment
of troops from Tabriz for use elsewhere, relying
on Shuja-ed-Dowleh, the Persian acting
Governor of Azm-beijan, to ofTer any necessary
resistance to Kurdish forays. The Governor,
however, was capable of no great effort, and
after a skirmish at ZSIaragha the Tiu-ks occu-
pied Tabriz in the early part of January and
proceeded to Sufian and Maraud on the
Julfa road. Their success was, however, a
brtef one. A Russian detachment routed
them at Sufian, and re-entered Tabriz on
January 30.
CHAPTER LII.
THE INVASION OF CHALDEA.
The Character of the Persian Gulf, Where the History of the World Began — How the
Turks First Came to the Gulf — The Rise op the Wahabis in Arabia — Midhat Pasha's
Annexations of Gulf Territory — The Dawn of German Influence in the IMiddle East —
The K-aiser's Pilgrimages and the Baghdad Railway — The First Germans in the Gulf —
Attempts to Seize Koweit and Various Islands — The Lure of the Gulf Pearls— The
Diplomatic Negotiations in London — A Picture of German World -Politics in Miniature —
Why Great Britain Claims Pabamountcy in the Gulf — Admiral Mahan's Grave Warning — -
The Outbreak of War, and the Seizure of Fao — The Admiralty Oil- works on the Shatt-
al-Arab — The First Turkish Attack — Arrival of General Barrett with British Rein-
forcements— The Action at Sahain — The Battle of Sahil, which Decided the Fate of
Basra — The Fall of Basra — The Advance up the River to Kurna — The First Action at
Kurna and the Call for Reinforcements — The Fall of Kurna and Surrender of the
Turkish Garrison.
ONE of the immediate effects of the
appearance of Turlcey as a com-
batant was to extend tlie area of tlie
war to the Persian Gulf. HostiUties
quickly began between the Turks and a force of
British and Indian troops at the head of the
Gulf. In a very short time the British had
defeated the Turks, captured the important
port of Basra, gained possession of the delta of
the Tigris and Euphrates, and driven the rem-
nants of the Turkish forces a long way north-
ward towards Baghdad. The operations thus
initiated formed an entirely separate campaign.
They were of great political importance, for
they shattered at a blow Germany's dream of
a dominion extending to the Middle East.
Basra was to have been the terminus of the
Baghdad Railway, which represented Ger-
many's greatest enterprise in the domain of
world politics. Its fall deprived the (Germans
of that access to the seas of Southern Asia
which they craved. The campaign, even in its
early stages, further brought to a head and
finally disposed of various important issues
which had produced differences between Great
Britain and Turkey for more than three de-
Vol. III.— Part 2<J. SI
cades. Its political consequences are likely im-
measiu"ab)y to surpass its military significance.
The recorded history of the world probably
began in the Persian Gulf. All through the
ages the destinies of empires have been swayed
from its lonely shores, to a degree far too Uttle
understood in the West. The Power that
possesses maritime control of the Gulf can, if
she chooses, exert a dominating influence upon
the affairs of the Middle East. Germany per-
ceived the value of the Gvilf long ago, and for
ten years before the war had ;-t riven with
limited success to establish her influence there.
During the twentieth century the political and
economic problems associated with the Gulf are
bound to attract increasing attention. The
war did not finally dispose of them, but a
bettor conception of the character of the Gulf
and of past events in its vicinity is essential to
a right understanding of the larger issues which
lay behind the war.
No other inland sea is quite like the Persian
(!ulf, none possesses so ancient and so strange
a history, and none is so little known or visited.
Its narrow entrance lies in a fur corner of the
Arabian Sea, where the lees of the southern
82
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
oceans collect and strange marine monsters
disport themselves. Approaching the entrance
from the Gulf of Oman, a ship may shape its
course past the land-lT)cked harbour of Muscat,
set like a sapphire in the midst of grim volcanic
heights ; or it may coast along the desolate
shores of British and Persian Mokran, where
dwell the Icthyophagi, the fish-eaters, exactly
as they did in the days of Alexander's retreat
from Sind. Mark well the low, bare hills that
fringe the beaches of Mekran. Beliind thena lie
the long lateral valleys through which vast
hordes migrated into India. They are perhaps
the oldest of routes between East and West,
a highway of trade along wMch were carried
'the silks and spices that delighted the nobles
of Rome, although they Icnew not whence
they came. The entrance to the Gulf is
guarded on the Arabian side by the bastioned
steeps of Ras Musendam, the head of the
massive deserted peninsula wliich constitutes,
says Mr. Hogarth, one of the few bits of compact
exploration still left to the adventuroiis. The
mighty headland looks across the straits to the
Persian island of Hormuz, whose vivid rocks
glow lilce jewels in the setting sun, save where
a dark and niassi\-e keep that seems built for
eternity recalls how tiny Portugal once held
the East in fee until the effort drained her of
her manhood. Behind the Masendam Penin-
sula winds the wonderful tropical fiord called
the Elphinstone Inlet, cleaving the barren
mountains for nineteen miles, a sheet of water
of unknown depth, where a whole fleet might
lie concealed were it not the hottest place in
the world. Across a narrow neck of land lies
the huge landlocked expanse of Malcolm
Inlet, less often furrowed by tlie keels of ships
than the Antarctic Seas.
The eastern shores of the Gulf begin with
the flat and sweltering sands of Bunder Abbas,
which has sometimes been called the Gulf's
southern key. It is not so in fact, for it is
merely an open roadstead. The real key is
formed by the islands of Ivishm, Henjam, and
Larak, and still more by the Clarence Straits
which divide Kishm from the mainland. Great
Britain holds on lease a patch of Ivishm,
known as Basidu, and also holds a square mile
of Henjam, on which stands a telegraph station.
From Basidu to the head of the Gulf the Persian
coast is one sheer wall, fronted by a narrow
strip of low -lying land. The great plateau of
Persia ends abruptly and precipitously near the
sea, and only the shallow open roadstead of
Bushire partially redeems the Shah's dominions
from the reproach of being without a harboiu-.
Yet the low and scanty foreshores once bred a
race of mariners, and long ago men of Arab
blood sailed from these beaches and sacked
Canton. One can still trace the ruins of the
cities of Keis and Siraf, where swarms of
Chinese junks once lay at anchor, as they used
to lie in Bombay in the days before China
partly lost the secret of the sea.
THE LAGOON AT SHARGAH, PIRATE COAST.
In the days of piracy the town was well sheltered.
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
83
THE ASSHAR CREEK AT BASRA.
The western side of the Gulf begins with the
Pirate Coast, and though the pirates have been
turned from their e\'il ways by the maritime
truce imposed by the British Government, their
strongholds reinain unclianged in appearance.
At Shargah, whicli is a typical example, there
is a blue lagoon amid the sandhills, behind
which lies the tov\n, dominated by an old
battlemented castle. A century ago British
troops subdued these nests "of wild corsairs,
who were on one occasion strong enough to
capture and destroy one of the King's warships.
Even in these lonely seas, where travellers are
rarely seen, German influence had been subtly
at work in the ten yeai's before the war. Off
the Pii'ate Coast lies the islet of Abu Musa, of
which a German firm secured a lease through
bribed intermediaries, on the pretence of
working deposits of red oxide. Next to the
haunts of the pirates comes the peninsula of El
Katar, where the Turks vainly tried to establish
themselves. In the bight behind lie the Pearl
Islands, the domain of the Sheikh of Balu-ein,
and the mart for all the treasures of the Great
Pearl Bank, which stretches nearly the whole
length of the Gulf. In the middle of Bahrein
are liundreds of thousands of still inexplicable
mound tombs, and on the mainland opposite
lie? the dead city of Gerrha, never yet visited
by European archaeologists, although it was the
earliest home of the Phoenicians. Northward
runs the long coast-line of El Hasa, hitherto
claimed by the Turks, and at length there
comes into view the splendid bay of Koweit, the
finest harbour in the Gulf, long and actively
coveted by both Turks and Germans. Finally,
at the head of the Gulf sand and movmtains
are replaced by the green and smiling fields and
palm groves which, with the desert and swampy
lands beyond, form the delta of the Tigris
and Euphrates. From the point where the
two rivers unite the stream is known as the
Shatt-al-Arab, and it flows through an alluvial
land as flat as Holland. About 67 iniles from
its mouth stands the ancient city and seaport
of Basra, the centre of Turkish influence in the
Gulf.
The country round Basra was the scene of the
first operations of the Mesopotamian and Gulf
campaign, but the local issues which lay at its
back affected the whole Persian Gulf. The
Turks had long tried to dispute in various
stealthy ways the predominant and pacific
influence which the British had exercised in
Gulf waters for three hundred years. After
they entered into a thinly veiled partnership
\\ith the Germans the pressure against British
interests steadily increased. When Turks and
Britons fovight before Basra, they were con-
tending for domination in the (!uh', and the hu-e
which lay behind was that of the short road
to India. That is why a study of conditions
84
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
THE RIVER BANK AT FAO.
Much of the earlier fighting was in date gnves oi this character.
and events in the Gulf is an imperative prelude
to a full comprehension of tliis particular
campaign.
Let us first see how it was that the Turks
came to emerge upon the Gulf at all; The
Turkish course of empire long lay westward.
From the time when Ertoglu-ul and his band of
four hundred horsemen charged the Mongol
army near Angora in the thirteenth century,
and thus took the first step which led to the
foundation of the Ottoman Empire, the Otto-
man T\irks always looked towards the setting
rather than the rising sun. Their roots
were planted deep in Asia, bvit it was the lure
of European conquest which constantly led
theuT onward until the tide was stayed at the
very gates of Vienna. Nevertheless, they did
not neglect to extend their dominions in Asia
and Africa. They conquered Egypt early in
the sixteenth century, and in the same century
Sultan Suleiman the Magnificent effected the
first Turldsh captvire of Baghdad. He was
ousted from the city by the Persians, and it
was not mitil 1638 that Sultan Murad IV.
appeared before Baghdad with an immense
army, recovered it, and hoisted the Tirrkish
flag. Thirty years later, in 1668, the Turks
marched down to Basra, captured it, and came
for the first time to the shores of the Persian
Gulf.
It is not at all generally realised that the
British were in the Gulf before the Turks. The
first time British arms were carried to victory
in the Persian Gulf was on January 19, 1622,
when a British force laid siege to a Portuguese
fort on the island of Kishm, opposite Hormuz,
and captured it a fortnight later. Two nionths
afterwards the British, fighting in alliance with
a Persian army, seized and sacked the Portu-
guese city and island of Hormuz, and laid its
almost fabulous glories low. It wan at this
time that the British made a treaty with
Persia by which they imdertook " to keep two
men-of-war constantly to defend the Gulf."
The number of warships was afterwards in-
creased to five and, from that time onward,
British seamen policed and protected the Gulf,
and their power and influence were ne\'er
seriously disputed.
The Turks made little use of Mesopotamia
and the deltaic lands. As in other parts of
their Empire, their influence always lay like a
bligiat upon the country and stifled progress.
Nor did they do anything effective to extend
their rvile beyond the valleys of the Tigris and
Euphrates in the direction of Arabia. The
Turk has never been in any true sense the over-
lord of Arabia, and he never will be. Early in
t!ie eighteenth centm-y the then Turkish Vali of
Baghdad actually rei:)udiated the control of
THE. TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAB.
85'
Staniboul. and made the city and all the lands
southward to the Gulf a practically inde-
pendent State. His successor appealed to the
British in India to take him under their pro-
tection, and asked for British officers to train
his armies. Some officers were sent, but when
the British Govemnaent heard of the arrange-
ment months afterwards it was severely con-
demned. London preferred to remain on good
terms with the Porte, and cared nothing about
the future of Mesopotamia. The officers were
recalled, and by the beginning of the nineteenth
centvu"y the Sultan had gradually recovered his
old authority. Had it not been for the action
of the Home Government, Mesopotamia would
have been a British protectorate for the last
hundred years.
The rise of the Wahabis in .Arabia had a
lasting effect upon the fortvmes of the people
on the Arabian shores of the Gulf and upon the
Turkish position in these regions. The Wahabi
movement was essentially an attempt to revert
to the early sunplicity of the Islamic faith, and
in course of time it shook the world of Islam to
its foundations. The Wahabis began to grow
strong in the latter half of the eighteenth
century. They propagated their doctrines by
the sword, and when the nineteenth centvury
dawned they had very nearly conquered all
Arabia. They reached the Persian Gulf very
early in their progress, and only dread of the
growing power of the British kept them out of
Muscat, the capital of Oman. They entered
Mesopotamia in 1801, and sacked the sacred
shrines of the Shiahs at Kerbela. They took
LANDING AT BAHREIN.
The officer is Captain W. H. Shakespear, C.I.E.,
who was killed in Central Arabia.
ilecca and Medina, and desecrated the tomb of
Mahomet, and at length they became so for-
midable that the Sultan of Tiu-key saw that his
claims to the Caliphate were in danger.
He persuaded Mehemet Ali, the Pasha of
Eg;ypt, to send Egyptian armies against the
Wahabis. The Egyptian forces slowly overran
Arabia, but it took them seven years to over-
thro\\^ the Wahabi movement. They won their
104ih WELLESLEY'S RULES MAUCHING AGKOSS IHE DESERT.
29- 2
8G
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
'•^■.<5S^*>-
-?^^^«i"^ *•>
-7X. -*-^*-fe.--.,, ^,^
^^=^Alr» ''■-'*'*^Cw«-- ' ^'" >^- -'•.^*=^ ^t£^ •■'^" ■ a:-^- • ^ -^ •
AN ARAB COUNCIL ON THE BEACH AT HENJAM ISLAND.
The post is the British cable mark.
final victory in 1818, but neither Turks nor
Egyptians were able to garrison Central Arabia
permanently. In five years the Wahabi power
was partially re-established, and for the
remainder of the century the history of Central
Arabia turned upon the rivalry between the
great ruling Wahabi houses of Ibn Rashid and
Ibn Saud. Their quarrels have continued to
the present day, though at present the family
of Ibn Saud is almost completely in the
ascendant. Yet little more than a decade
before the war three British cruisers had to
land a force with guns at Koweit, and trenches
had to be dug round the town, to save it
from an attack by an army under the then
head of the Ibn Rashids.
These memories may seem remote and unim-
portant, but they are of very present urgency.
The Wahabi movement did not die, but
smouldered with modem modifications. The
disputes between the houses of Ibn Rashid and
Ibn Saud remained a dominating factor in
Arabian politics. One of the many issues
which must be settled as a resxilt of the war
was that of the future of Arabia. It was not
a local issue, as it seemed. It affected the
whole of Islam, for it involved the future
guardianship of the Sacred Cities and the
control of the pilgrimage to Mecca. In any
settlement that was reached, the great chief-
tains of Arabia would have to be reckoned
with. One of the desires of Ibn Saud
was an outlet to the Persian Gulf, and he
more than once sought British protection.
though it was never accorded to him. He
would long ago have taken the Turkish ports
of Bida and Ojeir, in the peninsula of El
Katar, but he feared Turkish reprisals from the
sea. Until 1913 the venerable and mildewed
corvette which the Turks stationed at Basra
was enough to keep liim in his inland cities
and oases. There was never a case where
sea power of the most insignificant kind was
so cheaply and successfully exercised.
The Turks, then, were never masters of any
portion of the western shores of the Gulf until
the 'seventies of last century. They held Basra.
They held the little town of Fao, at the entrance
to the Shatt-al-Arab, where they maintained
a mud structure which by courtesy was called a
fort. Beyond lay the sands of Arabia, where
the irades of the Sultan had no validity. The
Sheikhs of Koweit preserved their independence,
though prudence prompted them to keep on
friendly terms with their neighbours. South
of their town lay the region of El Hasa, with one
or two fertile oases in which towns existed.
South again of El Hasa came the peninsula of
El Katar. In both El Hasa and El Katar the
Arab tribes lived munolested. Beyond El
Katar came the territories of the cliiefs of the
Pirate Coast, with whom Great Britain held
treaties under which they agreed to keep the
peace at sea and to abstain from piracy. The
Turks maintained intermittent relations with
the Wahabi chiefs of Central Arabia, who took
the advice tendered them by the distant Sultan,
or disregarded it, precisely as it suited them.
4
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
87
88
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
Into this scene of comparative passivity came
the late Midhat Pasha, and it was with his
advent that modern Turkish aggression in the
Persian Gulf really began. Midhat Pasha was
an extremely able and energetic man, and in
after years he incurred the inexorable hatred of
the Sultan Abdul Hamid because he was the
author of the first Turkish Constitution. He
paid for his liberal ideas with his life, being
imprisoned and eventually assassinated at Taifj
in Arabia, in 1883. He was made Vali of
Baghdad in 1869, and in the early 'seventies he
set about extending Tiirkish rule in the Persian
Gulf. He began by establishing closer relations
with Koweit. Next he sailed down the Gulf,
landed a force on the coast of El Hasa, con-
quered the Arabian tribes, and converted the
region into a Tiirkish sandjak. Then he
appeared with Ms flotilla off tlie island of
Bahrein, which he " annexed," a proceeding
wliich was very soon upset by the British
Government. He laid claim to the peninsula
of El Katar, but Great Britain declined to
recognize his pretensions. The Government
of the day did, however, most foolishly and
unwisely accept his conquest of El Hasa, a
decision wliich in later years there was every
reason to deplore. We had never retained any
territory in the Gulf ourselves. We had every
right to object to any other Power filching
great tracts of country in this region. But
1873 was a period when Britain was unmindful
of her larger responsibilities and duties, and
temporarily forgetful of her own glorious past.
Midhat Pasha was summoned back to Con-
stantinople in 1873, and was made Grand
Vizier. The activity he generated in all the
lands south of Baghdad quickly died away, and
the Turks gave comparatively little trouble
until the rise of German influence on the Golden
Horn stimulated them to fresh aggression- They
kept a battalion or two and some guns at El
Hofuf, the town in the oasis of that name,
■which is regarded as the capital of El Hasa.
They had a small garrison at their port of El
Katif, and another at Ojeir, at the head of the
Bight of Bahrein. These troops maintained
Turkish sovereignty as far as the range of their
weapons, and no farther. They collected
taxes spasmodically and without much oppres-
sion, owing to the fewness of their numbers.
In El Katar the sole evidence of Turkish claims
consisted of a very small force in the town and
port of Bida. It never went beyond the walls
of the town. Had it done so, it would have been
destroyed by the tribesmen, who fiercely re-
sented the Turkish intrusion. To the Gulf
peoples the Turks were a nuisance, but on the
whole not a very troublesome nmsance.
The whole situation was gradually changed
when, after the accession of the Emperor
William II., Germany formulated her new
world policies, and induced Turkey to enter into
a veiled and subordinate alliance with her.
By Permission oj" Times of Indiu lllusti.,LJ Weekly."]
THE BAZAAR AT KOWEIT.
iCtcil Burns, R.B.A.
THE TIMES mSTOBY OF THE WAR.
89
THE FORESHORE AT BAHREIN ISLAND.
From roof of British Consulate.
The Emperor's first visit to Constantinople in
1889 saw the dawn of the mighty Pan-Germanic
scheme which was compendiously known in
Berlin as the B.B.B. (Berlin-Byzantiimi-
Baghdad). After the war began a professor
lecturing at BerUn said that Germany's aims
might be siminied up in four geographical
catch- words : " North Sea, Constantinople,
Baghdad. Indian Ocean." Another favourite
definition, attributed to the Emperor himself,
was " a Germanic wedge reacliing from Ham-
burg to the Persian Gulf." The Deutsche Bank
group had already acquired control of the rail-
ways of European Turkey, and the locomotive
was to be the principal means of extending
Germanic influence in the Middle East.
The scheme was grandiose. It was also in
some respects exceedingly vague. Perhaps it
owed its origin in part to chance seed dropped
by von Moltke, who in his early days, when
attached to the Turldsh Army, had ridden
through Anatolia, traversed the Gates of Cilicia,
looked forth upon the Upper Euphrates Valley,
and dreamed dreams of a day when these fertile
but fallow lands might be won back to a pro-
gressive civilization. Marshal von der Goltz
Pasha, who in 1883 had already begun Iiis re-
organization of the Turkish military forces,
may have contributed to the growth of the
conception. The idea that the Turkish soldiery
might be utilised as a weapon in the hands of
Germany was certainly destined to bear
remarkable fruit. On the financial side there
were big profits to be made, for Germany sup-
plied nothing to Turkey without exacting big
and even excessive prices. The talk of founding
German agricultural colonies in Asia Minor
from the overspill of Germany's population was
not very practical, and was always doomed to
come to naught. A highly civilised European
race, seeking to win subsistence from the soil
of Asia, would be " iinderlived " by the in-
digenous popvilation. Far more attractive
were the dreams of controlling as administrators
the fertile plains of the Lower Euplu^ates and
Tigris, and making them once more-the granary
of the world. In the beginnings of recorded
history man fovmd wheat growing wild in this
rich countrj^ evolved the arts of cultivation,
and made the wilderness a smiling garden.
Herr Paul Rohrbach, whose eyes were always
fixed upon Mesopotamia, was fond of telling
the people of BerUn that so recently as the
eighth century the land between the two rivers
produced annually ten million tons of wheat,
and supported a popiilation of six millions.
Now, he would add, it maintains only a million
people.
The objects of the Germans were, therefore,
to a certain extent economic, but they were
above all political. They wanted to build a
great trunk railway from the Bosphorvxs to th.'
Persian Gulf, with a port in Gulf waters as its
terminus. Whatever flag the port might fly, it
was meant to be an essentially German strong-
hold. It would have at its back an army under
90
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
MALCOLM INLET, OMAN.
A huge unfrequented harbour. The distant shores are some miles away.
German influence, and in future years it would
serve as a stepping-off place for India. The
outward movement across the Indian Ocean
was very rarely talked about. It was a develop-
ment which lay beyond, and was perhaps never
more than dimly conceived. The vital thing
was to reach the Persian Gulf.
Yet the Baghdad Railway at first took shape
very slowly. The year before the Emperor's
first visit to the Sultan Abdul Hamid, a German
company, backed by the Deutsche Bank, had
obtained a concession for making a short rail-
way along the Asiatic shores of the Sea of
Marmora. As a result of the Emperor's activi-
ties, this concession was developed into the
scheme for the construction of a line to Angora
and Konia, which was known as the Anatolian
Railway. The Emperor paid his second visit
to Constantinople in 1898, and afterwards
proceeded on his famous pilgrimage through
Syria and the Holy Land, in the course of which
lie won Turkish support for ever by proclaiming
himself to be the protector of Islam. In 1899
came the sequel. The Sultan granted a con-
cession for the continuation of the Anatolian
Railway to Baghdad and the Persian Gulf, to a
German corporation which styled itself " The
Imperial Ottoman Baghdad Railway Company."
The concession was signed on behalf of Germany
by Herr von Siemens, of the Deutsche Bank.
By a further and more definite concession
gi-anted on March 5, 1903, to Herr von
Gwinner, of the Deutsche Bank, Turkey
guaranteed interest on the cost of construction
of the line at the rate of £700 per j^ear per
kilometre. The principle of kilometric guaran-
tees, which Germany invariably exacted from
Tiu"key, was iniqmtous, and has always been
strongly denounced. It should in justice be
said, however, that the promoters of the railway
were able to forego the guarantee on some of
the earlier sections of the line within a few
years of their being open to traffic. Whether
the later sections would ever have made enough
profit to free themselves from the guarantee is
very much open to doubt.
It should also be acknowledged that in
Anatolia tlie line had beneficent resiilts. No
reasonable man ever doubted that, whether
it paid or not, the Baghdad Railway was on its
economic side a most praiseworthy enterprise.
Asia needs railways, and no part of the Asiatic
continent is more in need of good railways
than Asiatic Turkey. The British opposition
to the Baghdad Railway scheme was based
partly on its improper methods of finance, but
far more on the imdoubted fact that Germany's
motive in promoting it was primarily political,
and that it was meant to tmdermine British
influence in the Middle East, and British para-
moimtcy in the Persian Gulf.
The effects of the new German policy quietly
THE TIMEIS HllSTORY OF THE WAR.
91
began to make themselves manifest in Gulf
waters. The method adopted was to protest
on every occasion that German aims in the
Gulf were exclusively commercial, but British
vigilance soon discovered another side to the
occupations of German agents. They talked
of coromerce, but they surreptitiously sought
at various points to obtain a territorial
footing.
It is most interesting and instructive to trace
the germination and the growth of German
influence around the shores of this inland sea.
The details may seem trifling, but they reveal
German methods in a compact and illuminating
manner.
The very first Germans who seem to have
traded in the Gulf opened business under the
name of Messrs. Wonckhaus & Co., and were
understood to represent a Hamburg firm.
Their proceedings were characteristic. They
went in 1896 to Lingah, a little town on the
Persian coast where no other European resided.
Even the British Vice-Consul was, according to
Lord Curzon's book on Persia, a " jolly old
Arab." The Wonckhaus firm modestly began
by dealing in shells and mother-of-pearl, said
very little about itself, avoided all Eiu-opeans,
but cultivated a large acquaintance among the
roving Gulf population.
The next year the German Govermnent
quietly established a Vice-Consulate at Bushire.
At that time there were exactly six German
subjects in the whole of the Gulf.
In 1899, after the Baghdad Railway con-
cession was first signed, things grew busier.
The old German cruiser Arcona, not the
warship of that name, came to the Gulf on her
way home from China. It was understood
that she was looking for a suitable terminus
for the railway. She spent some time in
various secluded bays, but was imable to get
up the Shatt-al-Arab to Basra, as she could not
cross the bar at the mouth of the river. A
little later in the same year a party of Germans
appeared at Bunder Abbas. They said they
were " scientists," but they were certainly not
astronomers. They disappeared as mysteriously
as they came.
In 1900 Herr Stemrich, who was then German
Consul-General at Constantinople, came over-
land through Asiatic Turkey at the head of a
mission which was making the first rough in-
spection of the route of the proposed railway.
The members of the mission included the
German Military Attache at Constantinople.
Herr Stemrich went to Koweit, where he was
courteously received by Sheikli Mubarak. He
explained that the Baghdad Railway Company
desired to establish its terminus on the shores
of the Bay of Koweit. He wanted to buy a site
at Ras Kathama, at the head of the bay, and
to lease twenty square miles of territory around
it. Sheikh INIubarak refused, for he mistrusted
his plausible visitors. He knew, as all Maho-
medans knew, that Germany had contracted
some sort of mysterious alliance with the
MATRA. THE CENTRE OF THE MUSCAT DATE TRADE.
92
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAIi.
THE SHEIKH'S CASTLE AT SHARGAH, ON THE PIRATE COAST.
The ancient cannon is the Sheikh's sole piece of artillery.
Turks. He wished to have nothing to do with
any friends of Turkey, because the Tui"ks were
constantly trying to undermine his position.
Herr Steinrich was politely bowed out of the
high council chamber, where the Sheikli was
constantly wont to sit, with his gaze wandering
over the wide expanse of his precious bay.
There was another and far more definite
reason for Sheikh Mubarak's refusal. On
January 23, 1899, he had signed a secret agree-
ment with Great Britain, in which, in return
for certain undertakings, he agreed, among
other things, not to lease or dispose of any
portion of lais territory to the Government or
subjects of any foreign Power without the
previous consent of Great Britain. The agree-
ment was part of the British response to the
Kaiser's visit to the Sultan in the previous
year, the results of which were not unknown in
London and Simla. It was made within a
month of Lord Curzon's arrival in India as
Viceroy, and was ahuost the first matter he took
in hand after assuming office.
The Germans were undefeated. If they could
not get their terminus by purchase, they pro-
posed to obtain it by force tlu-ough the agency
of their puppets the Turks. Towards the end
of the year 1900 Sheikh Mubarak decided to
take a hand in the warfare in Central Arabia
between the houses of Ibn Rashid and Ibn
Saud. He led a small army into the interior
in support of Ibn Saud, was ambushed in a
deep defile whUe returning from the city of
Hail, and suffered a severe reverse.
His temporary weakness made a German
opportunity. Early in 1901 a Turkish corvette
packed with troops sailed into Koweit Harboiu",
and its commander announced that he proposed
to take possession of the town. Great Britairi
had been warned of the plot, and had madt;
preparations. A British cruiser was Ijdng in
the harbour, and the Turks were told that their
corvette would be sunk if a single soldier was
landed. They sailed away. Later in the year
the corvette returned, bearing a high Turkish
dignitary who was carrying a menacing letter
addressed by the Sultan to Mubarak. Again a
British cruiser intervened, and as a result of its
support Mubarak ordered the envoy to depart.
Then the Turks mcited Ibn Rashid to attack
Koweit, and only the assistance of thre«
British cruisers, as already related, saved the
town from being sacked. The next move \\ as
to make use of Mubarak's nephews, who were in
exile in Turkish territory. They sailed from
the Shatt-al-Arab with a fleet of native craft to
take Koweit, but the whole flotUla was dis-
persed by a single British gunboat. Thereafter,
the German plots for seizing Koweit by force
were abandoned.
A new method of obtaining access to Koweit
territory was then instigated by the Germans.
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
93
They had, meanwhile, discovered a possible
alternative terminus. The north side of the
Bay of Koweit is bounded by the large and
m,arshy island of Bubian. Behind Bubian are
the long and deep inlets known as the Khor
Abdullah and the Kiior Zobeir, which penetrate
a good deal of the way to Basra. The Germans
seem to have thought that if they made their
terminus somewhere on the Khor Abdullah
they would have it in a place fairly safe against
attack. Unfortunately for them, there were
difficulties. Mubarak claimed jurisdiction to a
point tw^enty miles north-west of the Klior
Abdullah. He was also the indisputable
owner of Bubian, which completely commanded
the passage to the sea. His rights were vio-
lated, and Turkish posts were estabhshed at
various points within his territory, including
the island of Bubian.
The British Embassy at Constantinople was
at that period exceedingly inactive, and the
Home Government had passed from the " hot "
fit to the " cold " fit. An incident which
happened at a meeting between King Edward
and the German Emperor is understood to have
contributed to this change. The Emperor was
eager to talk about Koweit, in wliich he took a
deep and direct interest. King Edward was
armed with certain notes on a sheet of paper.
The Emperor asked if he niight have the notes,
and then promptly, but most improperly,
recorded them as an official communication.
The notes contained a questionable admission.
It was thought best to condone the Emperor's
sharp practice, but British policy at Koweit
suffered in consequence. The posts on Bubian
were allowed to remain after a formal protest,
much to the chagrin of Mubarak, who had
faithfully stuck to us, but had been imper-
fectly supported. They were there almost
\intil the war began, although, meanwhile,
Germany had announced her intention of
rnaldng her terminus at Basra. She never really
abandoned her desire to reach Koweit. One
of the provisions of the Anglo-Turkish Agree-
ment about the Baghdad Railway, which was
never signed owing to the outbreak of the war,
provided for the residence of a Turkish official
at Koweit. He would have been as constant
a centre of intrigue as was the Ottoman High
Commissioner in Cairo.
Elsewhere in the Gulf the Germans grew
more active. The firm of Wonckhaus, which
had begun so humbly by buying shells on the
beach at Lingah, rapidly blossomed into a large
and widespread enterprise. In 1901 the head-
quarters were removed to the island of Bahrein.
A new " branch " was opened at Basra, and a
big house was taken for it. The whole Gulf
wondered where the money came from. It
certainly was never obtained from profits.
Another branch was opened at Bunder Abbas.
The Bahrein branch very nearly became the
scene of an " international incident." Sheikh
Isa, of Bahrein, was having much trouble with
a turbulent nephew, who had a following of
truculent retainers. One of these followers
violently assaulted one of the Wonckhaus
coolies, and directly afterwards one Bahnsen,
an assistant to Wonckhaus, was badly ham-
mered. The incident sounds paltry, but it was
just one of the pretexts for interference for
A DESERTED BRITISH NAVAL STATION AT BASIDU, ON KISHM ISLAND.
The RI.M.S. "Lawrence" is lying beyond, in the Clarence Straits.
29—3
94
THE TIMES HISTOIiY OF THE WAI!.
which Germany was eagerly watching. She
was given no chance. Within three days a
British gunboat arrived, bearing the British
Resident in the Persian Gulf. A sum of £60
was instantly paid as compensation to the
bruised Bahnsen, and the ringleaders in the
disturbance were publicly flogged and then
banished. In 1905 Germany showed signs of
desiring to open direct relations with the
Sheikh of Bahrein, but it was at once pointed
out that the Sheikh's external relations were,
with his consent, imder British control.
The Persian Gulf was almost certainly the
earliest home of the primitive civilization of the
world. Sonae among the very few peoj^le who
have really tried to study Bahrein believe that
it was probably the real cradle of the higher
development of the hiunan race. Its extra-
ordinary collection of mound tombs, stretching
as far as the eye can see across its desert
interior, puzzle the chance travellers who have
examined them. All through the ages its
rough tracks have drawn adventurers from
many lands — British and Arabs and Persians,
Portuguese and Greeks and Phoenicians, Baby-
lonians and Chaldeans and Sumeriahs, and
those " black-heads " who were perhaps the
first progenitors of civilized humanity. Their
footsteps ring down the ages, and yet they
have left very few records. From the time
when Alexander's famous admiral Nearchus,
who commanded the Greek fleet in its navi-
gation of the Persian Gulf, visited Bahrein, the
island figures hardly at all in history.
What brought the later comers to Bahrein ?
The answer is — pearls. Even to-day Balirein
has a world-wide interest as the centre of the
Gulf pearl trade. In good years it sends to
Paris and New York and London, by way of
Bombay and Siu-at, a million pounds' worth of
pearls. The Great Pearl Bank practically
extends for more than half the length of the
western side of the Gulf, commencing near Abu
Musa, opposite Shargah, curving round to the
island of Halul, then pasing near El Katar, and
finally terminating at a point near Musa-
lamiya, where the territories of the Sheikh of
Koweit begin. Very little of the Bank lies in
territorial waters, and therefore the right to
fish upon it raises a rather nice question of
international law. The pearl fisheries had
been worked for many centuries by the various
Arab communities on the western shores of the
Gulf, who may be said to have acquired a pre-
scriptive right in them. A British gunboat
poUced tlie Bank during the fishery season,
and preserNJ-ed order among the pearling
dhows. Various enterprising persons of British,
Indian, and other nationalities, who sought to
particiiiate, were all warned off by the British
Government. One writer observes : " The
question really settles itself. I should be
0 ^ ,
-^^jT.^.-^-^,^^^^
^^.
MESSRS. WONCKHAUS AND GO.'S HEAP OF PEARL OYSTER SHELLS AT BAHREIN.
THE TIMES HISTOEY OF THE WAR.
H.M. SHIPS "ESPIEGLE" AND "ODIN" LYING OFF BASRA.
sorry to go pearling amid a horde of retired
pirates unless I had an escort of a squadron of
cruisers."
Germany thought differently. When the
Wonckhaus firm transferred itself to Bahrein,
its heaps of mother-of-pearl shells, bought from
the fishermen and piled high outside the
dilapidated building which served as an oftice,
seemed innocent enough. But German minds
a long way ofi had been thinking very ardently
about the Pearl Bank. Searching amid the
records of Constantinople, Germans had come
upon the story of Midhat Pasha's great cruise
in the Gulf in the early 'seventies, when he pro-
fessed to annex Balirein to the Sultan's
dominions. The hint was enough. A shadowy
structure of Turkish claims was speedily reared.
The enterprising Wonckhaus had not been
settled for a year in Balirein before the Sultan
was formally asked to grant to a German
syndicate a monopoly of the pearl fisheries of
the Persian Gulf. The Germans explained that
they proposed to work the Pearl Bank by
" scientific " methods, and the Sultan was to
have his share of the proceeds. The Sultan
had not the slightest territorial or financial
interest in the pearl fisheries. He had no more
right to grant a monopoly of pearl fishing in the
Gulf than he had to confer whaling privileges
in South Georgia. Yet he was solemnly pro-
ceeding to accede to the German request when
one sharp word from Great Britain quashed the
whole scheme.
But the Teuton is not easily rebuffed. The
next that was heard of the German agents at
Constantinople was that they were trying to
persuade the Siiltan to give them a lease of
the island of Halul, in the centre of the Gulf,
sixty miles east of Bida, the port of the El
Katar peninsula. Halul is an island two or
three miles in circuniference, with plenty of
flat grovmd. It has a useful boat -landing place,
and a good anchorage well sheltered from the
" shamal " winds, the terror of Gulf mariners.
It has no water, but, as at Bunder Abbas and
elsewhere in the Gulf, condensers could be
used. Halul is right on the Pearl Banlc, a.nd
within the 20-fathom line. It is really a ren-
dezvous for the pearling fleet, and by long
prescription is regarded as the joint property
of all the Sheikhs sending dhows to the fisheries.
It was no more Turkish than the island of
Bombay, but the Power that held it would
certainly control the pearl fisheries. It was,
moreover, qmte good enough for a coaling
station, and might have been made into an
Oriental Heligoland.
Again a British word in season stopped this
little enterprise, but still the Germans per-
sisted. Their next attempt was more definite,
and for a time almost succeeded. They sought
to establish rights on the island of Abu .Musa,
fifty miles north-west of the town of Shargali.
on the Pirate Coast. Abu Musa is rather bigger
than Halul, and there is ample evidence that it
has been continuously in the possession of the
Sheikhs of Shargah. It is at Abu Musa that
the Great Pearl Bank begins. It was over Abu
96
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
[Lovat Fras;r:
THE HOTTEST PLACE IN THE WORLD : ELPHINSTONE INLET, OMAN.
A wonderful tropical fiord nineteen miles long, but human beings can only live there for four months in
the year. The R.I.M.S "Lawrence " in distance.
Musa that Germany fii-st showed signs of
openly questioning the predoniinance of British
influence in the Persian Gulf. In ten years
she had travelled very feu* from the " inno-
cent " German traders buying shells on Lingah
Beach.
There are red oxide deposits on Abu Musa,
and the Sheikh of Shargah granted a concession
for working them to three Arabs, who formed a
partnership. Two of the men, father and son,
resided at Lingah, and it is supposed that they
apphed for the concession on German instiga-
tion. The third partner was a Shargah man.
In 190G the inevitable firm of Wonckhaus
appeared on the scene and openly acquired the
concession. The Wonckliaus firm was believed
to be acting for the Hamburg-Amerika Com-
pany, which had all the time been at the back
of these pertinacious German activities in the
troubled waters of the Gulf.
The Sheikh of Shargah protested against the
transfer, and requested the British Govermnent,
as his protector, to intervene. He was one of
the Trucial Chiefs, and by a treaty concluded in
1892 all the chiefs had bound themselves '" not
to enter into any agreement or correspondence
with any other Power, nor admit the agent of
any other Government, nor to part with any
portion of their territories save to Great
Britain." Xo notice was taken by ]\Iessrs.
Wonckliaus & Co. of the Sheikh's stoppage of
the concession. In October, 1907, therefore,
H.^l.S. Lapwing towed to Abu ]Musa a number
of sailing boats containing 300 of the Sheikh's
armed followers. The men working the oxide
deposits were removed and conveyed to Lingah-
According to the German account, a repre-
sentative of Wonckhaus arrived at the island a
few hours later in a boat flying the German flag,
which was fired on by the men from Shargah.
Here, at last, was the "international inci-
dent " for which Germany had been working.
The German Government called for explana-
tions. The German Foreign Office quickly
mobilised its Press, and a small rock in the
I'ersian Gulf, of which hardly anyone in or out
of Germany had ever heard, was -made the
subject of many cohmins of portentous articles.
The Cologne Gazette was mild, and said that the
German purpose was coimnercied. The Neueste
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
97
Nachrichten, rather more severe, spoke of " the
incomprehensible violation of German rights."
The Berliner Tagcblatt grew a little violent, and
announced that Great Britain was trying to
undermine German prestige and to demonstrate
her own supremacy. It said that the English
" seem to have had the intention of showing
Germany that she can do nothing in the Middle
East without Great Britain's consent." It
cryptically declared that " commerce and
politics can no longer be divided," and that
Germany could only attain comniercial success
by " energetic political action."
The hubbub was reflected in the London
Press, but it soon ceased. The German ca,se had
not a leg to stand on. The island had clearly
been in the possession and the continuous
occupation of the Sheikhs of Shargah for many
generations. The Sheikh had an equal right to
make the concession and to object to its
transfer without his consent. In one respect
the incident still served the German purpose.
It had enabled Germany publicly to question
for the first time the British claims to para-
mountcy in the Gulf. She made a formal
protest, but did not then pursue the matter.
About the time that Germany became
interested in the Pearl Bank her hand also
became visible on the Karun River, in Persian
territory, at the head of the Giilf, in the region
where the British Admiralty afterwards acquired
extensive oil interests. The Karun River is in
the territory of the Sheikh of Mohammerah, a
semi-independent chieftain who has special
relations with Great Britain, though he nomi-
nally acknowledges the overlordship of Persia.
The German Legation in Teheran was biisily
engaged in endeavouring to extend German
influence in Persia, more particularly in the
south. A Dutchman named Van Roggen, who
was understood to be a German agent, iirrived
on the Karim River, and worked out a scheme
TRIBESMEN IN ELPHINSTONE INLET, OMAN.
They are Shihiyins, the most primitive people in Arabia.
iLovai l-rjicr.
Da
THE TIMES HISTORY OE THE WAR.
for irrigating the river valley at a cost ot" two
millions sterling.
The episode was again typieal of German
arbitrary methods. Germany applied to tlie
Persian Government for a concession for the
irrigation scheme. It was not in the gift of
Persia at all. The Sheikh ot Mohammerah said
that if he wanted his territory irrigated he would
do it himself, with the aid of British financiers.
At his request one of the Punjab irrigation
engineers spent eighteen months on the Karun
working out a separate scheme. Germany still
pressed Persia for the concession. The Sheikh
made it quite clear to the Teheran authorities
that if they tried to alienate his rights in favoiu"
of Germany he would offer active resistance,
which he was well able to do. The German
position was seen to be quite untenable, and
after a time the Van Roggen scheme was
withdrawn.
The time came, after ten years of spade-
work, when the Hamburg -Ainerika Coinpany
publicly entered into the Gulf trade. In Sep-
tember, 1906, a line of steamers was started,
plying between Hamburg, Aden, Muscat, and
all the principal Gulf ports. The ubiquitous
Wonckhaus, his hiunble beginnings in a native
V
house at Lingah entirely obscured, blossomed
forth as the accredited agent of the famous
Hambiu-g-Amerika Company, with the benedic-
tions of the mighty Herr Ballin himself. The
arrival of the first German steamer was long
remembered in the Gulf. It entered eacfi port
with a band playing " Deutschland iiber
Alles," and an air which the listening Britons
fondly supposed to be " God Save the King."
Its cargo appeared to consist chiefly of unlimited
quantities of ropy German champagne, which
was lavishly dispensed to all and sundry. A
dinner of innumerable courses was served at
every stopping-place. All were welcome. It
was a wonderful time for the satellites of the
patient Wonckliaus.
The Hamburg-Amerika cargoes were not
long confined to chainpagne. The service was
soon reduced to a monthly one, but the German
trade grew, although the disturbed internal
condition of Southern Persia greatly affected
business at all Persian ports. In the year
1911-12 German imports at Bushire were
valued at £39,000 ; those of the United King-
dom and India at £707,000. Exports from
Bushire to Germany were valued at £67,000 ;
those to the United Ivingdom and India at
£394,000. At Bunder Abbas in the same year
German imports amounted to £20,000, and
British and Indian £322,000 ; exports to Ger-
many £14, to Great Britain and India, £147,000.
On the other hand, German trade with Basra
and Mesopotamia- increased very rapidly,
showing in 1912 a growth of 33 per cent, in
imports and of 28 per cent, in exports. The
figures were : imports, £528,415 ; exports,
£375,760. The British figures were vastly
larger, but German trade made steady pro-
gress at Basra until the war stopped it.
BRITISH TELEGRAPH STATION ON HENJAM ISLAND.
The island of Kishm lies across the chanael.
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
99
CROWD AT BASRA WATCHING THE BRITISH ENTRY.
The Hambxirg-Amerika steamer?, are believed
to have been heavily subsidized.
When the negotiations between Great Britain,
Germany, Turkey and other countries, with
regard to the Baghdad Railway, gradually
took shape in London, Germany for the time
being abandoned her clumsy attempts to obtain
a foothold in the Gulf by surreptitious means.
It will be seen that by the vigilance of the
British representatives on the spot she was
invariably foiled at every ]>oint. She saw,
however, that the advantages she had failed
to gain by direct action might probably be
stealthily obtained in course of time by diplo-
matic action. British interests in the Persian
Gulf Were less understood and less rigidly
guarded in London.
During the three years before the war an
agreement between Great Britain and Turkey
was drafted after very long discussion. It
provided that the terminus of the Baghdad
Railway was to be at Basra, its natural outlet,
and that no extension to Koweit was to be
built tmless the consent of Great Britain was
first obtained. Turlcey further agreed to
abandon her entirely mythical pretensions to
suzerainty over the Bahrein Islands, Muscat,
and the territory of the Trucial Chiefs, a
valueless concession, because her suzerainty
had never existed, the claim was quite modern,
and it had never been acknowledged by the
rulers directly concerned. She also undertook
to evacuate the peninsula of El Katar, an almost
equally empty offer, because she had never
held more than a couple of tiny ports. On
the other hand. Great Britain agreed to recog-
nize the suz.erainty of Turkey over Koweit,
while Turkey promised not to interfere with
the internal affairs of Koweit, and said she
would recognize' the conventions Cthere is
believed to be one later than that of 1899)
between Great Britain and Koweit. The
expediency of the British admission was
strongly questioned by those who hold that
Turkish pretensions to suzerainty over Koweit
are vague and indefensible. The agreement
further provided that a representative of the
Turkish Government should in future reside
at Koweit. It has been objected to this pro-
vision that it would have opened the door to
intrigue, and that it was at variance with the
spirit of the convention of 1899. A British
naval officer in 1901 ordered off the Sultan's
representative. Ten years later the British
Government were ]3roposing to admit him,
although in the Gulf every Turkish official
had become a German agent.
The agreement with Turkey, which had
been drafted with the full cognizance and practi-
cally in consultation with the German Govern-
ment, was never signed, although the negoti-
ations were intermittently continued almost
until the outbreak of war. At the same time
an agreement between Great Britain and
100
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
<
U
<
o
z
z
O
si
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
101
Germany with regard to the Baghdad Railway,
^Mesopotamia, and other matters, was also
drafted. A telegram from Berlin stated that
it was initialled in London by Sir Edward Grey
and Prince Lichnowsky in the middle of June,
six weeks before the war. It was not signed,
and the precise character of its contents was
not disclosed. During the two or three years
before the war the construction of the Baghdad
Railway was steadily continued, and work
was begim. on the section between Baghdad
and Basra. The full story of the Baghdad
Railway, which has far wider ramifications
than have here been touched upon, does not
require recital in connexion with the campaign
in the delta.
It is interesting to note that while Turkey was
demonstrating in London her inalienable claims
to the Arabian region of El Hasa and to the
western shores of the Gulf south of Koweit
territory, she was rudely evicted from these
areas. In the summer of 1913 the redoubtable
Ibn Saud crowned his victorious career by
sweeping the Turks, lock, stock and barrel, out
of El Hasa and all Eastern Arabia, probably
never to return. The remnants of their troops
arrived on the Gulf coast in a sorry plight, and
were rescued by a British steamer. Their
disappearance did not prevent the British
Goverrmaent from solemnly assenting to tiie
demarcation of the Turkish " possessions " in
Eastern Arabia, and from continuing to discuss
at inordinate length the Turkish " right " to a
long section of the Gulf coast which the Turks
had filched less than forty years before, and
from which they had been ingloriously expelled.
The story of the advent of Germany into the
Persian Gulf, and of the results which followed
therefrom, has been told at some length and in
considerable detail for a special reason. It is
probably the only instance on record — except
perhaps Morocco — in which German methods
of "world-expansion" can be traced from the
very earliest beginnings down to the latest phase.
We see the v^iole process at work, from the
modest arrival of an obscure gentleman from
Hamburg upon the sun-steeped shoi'es of the
Clarence Straits, down to the noisy appearance
of the big steamer with its stewards' band, and
the cargoes of railway material which were
meant to make Basra and its river the Hamburg
of the East. We see the first crude attempts
to seize unconsidered islets ; the schemes
for obtaining concessions by illicit means ;
the quiet manufactiu-e of " international
incidents " ; the initial half-hearted attempts
to question the validity of the British position ;
the tentative unleashing of the German Press ;
the entry of the great financiers, with their
web of intrigue ; the transference of issues
which seem unimportant, but are really vital,
to the European Chancelleries ; and, finally,
the dangerous stage of agreements, by which
Great Britain is to be tempted by smooth
words to open the door for the destruction
of interests patiently won by centuries of
effort. It is all there — a picture of German
world-politics in miniature. Each isolated
incident is trivial in itself ; collectively they
mean much.
It may be argued that Germany had an entire
right to establish and extend her trade around
the shores of this inland sea. Of course she had.
No one has ever dreamed of questioning her
right to trade or to build railways. What was
questioned was her motives and some of her
acts. It was the combination of commercial
effort with political action, so lucidly explained
by the Berliner Tagehlatt, which roused British
hostility to the doings of Germany in the
Persian Gulf. On innumerable Gorman plat-
forms the ultimate aims of Germany in the
]\Iiddle East were expounded with arrogance
and without reserve. Countless German books
dealt with the same theme. The intention \\'as
to supplant and replace British influence in
these regions, and not to supplement it. To
that great end all the German efforts were
in reality directed.
By what right, it may further be aslced, did
Great Britain endeavour to resist German
expansion in these waters ? Had she any real
authority for her claims to paramountcy beyond
self-interest and the need for guarding India ?
It remains to answer these natural questions
and to define the solid grounds upon which the
British position in the Persian Gulf is based.
Great Britain had taken nothing for herself
in the Gulf; had pi'eserved peace aroimd its
shores, and had given equal opportunities to all.
That is the sum of her case. She kept tlie
peace of the Gulf vmaided and unsupported.
She sought no peculiar privileges. Sho ae-
(iuircd no territory. She held point aftrr
point in the Gulf, and gave them all back, save
only a patch of land at Basidu, on tlie island of
Kishm, and her telegraph station on the island
of Hen jam. Every nation was able to benefit
by her efforts, and trade was unrestricted.
But if she imposed a self-denying ordinance
102
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
<^^mJ^\
[By Permission of " lUuslrated Loidon Xews."
JUNCTION OF TIGRIS AND EUPHRATES AT KURNA.
Union Jack floating on Governor's House, afterwards occupied by British General and Staff. All the
houses were loopholed, and much damaged by British fire. Two Krupp guns among the palm trees;
mountain gun near Governor's House.
upon herself, slie imposed it equallj' on otJiers.
She could brook no rivalry in the Gulf, and,
above all, she could not contemplate the creation
of territorial interests by any other Power.
The first Englishman who ever visited the
Gulf was Ralph Fitch, who traversed it from
end to end in 1583, in the reign of Queen
Elizabeth, in the company of three other
Englishmen. They were captured by the
Portuguese and sent to Goa, being the first of
the English to set foot in India. Thus they
made the acquaintance of the country from the
inside of a Portuguese gaol. The object of Fitch
was the development of trade, and his journey
was one of the occurrences which led to the
formation of the organization which ultiinately
became the East India Company. It was not,
however, until 1618 that the British flag was
first flown in the vicinity of the Gulf. In that
year one of the Company's trading vessels was
sent from Surat to Jask, near the entrance to
the Gulf, where nowadays Great Britain
maintains a telegraph station. Trade with Jask
continued for tliree or four years, but the
obstruction of the Portuguese, who held the city
and island of Hormuz, became so pronounced
that it was resolved to attack them. An
arrangejnent was made with the Shah of Persia,
who had already sent an army to besiege
Hormuz. Part of this arrangement, duly
embodied in a treaty, was that the Company
were " constantly to defend the Gulf " with
warships, as already noted.
After the sack of Hormuz, a British factory
was established at Bimder Abbas. Subse-
quently there were frequent encounters between
I?0O|>t Cxn.tLMJ
J-^^iB^
IBv Permissjon of " lUiistraieJ LonJon News,'
SCENE OF ACTIONS ON THE SHATT-AL-ARAB ON NOV. 15 AND 17
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
103
thp British squadron and the Dutch and
I'ortuguese, as well as the Arabs, although it
was with British aid that the Arabs expelled
the Portuguese from Muscat. British prestige
steadily increased in the Gulf during the next
century and a half, and the British flag \vas
both respected and feared. Frequent help
was given to the Persians, who owed it to the
British that they did not become a nation
without a seaboard. The survey of the Gulf
was begun by the Indian Navy in 1785 and
thus was set on foot an undertaking which
continued to the time of the great war. Both
the charts and the lights of the Gulf were
solely the outcome of British enterprise.
The greatest work Great Britain tmdertook
in the Gulf was the suppression of piracy.
The Arab tribes seem to have always fought
one another on sea and land, and to have
occasionally united to attack the passing
stranger ; but they never really entered upon
organized and persistent piracy till they were,
at the beginning of last century, welded together
by the great Wahabi movement in Arabia. All
along the Pirate Coast there are lagoons and
, backwaters, in which the pirates sheltered their
vessels, and behind which their towns were
built. The boldest of the pirates were the
Joasmi tribe, whose headquarters were at
Ras-ul-Ivheima.
By 1806 the pirates had become so aggressive
that the British cornered a Joasmi fleet off
the island of Kishm, and a treaty was signed
at Bunder Abbas. The pirates, however, cared
little for treaties, and soon recommenced their
work of depredation. At times they even
attacked the Company's cruisers, and when
they boarded and captured the small British
warship Sylph, part of a squadron carrying
Sir Harford Jones's Mission to Persia, it was
felt that strong reprisals were necessary. A
military expedition, which included the York
and Lancaster Regiment and the Loyal North
Lancashires, was dispatched to Ras-ul-Kheima,
and bm-ned the town and the pirate fleet.
The expedition then crossed the Gulf, and
the town of Lingah was destroyed. The fortress
of Laft, on the island of Kishm, was captiu-ed
in an extraordinary manner. The force attack-
ing the fortress was beaten off, but next morn-
ing the British were astonished to see the Union
Jack waving from its walls. An ofiicer had
gone ashore in the night, found that most of
the defenders had fled, obtained admission,
and hoisted the flag.
THE PALM GROVE AT SAHIL GAMP.
Afterwards the piratical craft at Shargah
and other towns on the Pirate Coast were
destroyed, and finally at Shinas, on the coast
of Oman, a thousand Wahabis were killed. It
was on this occasion that the Wahabi leader,
the then Ibn Saud, wrote to the British authori-
ties : "In truth, then, war is bitter ; and only
a fool engages in it, as the poet has said."
Even this lesson did not suffice for the
Joasmis. By 1812 they were sweeping the
seas once more, and in 1815 they had even
captured a vessel so far away as the coast of
Kathiawar, Western India. In 1816 a British
squadron menaced Ras-ul-Kheima again, but
made no impression. In 1817 the .Toasmis
built a fort at Basidu, on the island of Ivisluu.
In 1818 they were ravaging the west coast
of India, and in 181!) a fleet of sixty-four
pirate vessels, manned by seven thousand men,
was off the coasts of Cutch and Kathiawar
But the cup of the iniquities of the Joasmis
was full to overflowing. A powerful force was
assembled at Bombay under Sir William (U-ant
Keir, including the two British regiments which
had fought in the Gulf seven years before.
Ras-ul-Kheima was cannonaded and finally
carried by assault, 300 of the ^Vrabs being killed
and 700 wounded. The other Joasmi ports
were visited in turn and their fortifications
blown up. At Sohar, on the Oman coast, there
w£is considerable fighting. Finally, in 1820. a
104
THE TIMES HISTOliY OF THE WAR.
[Elliott and Fry
LIEUTENANT-GENERAL SIR ARTHUR
BARRETT, K.C.B.
general treaty of peace was concluded with the
pirate chiefs. The York and Lancaster Regi-
ment still bears the word " Arabia " on its
colours in commemoration of these forgotten
campaigns.
Sir William Grant Keir's expedition dealt
piracy in the Guh its death-blow. The Beni
Yas at Abu Dhabi made a desperate attempt
to hoist the blood-red flag again in 1834.
Anticipating a suggestion afterwards heard in
comic opera, they even prepared boiling oil
in which to place the Christians they captured.
They were promptly suppressed, however,
and an episode which began with cauldrons
of boiling oil ended in a trial in the Bombay
High Court. The various treaties entered
into with the leaders of the tribes on the Pirate
Coast, known as the Trucial Chiefs, were con-
solidated in the general treaty of 1853. To this
was added the treaty of 1892, by which the
chiefs agreed to place their external relations
in British hands, and not to alienate any portion
of their territories to foreign Powers.
It would be too much to say that piracy
entirely disappeared from the Gulf. Isolated
acts of piracy occurred almost every year, and
they generally emanated from the territory
which was alleged to be imder Turkish control.
They were usually swiftly pimished, but there
could be little doubt that if the strong hand of
the British was withdra^-n, Arab fleets would
again commence their depredations.
In suppressing piracy in the Gulf, Great
Britain was not only seeking the protection of
her own trade, but was " soUcitous for the
common good, and was serving other nations
as well as herself." An almost equally long
story might be told concerning the strenuous
British efforts for the suppression of the slave
trade, extending over many years and still
imfinished. The British control of the arms
traffic involved heavy expenditure and most
laborious patrols. Sometin"ies the whole East
Indies Squadron was occupied in tliis work,
and in 1911 Admiral Sir Edmond Slade led a
FAO, THE FIRST POINT CAPTURED BY THE BRITISH.
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
105
THE DELTA OF THE TIGRIS AND EUPHRATES.
combined naval and military expedition into
Persian Mekran to punish gun-runners.
The British sanitary organization did much
for the health of the Gulf, and for ten years
kept at bay the repeated appearances of plague.
The duties of the British Resident in the Gulf,
whose headquarters were at Bushire, were
niany and varied. He was by general consent
the arbiter in the quarrels between the different
local rulers, and was alike their counsellor and
their friend. His influence was always directed
towards the preservation of peace and order.
He composed the occasional di^erences between
the Trucial Chiefs, protected the coasts of Arabia
and Persia from external aggression, saved the
native dhows from being plundered in the date
season, and, as has already been said, maintained
order at the annual pearl fisheries.
The British claim to paramountcy in the Gulf
thus rests on a long sequence of events by
which, at a heavy expenditiu-e of blood and
treasure, we made it a haven of peace. Our
flag was flying in the Straits of Oman when the
Germans plunged into the Thirty Years' War.
We had shouldered our burden there before
the Mayflower sailed from Plymouth. If we
were to lose our grip, piracy, slave-dealing,
raids and counter-raids, all the characteristics of
the days of barbarism, would at once reappear.
The flare of burning coast -towns, scenes of
rapine and bloodshed, would instantly remind
us of oiu" abandoned obligation. Having taken
up the burden, we ow^d it to the peoples of the
Gulf, living in security imder our guardianshiji,
not to abandon it. There is no part of our
work in the world that can be contemplated
with greater satisfaction. After we had per-
formed it for tlu-ee hundred years, Gerniany
deliberately prepared to challenge our presence
and our piu-pose there. The Gulf was her goal,
and she was not satisfied with the opportunities
for trade which were open to all nations alike.
The resistance we offered to her plans \\as no
more than oiu" bounden duty.
There is no need to contend that Groat
Britain exercised peculiar unselfishness irk
lor,
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
THE DAMAGED CUSTOMS HOUSE AT KURNA.
How the Royal Navy left it.
this self-imposed task. We were unselfish in
our manner of performing it, but the fact need
not be disgviised that we were driven to assume
responsibilities in the Gulf mainly by considera-
tions of self-interest. The maintenance of
British predominance in the Gulf is an essential
part of the defence of India. The mere presence
of another Power in the Persian Gulf, whether its
post be fortified or unfortified, would have a
gravely unsettling effect upon India. The
people of India would not stop to think whether,
from such a post, their country could be really
threatened. The fact that another flag was
flying in a region where the British had been
dominant for three hundred years, and supreme
for more than a century, would suffice to per-
suade them that our strength was declining,
and such confidence as we now inspire would
instantly be diminished. It is not from
strategic reasons alone that we are compelled
to maintain our special position in tlie Gulf.
We have to think also of the moral effect which
the intrusion of another Power would produce
upon India.
The truth of these contentions has been
demonstrated by a dispassionate and entirely
impartial observer. So long ago as 1902 the
late Admiral INIahan declared that he saw " the
question of the Persian Gulf, and of South
Pei"sia in connexion with it, clearly visible upon
the horizon." He warned us that " concession
in the Persian Gulf, whether by formal arrange-
ment [with other Powers], or by neglect of the
local commercial interests which now underlie
poUtical and military control, will imperil
Great Britain's naval situation in the Farther
East, her political position in India, her com-
mercial interests in both, and the Imperial tie
between herself and Australasia." Unfor-
tunately his warning, and all warnings, were
disregarded when the British Government began
to dabble in Anglo-Turkish and Anglo-German
agreements.
In a striking passage he defined the question
thus :
Great Britain, in the clear failure of Turkey and Persia,
is the nation first — that is, most — concerned. She is not
so only in her own right, and that of her own people,
but in the yet more binding one of Imperial obligation
to a great and politically helpless ward of the Empire —
to India and her teeming population. In her own right
and duty she Ls, as regards the maintenance of order, in
nctual possession, having discharged this office to the
Gulf for several generations. Doiibtless, here as in
Egypt, now that the constructive work has been done,
she might find others who would willinglj' relieve her of
the burden of maintenance ; but as regards such transfer,
the decision of acceptance would rest by general custom
with the present possessor, and to her the question is not
one merely of convenience, but of duty, arising from,
and closely involved with existing conditions, which
are the more imperative because they are plants of mature
growth, with roots deep struck and closely intertwined
in the soil of a past history. These conditions are
doubtless manifold, but m last analysis they are sub-
stantiallv three.
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAU.
107
First, her security in India, which would be materially
nfiected by an adverse change in the political control of
the Gulf.
Secondly, the safety of tl:e great sea route, com-
uiercial and military, to India and the Farther East, on
which British shippnig is still actually the chief traveller,
though with a notable dinnnnlion that demands national
attention.
Thirdly, the economic and commercial welfare of
India, which can act politically only through the Empire,
a dependence which greatly enhances obligation.
The control of the Persian Gulf by a foreign State of
considerable naval potentiality, a fleet in being there
based upon a strong military port, would reproduce the
relations of Cadiz, Gibraltar, and Malta to the Mediter-
ranean. It would flank all the routes to the Farther
East, to India, and to .Australia, the last two actually
internal to the Empire regarded as a political system ;
and although Great Britain iniquestionably would check
such a fleet, so placed, by a division of her own, it might
well require a detachment large enough to affect seriously
the general strength of her naval position.
Such a weighty pronouncement needs no
further emphasis. It only remains to add that
among the numerous declarations made by
Great Britain on this subject, the chief is that
spoken by Lord Lansdowne, then Foreign
Secretary, in the House of I^ords on May 5, 1903.
He said : "I say it without hesitation, we
should regard the establishment of a naval
base or of a fortified port in the Persian Gulf by
any other Power as a very grave menace to
British interests, and we should certainly resist
it by all the means at our disposal." That is
our Monroe Doctrine in the Middle East, and
from it we cannot depart. It may fitly close
this preliminary examination of the problems
of the Persian Gulf and the countries around it.
On October 29, 1914, the German warships
had bombarded Russian towns on the Black
Sea coast, and on October 30 Sir Louis Mallet
asked at Constantinople for his passports. The
rupture of relations between Great Britain and
Turkey had been fully expected by the small
British community at Basra, and many of the
British subjects there left for Mohammerah, in
Persian territory, on October 27. H.M.S.
Espiegle had been lying in the Karun River
off IMohammerah for some weeks. She is a
gunboat of 1,070 tons, with a speed of 13 J knots,
and is armed with six 4-inch guns. When the
people at Mohammerah noticed the little
Espiegle clearing for action on October 31,
they knew that a conflict was near. Late that
afternoon several more Englishmen arrived at
Mohammerah from Basra, but when others
tried to leave Basra still later in the day they
were detained.* On Monday, November 2, the
British Consul, Mr. BuUard, and the remaining
juembers of the British colony, embarked on a
Turkish steamer. All save the Consul were
compelled to disembark again, as the Governor
of Basra announced that he had received
telegraphic instructions from Constantinople
to detain everybody except Mr. Bullard. It
is satisfactory to be able to add that all the
persons detained were found safe when Basra
was afterwards captured.
The same thing was reported to have hap-
pened at Baghdad. Only the British Consul
and his family, and the French Consul, were
allowed to leave. They made the voyage down
the Tigris in one of the laimches of Messrs.
Lynch, the Ishtar. The laimcn was com-
mandeered on arrival at Basra, and the party
continued their journey in a Turldsh steamer.
The ' detained Etu-opeans were afterwards
reported safe, but it was subsequently said that
they had been removed to a city in Asia Minor.
The Government of India, which had charge
of the Gulf operations, had been equally fore;-
warned. Some time before the outbreak of
hostilities they had deemed it prudent to
strengthen their forces in the Gulf. The Poena
Brigade, under Brigadier - General W. S.
Delamain, had been sent to the island of
Bahrein. It included the 2nd Dorsets, the
20th Infantry (Brownlow's Punjabis), the
117th Mahrattas, and the 104th Welle.sley's
Rifles. It was accompanied by the 23rd
(Peshawar) Mountain Battery, and the .30th
Mountain Battery.
[I-Hiof :nui I-'rv.
BRIGADIER-GENERAL W. S. DELAMAIN.
108
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
[Elliott and Fry.
COLONEL SIR PERCY COX,
Britiih Resident and Consul-General In the
Persian Gulf.
In due course the Brigade re-embarked, and
reached the bar at the niouth of the Shatt-al-
Arab on November 7. The bar is an immense
and increasing obstruction of extremely soft
mud, through which there is only one good
navigable channel. The Turks have often bi.-n
rightly blamed for not dredging it, but on the
other hand it must be admitted that the mud
is so liquid that dredging operations will not
be easy. At the outer edge of the bar no
land was visible, nothing but an expaiLse of
brown silt-laden waters. The aspect was very
like that of the Taku bar, outside the Peiho
river which leads to Tientsin.
As the sliips drew nearer the shore low green
banks were revealed, and a fiat country which
might have been mistaken for the shores of the
Scheldt were it not for the green date groves.
About three miles along the bank the village
of Fao came into view. It is a small place with
about 400 inhabitants, chiefly herdsmen and
cultivators. The Turkish mud fort was almost
hidden. The cable station consisted of a couple
of two-storied buildings, occupied respectively
by the Turkish operators and the officials of the
Indo-Eiu-opean Telegraph Companj^ Persia
lay on the. other side of the broad and muddy
stream. Its defences were represented by a
square fort with bastioned corners, nearly
opposite the cable station.
The taking of Fao was a verj' brief epi-
sode. H.M.S. Odin (Commander Cathca'-t R.
\\'ason), a sister gunboat to the Eipiegle,
together with the armed launch Sirdar,
bombarded the Turkish fort and reduced it to
silence in about an hour. A portion of the
brigade together with a force of marines from
the battleship Ocean, which lay outside, was
landed, and the town was occupied. The
invasion of Chaldea had begun. It was not the
flrst time that a British force had sailed into the
Shatt-al-Arab. During the war with Persia
early in 1857 Sir Henry Havelock entered the
river with 4,000 men and took ^Mohammerah.
On that occasion the Seaforth Highlanders and
the Staffordshire Regiment participated. The
Seaforths afterwards actually ascended the
Karrni River and captiu-ed the city of Ahwaz,
an exploit which was almost mamediately
forgotten owing to the outbreak of the Indian
Mutiny.
Having made good his position at Fao, where
he left a detachment of native infantry, General
Delamain proceeded more than thirty miles
up the river with the bulk of his brigade. The
voyage cannot at any time be called picturesque.
The Turkish bank is clothed with trees, largely
date groves, behind which stretch swamps and
desert. The Persian bank is less wooded, but
rather dreary, though the iand is green enough.
These lower areas of the delta pro%ide excellent
snipe shooting, as many an exiled naval officer
has f oimd. The edges of the banks are soft and
muddy, and rather steep. Landing is ex-
ceedingly difficult, as General Delamain
discovered when the time came for hun to
disembark his force.
The reason he had hurried on became plain
to all after the expedition had steamed onward
for tliree or four hours. There on the bank of
the island of Abadan, on the Persian side, stood
the new and spacious refinerj- of tlie Anglo-
Persian Oil Comjjanj', which is destined to
supply oil for the ships of the Royal Xa\'y.
Its large electric power station, and thf
installation for making tins and cans for
kerosene and benzine, offered the enemy
tempting opportiuiities for destruction. H.^l.S.
Espiegle was guarding the works when the
expedition arrived. The night before, two
small Turkish motor gunboats, built by
Thornycroft, had come down the river after
siuiset. The Espiegle was waiting for them,
and after an exchange of shots drove them off.
Tliat morning the Espiegle had gone up stream
and round the bend and shelled a small Turkish
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
109
post, and also a custom -hovise. The Turks
had some guns concealed, and replied with
vigour.
The oU refinery at Abadan is the outcome of a
concession granted in 1901 to Mr. W. K.
D'Arcy, a British subject, to exploit petroli-
fisroios areas throughout the Persian Empire.
Mr. D'Arcy commenced the work himself, but
the concession was acquired in 1909 by the
Anglo-Persian Oil Company, a purely British
organization. The late Lord Strathcona was
largely instrumental in forming the company,
and remained its chairman untU liis death.
When the project was placed before him his
characteristic question was, " Will it help the
Empire ? " On being assured that the project
had Imperial importance, he supported it with
enthusiasm. When the Board of Admiralty
sought to adopt oil fuel on a large scale for
British warships, it became desirable for the
Government to acquire direct access to some
source of oil supply which would save them from
the danger of being at the mercy of oil mono-
polists. At the instanec of Lord Fisher, an
Admiralty Commission, of wliich Vice-Admiral
Sir Edmond Slade was the head, was sent out
very quietly in October, 1913, to report upon
the Anglo -Persian oilfields. Their report was
so favourable that in June, 1911, the House of
■Commons, at the request of Mr. Winston
Churchill, decided that the Government should
acqviire share or loan capital in the Anglo -
Persian Oil Company to the extent of
£2,200,000.
Though the company " proved " oil at
various points in Southern and Western
Persia, its first large soiu-ce of supply was at
Maidan-i-Naphtun (the Plain of Naphtha),
about 150 miles north-east of the refinery at
Abadan. A pipe-line was constructed between
Abadan and Maidan-i-Naphtun, but tJie
sujjply was so enormous that only a very
few wells had been tapped. The oil flows from
the wells to large storage tanks on the field,
whence it is pumped into the pipe -line from a
pumping station at Tembi, four miles away.
The capacity of the line is about 350,000 tons
per annum, and the oil available seems illimit-
able. The Abadan refinery is able to deal with
about 1,000 tons of crude oil daily. The chief
offices of the company are at Mohammerah,
and there is a large British staff at Abadan.
After the Government acquired an interest in
the company, preparations were begun for
the construction of a second pipe-line which
would increase production by about a million
tons a year.
It was always recognized that the pipe-line
and the Abadan works would be to a certain
extent vulnerable in the event of a sudden
outbreak of war with Tvu-key. The subsequent
invasion of Persia and the temporary capture
ANGLO-PERSIAN OIL COMPANY'S REFINERIES ON ABAUAN INLAND.
110
THK TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
of Tabriz, showed that, as was anticipated,
Turkey had no more intention of respecting
the netitrality of Persia than Germany was
willing to refrain from molesting Belgium. The
Government, however, felt reasonably confident
that they could protect their own property,
and they were instantly successful on this
occasion at Abadan. As a matter of fact,
the Royal Navy was not in the least degree
dependent upon Persian oil when the war
broke out. Great Britain entered the war with
immense reserves of fuel oil stored in the
United Ivingdom, which was an essential
feature of Admiralty policy.
General Delamain proceeded past the Abadan
oil .works and round the bend of the river,
anchoring half an hour later at Saniyeh, about
35 miles from the sea. Here he disembarked
his brigade on the Turkish banlc without
opposition, but with some difficulty, the bank
being about ten feet high, and very mnddy and
slippery. The brigade at once proceeded to
make a strong entrenched camp close to the
river, while awaiting the arrival of reinforce-
ments. It was not left long in peace. At
dawn on November 11 the outposts were
attacked by a considerable Turkish force,
which had evidently hurried down from
i>asra. The Turks were quickly checked
by the 117th Malu-attas, but they had estab-
lished themselves in a village from which they
could only be dislodged by a considerable effort.
The 20th Punjabis made a counter-attack,
supported by fire from a mountain battery.
Major Ducat was mortally wounded at close
quarters while gallantly leading a company
of the Punjabis against the village. The
enemy were finally routed, and as they with-
drew the maxims got in on their flank. The
Turkish casualties were believed to amount to
about 80. The British casualties were very
few, but Captain Franlcs, of the Mahrattas, was
seriously wovuided.
On November 13, soon after daybreak,
Lieutenant-General Sir Arthur Barrett, who
had been placed in command of the operations
against Basra, arrived with several transports
off the bar at the mouth of the Shatt-el-Arab.
The reinforcements included the Ahmednagar
Brigade, vmder Brigadier -General W. H. Dobbie,
C.B., consisting of the 1st Battalion Oxford and
Bucks Light Infantry, the 119th Infantry (the
Mooltan Regiment), and the 103rd Mahrattas ;
and the Belgaum Brigade, under Brigadier-
General C. I. Fry, consisting of the 2nd Nor-
folks, the 110th Mahrattas, the 120th Raj-
putana Infantry, and the 7th Rajputs. There
were also tliree batteries of the Royal Field
Artillerj^ the 48th Pioneers, the 3rd Sappers
and Miners, and the 33rd Light Cavalry, the
PREPARING RIVER STEAMERS FOR THE KURNA ADVANCE.
Two field guns on S.S. "Medjidieh" in foreground. Two other guns on S.S. " Blosse Lynch" beyond.
Vessels protected with grain bags and bales.
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR:
111
1
" \
g J . 1 "^ E ^
1 ^^ Hi !■ ■ y.^^f -I« '" ^
Mpi^^
'^^^^^Sl^M
1 •■ . .
1
■
THE HAMBURG-AMERIKA S.S. ' ECKBATANA,' SUNK BY THE TURKS IN THE
SHATT-AL-ARAB.
Three vessels were sunk here, but the obstruction proved inadequate.
last-named regiment being xinder the command
of Lieut. -Col. Wogan Browne. The 33rd Cavalry
won distinction in the Gulf in 1857, and their
charges at the battle of Khooshaub have a very
special place in Indian cavalry annals. The
troops named by no means represent the total
force employed in Mesopotamia, but they were
ihe first reinforcements to arrive.
On the 14th the transports crossed the bar
at 6 a.m., and accompanied by various warships
steamed up the river. A cold breeze was blow-
ing, and the troops began to notice the change
from the climate of India, and to put on thicker
clothing. It can be very cold in the Shatt-al-
Arab in the winter months, and from the tropics
the expedition had passed to a region where
fires are almost a necessity at such a season.
Saniyeh was reached at 10.30 a.m., and Colonel
Sir Percy Cox at once camie off to see Sir
Arthur Barrett.
Sir Percy Cox had long been British Resident
and Consxil- General in the Persian Gulf, and
had a knowledge of Persian, Arabian, Meso-
potamian, and Gulf problems to which no other
living Englishman could lay claim. Though
perhaps little known outside India, he had filled
a distinguished and honourable place in the
more recent chapters of the story of Great
Britain in the Middle East. He was at once
soldier and diplomatist, but peacemaker most
of all. For years he had held the Persian
Gulf in the hollow of his hand. There was
not a sheikh upon its shores who did not
both fear and respect him, and, above all,
repose entire confidence in his justice and
impartiality. He had been a court of appeal
in all their quarrels, and composed their
differences with firmness and fairness. His
responsibilities ever since 1899, when he first
went to Muscat to establish a better under-
standing with the ruler of Oman, were heavy
and varied. Often he was in most critical
situations, for Germany was not the only
Power which during that period sought to
practise an aggressive policy in the Gulf. He
emerged from every trial successfully, and
overcame difficulties which in the hands of a
weaker or less prudent man might have caused
an international explosion. Patience, tact,
vigilance, and an infinite capacity for laborious
work were the secrets of his years of toil.
Silent and modest, fearless in emergency, never
afraid of responsibility but endowed with
unfailing restraint and caution, he was a
striking figure in the long line of India's soldier-
politicals, and served Great Britain in the Gulf
and Southern Persia better than she knew.
After a consultation with Sir Percy Cox, on
November 14, General Barrett decided to
postpone the disembarcation of his forces until
next day. The camp of the Poona Brigade was
wet and muddy, having suffered two days'
heavy rain. On th(> 15th the troops began to go
ashore, but were not all landed mitil 2 p.m.
112
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
TURKISH OFFICERS AT KURNA.
In the meantime, General Barrett, on hearing
that the enemy were occupying a post about
four miles northward at the village of Sahain,
ordered General Delamain to move out against
them with the Poona Brigade. General Dela-
main marched after breakfast, taldng with liim
his two mountain batteries, the Dorsets,
117th Mahrattas, and the 104th Wellesley's
Rifles. The 20th Pimjabis followed later in
reserve. The Tiu"ks were found to be about
2,000 strong, about one-third of their force
being Arab auxiliaries. They were holding a
position on the outer edge of the date planta-
tions, which extend back from the river at this
point for about two miles, beyond which' the
country is open desert.
The Dorsets advanced against the Turkish
right, half the 104th attacked their centre, and
the rest of the 104th, with the 117th, moved
against the enemy's left through the date
groves, which were full of riflemen. The Espiegle
and the Odin joined in the action from the river.
The Turks did not hold their fire, but opened
with rifles on the Dorsets at 1,000 yards, while
the latter were skirmishing across the plain in
open order. The enemy's gims fired shrapnel,
though not with any marked success, although
their general resistance was quite stubborn
enough. The 117th, who were eventually
reinforced by the 20th, reached the village of
Sahain, but did not succeed in entirely clearing
it, though it was set on fire. Along the rest of
the front the Turks fell back, but as the action
was only meant to be a reconnaissance in force
the brigade then marched back to camp. The
British casualties were two officers wounded ;
rank and file, eight killed and 51 wounded. Of
these the Dorsets lost five killed and 35 wounded.
November 16 was a day of rest, but news
came down the river which appeared to make
an early movement imperative. The bulk of
the Basra garrison was advancing, and tiiere
were fears about the fate of the Eui'opeans
detained in the city. On November 17 the
whole force started northward at 5.30 a.m.,
and the action was fought which decided the
fate of Basra and the delta. The position at
Sahain, which had been attacked on the loth,
was found to be completely evacuated. After
a march of about nine miles contact was
established with the Turks at SaJiil, near the
river. They were in a strongly entrenched
position, and had with them twelve guns,
chiefly Krupps. Two of their guns were near
the trenches, but the rest were in a date-groxe
about 2,000 yards in the rear.
General Fry and a portion of the Belgaum
Brigade led the advance, much of wliich had
to be made over the open plain. The ground
was heavy, and just as the action began a
heavy rain and hail storm, lasting half an hoiu-,
turned it into a quagmire. The Turks opened
fire between 9 and 10 a.m. with shrapnel. It
was noticed that the shrapnel burst far too
high, and when common shell was used much
of it failed to burst at all. The British batteries
covered the advance, the mountain guns
paying attention to the Turkish trenches, whfle
the field guns were turned on the Turkish bat-
tery in the date grove. The two gunboats
had moved up the river and enfiladed the
Turkish left flank. The Turkish rifle fire, which
presently began, was on the whole also bad.
An onlooker afterwards wrote : " The coim-
try over which our infantry advanced was
flat as a table, and would not have given cover
to a mouse, much less a man. It was just grand
to watch them move forward. It might have
been a field day." It was during this advance
in open order, without a chance of cover, that
most of the British casualties occurred. It
was like moving through a snipe marsh, and
it took hours to get near the almost invisible
Turldsh trenches. The guns stuck, and men
tugged at their wheels.
The Turks at length were pouring in a heavier
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAB.
113
and more accurate fire. They had some sharp-
shooters in their trenches, who began to do a
good deal of execution. The attacking infantry,
both British and Indian, advanced steadily and
indomitably, and were quite unperturbed.
General Barrett afterwards telegraphed to
the Secretary of State for India that " the
troops behaved splendidly." The gallant Dor-
sets, who learned at Dargai, on the Indian
frontier, what it means to face heavy fire with-
out cover, were the principal sufferers. An
officer in an Indian regiment, who took part in
the action, wrote : " The Dorse ts were simply
wonderful." Nearer and nearer drew the
British skirmishers. The Turkish trenches
were being heavily bombarded. All the guns
from the batteries and the ships were now
concentrated on them, as well as a heavy rifle
fire. A British battery got round on their
right. The British infantry were within four
hundred yards. They were ready with their
bayonets, but the Turks would not face the cold
steel. Just as our troops expected to charge,
the enemy broke from their trenches and fled.
The fight was won, and though none present
then realiiied it, at that moment Basra was won
too. From the time the Turks broke at Sahil
they never really stood fast again.
When the enemy fled they ran at first, but
Boon slackened into a walk, for it was impossible
to run far over such heavy ground. The British
troops rose and poured a withering fire into them,
while the batteries sprayed them with shrapnel.
Effective pursuit was out of the question,
though the enemy were followed for about a
mile. The 33rd Cavalry were eager, but horse-
men cannot charge through a sticky swamp.
Presently even the British batteries ceased
firing, for the oddest but most imperative of
reasons. The fugitive Turks had passed from
their view, and were lost in a mirage. To the
gumiers it seemed as though there were trees
and shining water where shortly before there
had been nothing but the bare plain and the
scattered and retreating enemy. Every traveller
in these regions knows how curiously deceptive
the mirages are, and how they often obliterate
the real view. The curious thing was that
the watchers perched high on the distant
transports saw no mirage at all, and wondered
why the guns had stopped firing on the routed
enemy, who were quite visible from the ships.
This also is a common and quite understand-
able experience.
The action at Sahil was over by 4 p.m.
The British losses were : killed, officers, three ;
rank and file, about 35 ; wounded, officers,
about 15 ; rank and file, about 300. General
Barrett had a narrow escape, a shrapnel shell
burying itself in the ground at liis feet, at a
MATERIAL FOR HACJHUAD RAILWAY AT MAGIL. NRAR HASKA.
The Germans brought these rails, etc., for the Baghdad-Basra scciiou.
114
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
range of about 3,500 yards. The casualties
among the Dorsets were about 130. Three
Dorset officers were killed, including Major
Mercer, who was present at the storming of
Dargai, on the Indian frontier, and Captain
Frank Middleton, who saw much service in
South Africa. Most of the losses were in
General Delamain's Brigade, but General
Fry's Brigade also suffered considerably. The
104th Wellesley's Rifles reached the Turkish
camp and got about 80 tents and large quanti-
ties of stores, some rifles, 20 camels and 40
mules. Two mountain guns were captured.
The Turkish losses can only be guessed, but
their dead numbered hundreds, and the Euro-
peans at Basra afterwards said they brought
back large numbers of woimded, estimated at
2,000, though the figure seems excessive.
About 150 prisoners were taken, including three
officers.
A portion of the expedition camped near the
battlefield, and the rest marched back to
Saniyeh. A heavy storm that evening sank a
nmnber of boats in the river. Ten men were
drowned, and a considerable quantity of stores
and kit was lost. The next three days passed
quietly, for the men needed rest. Some amount
of reconnaissance was done, and the force was
troubled a little by stray Turkish snipers.
On the morning of November 21 came the
unexpected news that the Turks had evacuated
Basra in a panic, and that Arabs were looting
the city. General Barrett decided to push on at
once. He had at his disposal two river paddle
steamers belonging to Messrs. Lynch, the
Medjidieh and the Blosse Lynch. He embarked
the Norfolks, with General Fry and the staf? of
the Belgaum Brigade, and a couple of mountain
guns, on the Medjidieh, and the 1 10th Mahrattas
on the other vessel. The rest of the expedition
was ordered to cross the desert to Basra,
marching all night.
The Turlcs had made an awkward obstruction
in the river at Baliyahiyeh, about eight miles
beyond Sahil. They had sunk the Hamburg-
Amerika s.s. Eckbatana, 5,000 tons ; the John
O'Scott, Turkish-owned ; and an old lightship
from Fao. On the bank at this point they had a
battery of Ivrupp guns in position. Like all
things Turkish, the obstruction was imperfectly
made. The Espiegle and the Odin managed to
get past it and disposed of the battery. The
river steamers left Saniyeh at 9.30 p.m., and
reached the obstruction at 1 a.m., where they
were met by the Royal Indian Marine paddle
giuiboat Lawrence. They waited for daylight,
and at 7 a.m. passed the obstruction. At 8.15
they were met by a boat bearing an urgent
message from the American Consul, who said
that the Arabs were still looting and that lives
TURKISH PRISONERS AT KURNA.
'Some are probably Arab irregulars.
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
115
RIFLES TAKEN AT KURNA.
On the left is one of Messrs. Lynch's river st3arrers.
were imperiUed. At 9 a.m. they came in sight
of Basra, and saw black clouds of smoke rising
from the Tiorkish Custom House, which had
been fired ; but the Odin, Espiegle, and
LawTence had already arrived, and the city was
saved. A quarter of an hour afterwards the
"German flag flying over the imposing German
Consulate was lowered, and the British naval
ensign hoisted in its stead.
The desert column reached Basra at noon,
and camped outside the city that day, being
somewhat exhausted after a forced march of
30 miles. The Europeans in the city were
all safe, having been detained in their houses
under a guard.
The city and port of Basra have been famous
in the East for centuries. The port was originally
created by the Caliph Omar in 638, on a site
some miles from its present position. In the
days of the Baghdad Caliphate it was a great
emporiiun of trade and commerce, and from
Basra Sindbad the Sailor, who was no mythical
personage, sailed on his memorable and highly
coloiu-ed voyages. The Turks soon brought
about the decay of the port after they captured
it in 1668. In modern times its prosperity has
greatly revived, largely through the date trade,
of which it is the central mart. Visitors have
often said that the European community of
Basra talk dates and notliing else. The export
trade of Basra reached a total volume of
£3,246,000 in 1912, of which barley represented
£1,118,000. The imports in the same year
amounted to a total of £2,653,000. The conquest
of a city with a total annual trade of six million
sterling was therefore a substantial achieve-
ment.
Basra has been called the Venice of the East,
but the title is far too flattering. It has no fine
bmldings, and the flat -roofed houses are
unimpressive. It derives such beauty as it
possesses from its setting of palm-trees, its
gardens, and its numerous intersecting canals ;
though these same canals are a constant source
of fever. The main portion of the city, a
quarter with narrow, unpaved streets, lies up
the contracted Asshar creek, two miles from
the river. The suburbs, bowered in palms, are
more attractive. The population is probably
about 60,000, but there are many more people
in the suburbs. It is a curiously mixed com-
munitj% including many Jews and Armeniarus.
The Turks were always few and exclusive, and
consisted mainly of Government oflicials and
the garrison. The Turk had long been overlord
of the Euphrates delta, but his race never sought
to settle there.
The Germans were perfectly right in tlieir
dreams of the futiu'c of Basra, and had tlieir
purpose not been primarily political, thoy need
116
THE TIMES HISTOnY OF THE WAR.
PROCLAIMING THE BRITISH OCCUPATION AT BASRA.
Troops lined up on Asshar Creek. The Union Jack was hoisted on building on left.
never have sought to emerge upon the shores of
the Giilf at all. They could have made Basra
an Oriental Hamburg, as they often declared.
In situation it closely resembles the city on the
Elbe. The bar needs dredging, as does also the
channel of the Shatt-al-Arab, but miles of
n:iagnificent quays might be constructed on both
sides of the river frontage of Basra, where the
river is half a mile wide. When the fertile
valleys of the Tigris and Euplu-ates are won
back to cultivation by irrigation, Basra will
have a great and prosperous future. The work
will still be done, though not by German hands.
The British expedition made a formal entry
into the city on November 23, after which the
troops were billeted, some occupying the
deserted Tiukish barracks and other public
buildings. At the close of the entry half the
force was lined up on the Asshar Canal bank,
facing north, and the notables of the city were
assembled, being greeted by General Barrett
and Sir Percy Cox. A proclamation stating
the reasons for occupation and the friendly
intentions of the British Government was read
aloud in Arabic. The Union Jack was hoisted
in the presence of guards of honour furnished
by the Royal Navy and the Norfolk Regiment.
The troops presented arms, three cheers were
given for the King-Emperor, and the warships
fired a salute of 31 guns. The inliabitants
took the change very calmly, and as there were
no Turks left among them, they gave a cordial
welcome to the British. Major Brownlow was
appointed ^Military Governor, and took up his
residence at the German Consulate. The Gerinan
Consul and five German prisoners were removed
to Bombay. The expedition started a little
newspaper, the Basra Times, printed in English
and Arabic, for the use of the troops and the
populace.
At the beginning of December a camp was
formed for a portion of the force, and two
mountain batteries, at Magil, about four miles
farther up the river. Magil was a depot for
material for the Baghdad-Basra Railway. The
troops found there large quantities of railway
stores, including thousands of rails and sleepers.
The (Germans had made a wharf, and they had
landing-cranes and other structiu-es. The staff
had fled, and the two spacious and comfortable
houses they had built were empty. Near Magil
the new channel of the Euphrates enters the
Tigris, and thenceforward to the sea the imited
rivers are known as the Shatt-al-Arab.
Intelligence was received at this time that
the retreating Turks had reassembled at Kurna,
a point 49 miles above Basra, where the old
and now partially blocked channel of the
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
117
"Euphrates joins the Tigris. The Arabs profess
to beUeve that Kurna is the site of the Garden
of Eden, though Sir WilUam Willcocks places
it far above Hitt on tlie Euphrates, and con-
siderably to the north-west of Baghdad. Just
at Kurna the Tigris is about 300 yards wide.
Above Kurna it narrows, but the difficult part .
of the navigation only begins 30 miles farther
on, and contmues for about 80 miles. The
Tigi'is winds greatly between Kiu-na and Bagh-
dad, and is said to cover 490 miles between the
two places. The land route across the desert
irom Kiuna to Baghdad is only 300 miles in
length. The Tigris is at its lowest from Septem-
ber to Xoveniber, and then gradually begiiis to
rise. It is at its height in ]May and June. Sea-
going steamers can ascend to Kurna, but higher
up shallow-draught vessels are required.
On December 2 it was decided to send up a
■column on the two river steamers to deal with
the situation at Kurna. It embarked next day,
and sailed at 8 p.m. The force consisted of a
■section of the Royal Field Artillery, a half-
company of the 3rd Sappers and Miners, the
104th Wellesley's Rifles, the IlOth Maln-attas,
and a detachment of the Norfolks, with an
ambulance party. It was commanded by
Lieutenant-Colonel Frazer, of the 110th Mah-
rattas. The river steamers each had a couple of
18-pounder field guns on their upper dfecks, and
were protected by parapets of gram and fodder
bags and bales. The naval flotilla accompanying
the column consisted of the Espiegle, Odin and
Lawrence, the armed launches ]\Iiner (54 tons)
and Shaitan, and the yacht Lewis Pelly (100
tons). The Lewis Pelly is the dispatch boat of
the British Resident at Koweit, and on this
occasion she carried two 3-pounders and a
Maxitn, Xot much opposition was expected,
but the expectations were wrong.
The expedition reached a point about four
miles below Kurna early next morning, and the
troops were landed on the left (eastern) bank.
While the military advanced, the Espiegle and
the Lawrence steamed ahead, with the armed
launches. The Odin was left behind to guard
the landing-place. She had damaged her rudder,
and it was not safe to take her roimd the sharp
bend of the river. The navigable channel was
at tliis point very narrow, and the ships were
constantly touching the mud. They anchored
at a suitable spot, and engaged the Turkish
guns on the left bank, which were con-
cealed in date-groves and extremely difficult
to locate. They also shelled Kurna. The
paddle-steamers could move more freely owing
to their shallow draught, so they went closer
inshore and used their guns in support. The
launches were even more daruig, but the Miner
was holed below the water-line and had to
withdraw. The Lawrence was also hit by a ;
shell.
There was a village called Me/era some
distance from the bank, on the left of the .;
Turkish position. Colonel Frazer signalled to ,
the warshi2:)s to shell it, and it was saluted with
lyddite and destroyed in half an hoiu-. " 1
have never seen such a bonfire," wrote one of
the naval officers who was aloft "spotting."
The troops meanwhile advanced across the
plahi, and cleared the village and the Tiu-lcish
trenches. The survivors of the enemy crossed
the river to Kurna in boats. The colurrui was
then opposite the town of Kurna, which lies
amid thick trees at the point where the old
channel of the Euphrates meets the Tigris. It
was evident that Kiu-na was far more strongly
held than was supposed. It was entrenched, and
the houses, few of which could be seen, were
loopholed. A t'^emendous fusillade came
whistling across the stream. There was no
means of crossing, and there was nothing for it
but a withdrawal to the original landing-place.
The camp was then entrenched, because the
Tiu'ks were in superior numbers, and an attack
wEis feared. They did not attack, but it was
afterwards found that during that night they
wert; strongly reinforced. Colonel Frazer's
colmnn was not strong enough for the task.
Nevertheless, it captured two of the Tiu-kish
guns, which had been silenced by the ships.
One was brought in, but the other had to be left.
if~ii «|C iTurUiGh
Our present Jri S %-\Position
,.,,./" on S'>< by means of 3 dhon
Open desert plain:
^ith palm treu
on either bank
<0^^^ pl-.BankUie^grjj
'i '•aa?T\ * 1 - ^ ^ Village burnt 0/ US
a^ a. "'_^". ^^ rcoccupied^by Turks
■i*-- i^^^^^^^^^"^ rat ^Ij on At* .'/C
''eoccupiea^by
•etahen by js
,<#>
British Attack
^^ct? on?'''
onlyoccucieKpos" X-Y
sn /Knijg/e ii"-iyer aasntino
'd Ifjardn^ent ^
Launcti Shaitan
struck by ihells
ana Oeached here
Approximate Scale
1 MIUE
'3 "
-S^KPrrtisnCafTipi
FLAN OF ACTIONS AT KURNA.
From a Sketch Map by a British Officer.
118
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
WOUiNDED INDIAN SOLDIERS.
and an attempt to obtain it next day failed
owing to the heavy fire.
A hasty message was sent down to Basra for
reinforcements, and meanwhile casualties were
examined. The Miner had a shell in her engine-
room, and had settled on the mud, biit was
patched up and floated the same night. The
Lawrence had received a shell below, and her
dynamo was wrecked. The launches were struck
several times. The casualties among the troops
were one British officer and three British rank
and file wovmded, one Indian officer and 19 rank
and file killed and about sixty woiuided.
On December 5 (a Satiu-day) little happened,
and on the 6th Brigadier- General Fry arrived
from Basra with considerable reinforcements,
including the 7th Rajputs, the remainder of the
Norfolks, a field battery, and a mountain
battery. By this time the Turks had crossed
the river again and reoccupied Mezera. They
made a half-hearted attempt to advance against
the camp, but were dispersed by a few roimds
of shrapnel.
Kuma was not yet taken, and it took some
stiff fighting to capture it. On the morning of
the 7th the action of the 5th was fought all
over again, exactly in the same way, though
this time the British were in greater strength,
while the Turlcs were somewhat handicapped
by tlie loss of the two guns silenced in the
previous engagements. Exactly the same result
followed. Mezera was taken once more, the-
Turkish trenches were cleared, and the survivors
fled across the river ; but a terrific fire across
the stream from the loopholed hou.ses of Kurna
stopped any further operations for the day.
On this occasion a portion of the Briti.sh forces
bivouacked near Mezera and held the left bank
opposite Kurna. Three guns were taken on
this day, as well as 100 prisoners, including
three officers. During the night the Turks
fired a few shells, but otherwise remained
i.iactive.
The flotilla, which was again busily engaged
during the action of the 7th, had plenty of
excitement. ' The Espiegle was hit several
time.=:. The Miner went aground, but got of?
again. The Lewis Pelly had her share of damage.
The launch Shaitan was struck on the bridge by
a shell, which killed her commander Lieutenant-
Commander J. G. M. Elkes, R.N.R. The man
at the wheel was wounded, and part of the
wheel was carried away. A later shot smashed
the Shaitan's rudder, and she had to retire.
The Odin joined in this day's action.
It was clear that the only way to take Kiu-na
was to cross the River Tigris higher up. Early
on the morning of the 8th, two battalions, the
104th and 110th, were marched a long way up
the river with two mountain guns. Some
sappers then swam the swift stream, a feat in
itself. They carried a line across, to which a
steel hawser was attached. With the aid of a
commandeered dhow a flying bridge was con-
structed, and the two battalions, with the guns,
were ferried across without opposition. They
then inarched baf;k down the right (western)
bank, tlireatened the Turkish position in flank
and rear, and seized the approaches to Kurna.
No attempt was made to carry the town that
night, but the little force entrenched itself in
the palm groves near the town.
About midnight on the 8th the watchers on
the warships below Kurna saw a small steamer
coming do\vn ablaze with lights. She carried
three Turkish officers bearing a message from
Subhi Bey, the late Governor of Basra, then
commanding the forces at Kurna. He offered to
surrender the town, but wanted his troops to
march out with their arms. General Fry insisted
on an unconditional surrender, and after an
hour's parley in the small hours on board the
Espiegle this was agreed to.
At 1 p.m. on the 9th the remnants of the
Tiu-kish garrison appeared in front of their
trenches on the river bank and laid down their-
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
119
arms. A large proportion must have fled during
the night into the surrounding country, and it
was known that many barge-loads went
upstream to Baghdad. The two Indian bat-
talions on the Kurna side formed up round the
garrison. General Fry, Sir Percy Cox, and the
senior naval officer, then went on shore with
their staffs. The Turkish officers came up and
handed over their swords. General Fry returned
Subhi Bey's sword in recogm'tion of his gallant
defence. The compliment was deserved, for, as
subalterns would say, the Turks " put up a good
show " in their last resistance. The captives
numbered 42 officers and 1,021 men. Several
more guns wer>? taken. The Tiu-kish casualties
in and around Kurna and Mezera are believed
to have been at least a thousand, and were
perhaps more. An officer wrote that he had
charge of a party which litiried 200 dead found
in one trench alone. Kurna was wrecked by the
British fire. The prisoners were taken to India.
The British casualties on the 7th and 8th
nimibered one British officer killed and three
wounded, and 40 Indian rank and file killed
and 120 wounded. The operations at Kurna
gave the British complete control of the deltaic
region, but it was considered necessary to leave
a strong column at Kurna, and another across
the river at Ivlezera. They made big entrenched
camps and prepared to settle down. The neigh-
bourhood was on the whole not inviting. The
camps were pitched beyond the date groves,
and one officer wrote : " This is a most desolate
spot. Sitting here, all I can see is miles and miles
of perfectly level desert, absolutely unbroken."
Many Canadian prairie farmers might have said
the same thing in the early days. The country is
not desert, but one of the most fertile regions
in the world. The British troops liked the life
as a welcome change from India, but the
mosquitoes troubled them greatly. One verj'-
still night, when the camp was asleep, a man
was heard to say to his neighbour : " 'Ere, Bill,
if this is the Garden of Eden, I wonder what
Adam and Eve did with these 'ere mosquitoes
a-buzzin' around them."
In January a force of about 5,000 Turks, with
six guns, estabhshed itself on the Ratta Canal,
about seven miles north of the Mezera Cam[j.
The British troops, aided by the three gunboats,
made a reconnaissance in force from Mezera on
January 20. The enemy's outposts were driven
across the canal, and his camps and dhows were
shelled. The British had about 50 casualties.
His Excellency Lord Hardinge of Penshurst,
Viceroy and Governor -General of India, imder
whose direction and supervision the invasion of
Chaldea was begun, made a toiu? of the Persian
Gulf and the conquered territory at the end
of January. Lord Hardinge visited Muscat,
GUN CAPTURED AT KURNA.
The Officer seated on the Gun is Brigadier-General C. I. I'ly.
120
THE TIMES HISTOBY OF THE WAR.
Balirein. Koweit, Mohammerah, and other
plac(!.s, and eventually arrived at Basra on
February 4. He was received by the native
community with an address of welcome, in
which the hope was expressed that the British
occupation would be permanent. He said, in
reply :
The British occupation has raised problems which
require prompt consideration and settlement. I have
coiue heie to see local conditions for myself in order tb.e
better to judge what measures are necessary. Yon are
aware that we are not engaged single-handed in this
groat struggle, and we cannot lay down plans for the
future without a full exchange of views with the other
Groat Towers. b\it I can liold out the assurance that tlie
future will bring you a more benign rule.
Lord Hardinge afterwards went up the river
to Kurna and Mezera, so that he visited the
most advanced outposts of the expedition. He
also, while at Basra, rode across the desert to
Shaiba and elsewhere.
Attacks on Muscat on January 10 and 11,
which were repulsed by detachments of the
95th Russell's Infantry and the 102nd Bombay
Grenadiers, had only a remote connexion \\ ith
the great war. They were the outcome of a
local revolt against the Sultan of Oman which
had begun nearly two years before, and was
perhaps stimulated into renewed activity by
the news that half the world was in arms. The
town and district were perfectly quiet when
Lord Hardinge arrived some time later. Cajjtain
William Henry Shakespear, CLE., British
Resident at Koweit, was killed in Central
Arabia during February while on a special
mission to Ibn Saud, who was at strife with
soinc of liis neighbours. Captain Shakespear
was a fine type of the young soldier-political,
and his death was a great loss.
There was much relief at the end of February
when the Europeans who had been at Baghdad,
about fifty in number, reached the shores of
the Mediterranean. They were unexpectedly
released from detention by order of Djemal
Pasha, who was formerly Vali of Baghdad, and
perhaps did not forget old friendships. Nine
Englishwomen and some children were left in
Baghdad in charge of Dr. Johnson, an elderly
missionary. They were not allowed to depart,.
but it w as believed that they were quite safe.
THE
BUSRA TIMES
ao ;:a. ly^h January, lylb.
REUTERS
J&noiry 12Ul O«nnao offensive ia Poland la eon*
ceotrated oo narrow xone 10 tnilM wide, 30 uulea west
of WAfiSAW. 2 Anny Corps zn operstinf wtth heavy
gons. aad the Oenoaa Uce practically foUows the Hue
al tae S^AV/Kh. The Ocrinana arc s'ralnine every nerve
to possess the BOUNOFF WOODS. Pnsocers state that
the enemy are conlldent of thus piercing the Russian
hoe. One mght 13 coniecntiTe a-tacis were repulsed, the
Bnssiana inUiotiair siiormoncIoiBes ou tb: dense lormauoo*
0. the eceiny.
Th» Ainentan papers say that- the Bntlih reply to
their Rote was co^t cor.cilatorj aad fncodly
The Gcnpaas are fonoUsly bomhardmg S0ISSOH&
Snd UlA QahtiAa ^ KAvaze
'y'H, i_- j^;> *-*■ ,-^f J^
i -It *.* jj oAt» ^'Jy-'^ '^y^^
Portion of Title-Page of Newspaper Started by Expecition after the I all of Basra.
CHAPTER LIII.
THE SECOND THREE MONTHS OF
NAVAL WAR.
Lord Fisher at the Admiralty — Tsing-Tau and the Japanese Navy — The German Losses —
Career and End of the Emden — The Cocos-Keeling Action — Action Off the Coast of Chile
— Loss of Good Hope and Monmouth— Victory Off the F.\lkland Islands — End of von
Spee's Squadron — Admiral Sturdee's Dispatch — Minor Operations — East Africa — Konigs-
berg in Rufigi River — West Africa — Red Sea — Persian Gulf — The Goeben in the Black
Sea — Torpedoing of Messudiyeh by B 11 in the Dardanelles — British Losses in Home
Waters — Bulwark and Formidable — Raids and Countkr-raids — Yarmouth, Scarborough
and Cuxhaven — Admiral Beatty's Action in the North Sea — Sinking of the Blucher.
ON October 29, 1914, Prince Louis of
Battenberg was succeeded in the
otHce of First Sea Lord by Admiral of
the Fleet Lord Fisher of Kilverstone.
Of the reasons which caused the resignation of
Prince Louis there is no occasion to write ; but
that fine seaman and most able tactician
carried with him in his retirement the good
wishes and the admiration of the whole service,
of which he had so long been an ornament.
Lord Fisher was now called upon by his coiuitry
to wield the weapons that he had had so large
a share in bringing into being.
During the second three months of the war
events of great importance happened in the
North Sea, but the main feature of this period
was the practical completion of the task of
destroying Germany's naval forces in the outer
seas. To the taking of Tsing-Tau had to be
added the destruction of the naval force which
had been based upon that Eastern stronghold.
Its ultimate fate was sure, but its existence
constituted a menace to commerce and in-
volved risks and responsibiUties which directly
and indirectly affected the whole work of the
British Navy. Tsing-Tau was from the begin-
ning of German occupation administered by
the Gei-man Admiralty, not by the Colonial
Office, and the cost was a charge upon the
Navy, not the Colonial, Estimates. It was, in
fact, above all a naval base, and the home of
the German " East Asiatic " squadron. This
Vol. III.— Part 30.
force consisted of the armoured cruisers Scham-
horst and Gneisenau, the light cruisers Emden,
Niimberg and Leipzig, four gim.boats and two
destroyers. As will be seen, the cruisers did
not remain. to be destroyed at Tsing-Tau, and
their careers and fates are the central featiu-es
of the ensuing narrative.
The full story of the fate of Tsing-Tau has
been told in Chapter XLIV. We must now
describe briefly the work of the J apanese Navj-,
which assisted the fleets of the Allies so materially
by clearing the waters in the vicinity of its
own shores, and which afterwards cooperated
in the convoy of troops from the Dominions and
in hauling dowTi the German flag in the islands
of the Pacific.
It was not until August 23, 1914, that Japan
broke off diplomatic relations with Germany and
declared war ; but as soon as this happened
our Far-Eastern Allies acted with the prompti-
tude and startling efficiency tliat we have
learned to expect from them when warlike
operations have to be undertaken. The First
Fleet, under the command of Admiral Baron
Dewa, strung itself out on a line from the
Shantung Promontorj' in the Yellow Sea to the
Chusan Archipelago in the Eastern Sea ; while
the Second Fleet, under the command of
Admiral Kato, had bj' August 27 spread itself
in front of the Bay of Kiao-Chau — in which
Tsing-Tau is situated — and had establLshed tis
close a blockade of that port as modern con-
121
122
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
ditions of sea warfare permit. The objective
of the Japanese was, naturally, the German
Far-Eastern Squadron, but von Spee, the
Admiral in command of this force, succeeded in
hiding himself and his cruisers somewhere in
the south of the Cliina Sea.
The Japanese Fleets remained on their
stations as described imtil the end of August,
when the transportation of the army destined
for the captiu-e of Tsing-Tau began. The
First Fleet took up a position in Southern
Korean waters, while a squadron of the Second
Fleet, cruising in the Yellow Sea, rendered
assistance to the men-of-war convoying the
transports. Rear-Adnural Kamimura's Squad-
ron, cooperating with the detachment from
the Port Arthur naval station, assisted in the
landing of troops at Lunldang. While these
movements were in progress — they lasted till
September 1 3 — a detachment under the direct
command of Admiral Kato, Commander-in-
Chief of the Second Squadron, with the Tochinai
and Okada detachments and a ftu-ther con-
tingent specially commissioned for this service,
concentrated on Kiao-Chau Bay and the
immediate vicinity. In spite of extremely bad
i:rSuez.
weather, gale succeeding to gale, the mine
sweepers worked almost imintermittently to
clear the sea in front of the point where the
second detachment of the army was to be
landed. Scouting was also kept up by means
of aircraft, and eventually the enemy was cut
off from all communication by way of the sea.
When, in September, the transportation of
the second portion of the army was begun, the
First Fleet was employed again in convoying
the transports ; the Kamimm-a and Port
Arthur detachments assisted in the landing of
troops at Laoshan Bay, wliile the main force of
the Second Fleet, which was now able to operate
inshore owing to the success of the mine sweep-
ing, cooperated with the land forces in bom-
barding the fortresses on the right wing of the
line of the enemy. In this operation the
Kamimura and Port Arthur detachments
assisted. The Marine Batteries which were
working with the besieging army opened fire on
October 14 upon the eneray warships in the
harbour, and having rendered them useless,
turned their attention to the bombardment of
Tsing-Tau fort. On October 31 a general
cannonade was begun, and on November 7 the
THE INDIAN OCEAN.
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAB.
123
LANDING PARTY ABOUT TO RETURN TO THE "EMDEN" AFTER DESTROYING
THE WIRELESS STATION AT COGOS-KEELING ISLANDS.
fortress surrendered. The British battleship
Triumph and the destroyer Osk cooperated
with the Second Fleet and took part in the
blockade as well as in the bombardment.
During these operations there were lost the
old light cruiser Takachico, 3,700 tons, date
1885, the destroyer Shiratai, torpedo boat
No. 33, and three specially commissioned
steamers. On the enemy's side there were
either svink or destroyed, the Austrian cruiser
Kaiserin Elizabeth, five gunboats (the Cormo-
ran, litis, Jaguar, Tiger and Luchs), and two
destroyers.
This satisfactory action was only a part of
the activaty displayed by the Japanese. On
the outbreak of hostilities Japan's Third Fleet
was sent to protect the trade route from the
Southern Seas, through Chinese waters, until
one of its units came into touch with the
guardship at the Makoh Naval Station in
Korea. Although by the beginning of Novem-
ber all enemy ships had been cleared out of Far-
Eastern waters, as far as was known, still this
surveillance was kept up. A detachment of
this squadron detailed for operations in the
Southern Seas proceeded to Singapore on
August 26 and carried on operations in concert
with the British Eastern Squadron. At first
nothing was known of the movements of the
enemy in these regions, and the work consisted
of general sxu-veillance and supervision of
important ports. When the Emden became
active in the eastern portion of the Indian
Ocean the detachment assisted in the hunt for
that elusive cruiser, and on October 25 a
reinforcement under Vice-Admiral Tochinai
was dispatched to the scene, and on Novem-
ber 9 the Emden was destroyed at the Cocos-
Keeling Islands by H.M. Australian cruiser
Sydney.
When hostilities began certain ships of the
enemy were at large in the Pacific in the
neighbourhood of Hawaii ; but it was not known
where they were, nor what was the position of
the squadron that had escaped from Far-
Eastern waters. A squadron of the First Fleet
of the Imperial Japanese Navy was accordingly
told off to hunt the enemy on the trade route
between Japan and North America. No trace
of German ships could be found, so the squadron
occupied itself usefully by taking possession of
those places in the sun which Germ an j'^ had
seized in the Pacific in her efforts to foi-m a
greater Germany beyond the sea.
One of the ships of the German Far-Eastern
Squadron that escaped the attentions of the
Japanese in these waters was the light cruiser
Emden. Allusion has already been made to
her in a previous chapter, but it remains to
tell the story of her destruction. The resoiu"ce-
fulness of the captain of this ship has often
been dwelt upon, but it was probably never
displayed to greater advantage than when she
left Kiao-Chau. There was every chance of
124
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
[Lalayclle.
CAPTAIN JOHN C. T. GLOSSOP,
of H.M.S. "Sydney."
her being met by a Japanese vessel, with whom
she could not hope to come to action with
su(;cess. The expected happened, and shortly
after leaving the anchorage she fell in .with a
Japanese armoured cruiser. But it was not
the three -funnelled Emden under the black,
white and red German man-of-war ensign that
passed the enemy warship ; but a vessel with
four funnels, flying the British white ensign,
whose crew, as she steamed by the Japanese,
lined the rails and gave her three hearty
British cheers. Much may be forgiven to
seamen as clever as this.
In the Bay of Bengal the Emden took and
sank between September 10 and September 14
the Indus (3,413 tons), the Lovat (6,102 tons),
the Killin (3,544 tons), the Diplomat (7,615
tons), and the Trabbooh (4,028 tons). On
September 12 the Kabinga, of 4,657 tons, was
taken and released. On September 14 the
Clan Matheson, of 4,775 tons, was sunk. On
September 30 there were taken and sunk the
King Lud (3,650 tons), the Foyle (4,147 tons),
the Ribera (3,500 tons), and the Tymeric
(3,314 tons). On the same date the Buresk
[4,350 tons) was captured, and the Gryfevale
[4,437 tons) was taken and released. The
Pontoporos, taken by the Emden, was released
by H.M.S. Yarmouth on October 16. On
October 20 were taken and sunk the Troilus
(7,562 tons), the Clan Grant (3,948 tons), the
Benmohr (4,806 tons), the Chilkana (5,220 tons),
and the Ponrabbel (473 tons). On the same
date the Exford (4,542 tons) and the Saint
Egbert (5,r)96 tons) were captured but not
sunk. Thas some 70,000 tons of British ship-
ping were destroyed in seven weeks ; it is for-
tunate indeed for the Empire that other com-
merce raiders were not so successful.
Some further exploits of the Emden are
described in the following extracts from a log
kt'pt by one of her petty ofificers :
September 22. — This night off Madras. One of the
crew had worked there, and he informed the captain of
the oil tanks situated at entrance to harbour. At 9.30
p.m. Emden crept in, turned searchlights on to tanks, and
fired two broadsides to find the range. Searchlights then
shut off, and 125 shells fired in salvos, some hitting a
ship. Tanks set on fire, and tremendous blaze arose.
Emden retired at full .speed to north-east. Shore bat-
teries opened fire, but shells fell short, and none hit the
Emden.
September 23. — This morning the glare of the fire at
Madras could still be seen on the horizon, though about
100 miles away. Emden sailed north-east to give
impression that she was going toward-s Calcutta, but
when out of sight turned southwards round the east
coast of Ceylon.
October 10. — Visited island of Diego Garcia, in the
middle of the Indian Ocean, about half-way between
Africa and Sumatra. The few European families here
had not yet heard of the war, as they only get a steamer
in three months. Emden coaling all day. Some of the
engineers repaired the local motor-boat, and were given
baskets of coconuts and fish.
October 28. — At 4 a.m., 10 miles outside Penang,
extra funnel hoisted to make the Emden appear like
British cruisers. From the entrance of the harbour at
5 a.m. could be seen in the distance several ships, and
well in front of them an unknown cruiser. On steaming
in to a I'ange of about 600 yards, this was found to be the
Russian cruiser Jemtchug. The Emden fired two tor-
pedoes, the first hitting the cruiser just under the after
funnel, whereupon she was seen to sink about 4 feet.
The second, fired at closer range, struck just vuider the
bridge, when a terrible explosion occurred. During this
time the Emden fired salvo after salvo — in all 100 shots.
The Jemtchug fired a fev/ shots, some of which hit ships
in the harbour behind the Emden, but none hit the
Emden. The Emden had no idea that the Russian
cruiser would be in Penang, but expected to find the
French cruiser Dupleix and the French destroyer Mous-
quet. Tlie Mousquet was on patrol duty outside the
harbour, and was afterwards reported to have seen the
Emden, but thought she was a British cruiser. The
Emden had now tvirned, and was lea\-ing the harbour at
full speed. Thirty miles out she met a steamer. On
approaching it she hoisted the red flag, meaning that
she was a powder steamer. The stranger, which was the
British steamer Glenturret, had signalled the shore for a
pilot, and the launch had just reached her. The Emden
had got out her boats when a warship appeared on the
horizon. The Emden immediately ordered her boats
to return, and made off, as the warship appeared to be a
large one. This was, however, only the effect of the
early morning mirage. As the ships closed at about
3,800 yards the stranger was found to be the French
destroyer Mousquet. The Emden opened fire. The
first few shots hit the Mousquet's engine-room, and after
several salvos the Emden ceased fire, expecting the
Frenchman to be wrecked and to surrender. Instead,
the Mousquet went on firing about 10 shots. None,
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAB.
125
THE LAST OF THE "EMDHN"
Left top corner: Deck of the " Emden " after the battle: right top and centre: " Fmden's'
removing stores at Cocos-Keeling Islands; bottom: the "Emden" aground.
crew
30—^
126
THE TIMES HISTOBY OF THE WAR.
Re Fere nee
Course of HMS. SYDNEY
'> » EMDEN
Position oF
HMS. SYDNEY.
at 9.15 am. /
0J4I
Scale oF Miles
2 3
4-5 6
DIRECTION I.
(Cable Station)
lOOq
SKETCH ILLUSTRATING THE FIGHT BETWEEN H.M.S. "SYDNEY" AND THE
"EMDEN."
The numbers denote corresponding relative positions.
however, hit the Emden, although some fell 150 yards in
front of her. The Mousquet's crew afterwards said that
they had fired two torpedoes, but the Emden did not
see these. The Emden began firing again, and the
Mousquet sank, bows first. The Emden ceased fire,
and rescued 36 Frenchmen, three of whom died after-
wards. This involved delay, and another destroyer was
seen approaching from Penang. The Emden at once
steamed for the Indian Ocean at full speed. After being
chased for four hours by the destroyer the Emden entered
a heavy rainstorm, and the destroyer was lost to sight.
The Inst act in the drama of the Emden took
place off the Cocos-Keeling Islands in the Indian
Ocean. They are situated in latitude 12 South,
some 500 miles south-west of Java Head and
Sunda Straits. They were discovered bj^ the
English, and consist of a group of coral islets
where the coconut palm grows in abundance.
They are in possession of Mr. Ross, a descendant
of Captain J. C. Ross, who, in the good ship
Borneo, belonging to Hare & Son of London,
took possession of the islands and settled here
in 1825. When the island of Krakatoa exploded
like a bomb in the year 1883, and altered all the
topography of Sunda Straits, ashes and pumice
floated feet thick on the surface of the Indian
Ocean. In spito of the remoteness of Cocos-
Keeling from the scene of the explosion, 500
miles at least, the lagoons in Cocos were so
choked with the floating pumice as actually to
reclaim a portion of them.
It was to this desolate spot in the Indian
Ocean that Captain von Miiller brought his ship
in the early days of November ; with liim was
one of his captures, the Biu-esk^ which was full
of coal. The object of this visit of the Emden
was the destruction of the important wireless
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
127
station that is established on the islands, and
on the morning of November 9 the officials in
charge were unpleasantly surprised by the
landing of an armed boat's crew from a cruiser
which had come to an anchor, and which they
first imagined to be H.M.S. Minotaiu-. They
were quickly undeceived by the German officer
in charge of the party, who informed them that
their operations from the wireless station had
greatly hampered the movements of the cruiser.
One detachment of the Germans then rounded
up all the officials and their servants, placing
them under a strict guard, wliile a second party
prepared to blow up the wireless installation and
to .smash the instrument rooms of the cable
office. This they did most thoroughly, but the
officials seem to have kept their heads in the
most praiseworthy manner, as, just a.s soon as
they discovered that the eneiny was upon them,
they sent out distress signals by wireless, and
warned adjacent stations by cable that they
were about to be smashed up. The landing
party now blew vip tlie wireless mast and the
store in which spare cable and cable gear was
kept ; a third explosion wrecked the wireless
hut and completed the destruction of the
installation. The dynamo rooms and workshops
were destroyed with flogging hammers and axes,
everything breakable, including clocks, being
smashed to atoms. Their next proceeding was
to cut the shore ends of the submarine cables,
and this was done in full view of the prisoners.
There are three cables from the Cocos — to
Perth, to Batavia, and to Rodriguez — and the
pleasure of the prisoners can bo imagined when
they saw the Germans spend much hard labour
in destroying a dummy cable. Eventually the
Perth cable and the dummy were cut, the others
being left, presumably becau.se the Germans did
not know that they existed.
The party from the Emden had landed at
7.30 a.m., and by 9.20 their mission of destruc-
tion was accompHshed. At this time a signal
was blo^\•n on the siren from the ship ; the
officer in comixiand collected his men, marched
them down to the beach, and re-embarked.
The telegraphists report that they were fairly
and courteously treated. On arrival the Emden
was still using her now famous fourth fiumel,
a dummy, and this it was that caused the
telegraphists to mistake her in the first instance
for the IMinotaur, which is a four funnelled
armoured cruiser. As she steamed away in the
bright light of the tropic morning for what was
so shortly to prove her last cruise, the Emden
hauled down and stowed away her dummy.
The action that ensued between the Sydney
and the Emden is here given in the official
dispatch of Captain Glossop, dated from
Colombo on November 15 :
I have the honour to report that whilst on escort duty
witli the convoy under the charge of Captain Silver,
i
" .
THi
•
R
n^
AC
mm
^
OIL TANKS AT MADRAS.
128
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
EasterJ.
Coqulmbo^
Talcahuanafj i^
Cqrone/fy
t'^ P^ C I F I C
<r-J^o_ Melbourne _ 6000
(Mercator)
S
V
^
Fall^land I?
Cape Horn
760
THE GORONEL AND FALKLAND AGTIOiNS.
H.M.A.S. jNIelbourne, at 6.30 a.m. on Monday, Novem-
ber 9, a wireless message from Cocos was heard reporting
that a foreign warship was off the entrance. I was
ordered to raise steam for full speed at 7.0 a.m. and
proceeded thither. I worked up to 20 knots, and at
9.15 a.m. sighted land ahead and almost immediately
the smoke of a ship, which proved to be H.l.G.M.S.
Emden, coming out towards me at a great rate. At
9.40 a.m. fire was opened, she firing the first shot. I
kept my distance as much as possible to obtain the
advantage of my guns. Her fire was very accurate and
rapid to begin with, but seemed to slacken very quickly,
all casualties occurring in this ship almost immediately.
First the foremost funnel of her went, secondly the fore-
mast, and she was badly on fire aft, then the second
funnel went, and lastly the third funnel, and I saw she
was making for the beach on North Keeling Island,
where she grounded at 11.20 a.m. I gave her two more
broadsides and left her to pursue a merchant ship which
had come up during the action.
2. Although I had guns on this merchant ship at odd
times during the action I had not fired, and as she was
making off fast I pursued and overtook her at 12.10,
firing a gun across her bows, and hoisting International
Code Signal to stop, which she did. I sent an armed
boat, and foimd her to be the s.s. Buresk, a captured
British collier, with 18 Chinese crew, 1 English steward,
1 Norwegian cook, and a German prize crew of 3 officers,
1 warrant officer and 12 men. The ship unfortunately
was sinking, the Kingston knocked out and damaged
to prevent repairing, so I took all on board, fired four
shells into her, and returned to Emden, passing men
VALPARAISO HARBOUR.
The " Scharnhorst " and "Gneisenau" in the distance on the left.
THE TIMES HISTOBY OF THE WAR.
129
ewimming in the water, for whom I left two boats I was
towing from Buresk.
3. On arriving again off Emden, she still had her
colours up at mainmast head. I inquired by signal.
International Code, " Will you surrender ? " and received
a reply in Morse, " What signal ? No signal books."
I then made in Morse, " Do you surrender ? " and sub-
sequently, " Have you received my signal ? " to neither
of which did I get an answer. The German officers on
board gave me to understand that the captain would
never surrender, and therefore, though very reluctantly,
I again fired at her at 4.30 p.m., ceasing at 4.35, as she
showed white flags and hauled down her ensign by
sending a man aloft.
4. I then left Emden and returned and picked up the
Burcsk's two boats, rescuing two sailors (5.0 p.m.), who
had been in the water all day. I returned and sent in
one boat to Emden, manned by her own prize crew
from Buresk and one officer, and stating I would return
to their assistance next morning.
5. I lay on and off all night, and communicated with
Direction Island at 8.0 a.m., November 10, to find that
the Emden's party, consisting of three officers and 40 men,
one launch and two cutters, had seized and provisioned
a 70-tons schooner (the Ayesha), having four Maxinas
with two belts to each. They left the previous night
at six o'clock. The wireless station was entirely de-
stroyed, one cable cut, one damaged and one intact. I
borrowed a doctor and two assistants, and proceeded as
fast as possible to Emden's assistance.
6. I sent an officer on board to see the captain, and
in view of the large number of prisoners and wounded
and lack of accommodation, etc., in this ship, and the
absolute impossibility of leaving them where they were,
he agreed that if I received his officers and men and all
wounded, " then as for such time as they remained in
Sydney they would cause no interference with ship or
fittings, and would be amenable to the ship's discipline."
I therefore set to work at once to tranship them— a most
difiicult operation, the ship being on weather side of
island and the send alongside very heavy. The con-
ditions in the Emden were indescribable. I received tb.e
last from her at 6.0 p.m., then had to go roiuid to the
loe side to pick up 20 more men who had managed to
get ashore from the ship.
7. Darkness came on before this could be accom-
plished, and the ship again stood off and on ail night,
resuming operations at 5.0 a.m. on November 11, a
cutter's crew having to land with stretchers to bring
wounded round to embarking point. A German officer,
a doctor, died ashore the previous day. The ship in the
meantime ran over to Direction Island to return their
doctor and assistants, send cables, and was back again
at lO.O a.m., embarked the remainder of woimded, and
proceeded for Colombo by 10.35 a.m. Wednesday,
November 11.
8. Total casualties in Sydney : Killed, 3 ; severely
wounded (since dead), 1 ; severely wounded, 4 ; wounded,
4 ; slightly wounded, 4. In the Emden I can only
approximately state the killed at 7 officers and 108 men
from captain's statement. I had on board 11 officers,
9 warrant officers and 191 men, of whom 3 officers and
53 men were wounded, and of this number 1 officer and
3 men have since died of wounds.
9. The damage to Sydney's hull and fittings was
surprisingly small ; in all about 10 hits seem to have
been made. The engine and boiler rooms and funnels
escaped entirely.
10. I have great pleasure in stating that the behaviour
of the ship's company was excellent in every way, and
with such a large proportion of young hands and people
under training it is all the more gratifying.
It will bo seen from Captain Glossop's
dispatch that he was on escort duty with the
convoy under the charge of Captain Silver, of
[Elliott & fry.
THE LATE REAR-ADMIRAL SIR
CHRISTOPHER CRADOCK,
H.M A.S. Melbourne. This convoy was carrying
Australian and New Zealand troops to the scene
of the great conflict in Europe. The act of self-
denial on the part of Captain Silver in sending
the Sydney to engage the Emden instead of
taking that duty upon himself certainly deserves
to bo noted. This officer denied to liimself and
to the officers and men under his command the
privilege of dealing with the notorious raider,
and in so doing ho was actuated solely by his
high sense of duty and the responsibility that
he owed to his country. In his judgment the
Sydney was the more suitable ship, so she was
sent, and the Melbourne renaained with her
convoy tuitil the affair was concluded.
Action off the Coast of Chile.
On Friday, November 6, the Admiralty
received " trustworthy information " that an
action had been fought on the Chilean coast
on Sunday, November I, between H.M.S. Good
Hope, Momnouth, and Glasgow, in company
with the armed liner Otranto, under the
command of Rear-Admiral Sir Christopher
Cradock, and the German vessels Scharnliorst,
Gneisenau, Leipzig, and Dresden. The following
is a description of the vessels that took part
in the affair :
Good Hoi'E. — Armoured cruiser of 14,100 tons.
Built at Govan and launched in 1901. Length, 515 ft.;
130
THE TIMES HISTORY. 0^ THE, WAR.
beairi, 71 ft. ; draught of water, 28 ft. Her armament
consisted of two 9-2-inch guns, sixteen C-inch, twelve
12-pounders, three 3-pounders, two machine guns, and
she was also fitted with two torpedo tubes. The 9-2
gun throws a shell of 380 pounds weight, the 6-inch one
of 100 pounds weight.
Monmouth. — Armoured cruiser of 9,800 tons. Built
in Glasgow and completed in 1903. Length, 440 ft. ;
beam, 66 ft. ; draught of water, 24 J ft. Her armament
consisted of fourteen 6-inch guns, eight 12-pounders,
three 3-pounders, eight machine guns, and two torpedo
tubes. Her best speed was 23' 9 knots.
Glasgow. — Liglit cruiser of 4,800 tons. Built by
Fairfield and completed January, 1911. Length, 430 ft.;
beam, 47 ft. ; draught of water, 15J ft. Her armament
consists of two 6-inch guns, ten 4-inch, four 3-pounders,
and two torpedo tubes. Her speed is 25 knots.
Otbanto. — Of the Orient Lino. Twin-screw steamer
of 12,100 tons, launched from Workman & Clark's yard
at Belfast in 1909. Commissioned August, 1914, as an
auxiliary cruiser.
The German armoured cruisers Scharnhorst and
Gneisenau, of 11,600 tons, were sister ships, and were
completed in 1907. Their length was 449J ft. ; beam,
71 ft. ; draught of water, 25 ft. Their .irraament con-
sisted of eight 8-2-inch guns (weight of projectile 275
pounds), six C-inch, twenty 24-pouiiders, four machine
guns, and four torpedo tubes.
Dresden. — Third-class cruiser, 3,600 tons. Sister
ship to the Emden. Completed 1909. Length, 387 ft. ;
beam, 43i ft. ; draught of water, 17| ft. She was
armed with ten 4-1-inch guns, eight 5-pounders, four
machine guns, and two torpedo tubes.
NuRXBEBG. — Same type and armament as Dresden,
but 3,450 tons displacement.
Leipzig. — Third-class cruiser, 3,250 tons. Completed
1906. Length, 341 ft. ; beam, 43^ ft. ; maximum
draught, 17^ ft. She was armed with ten 4-1 -inch
guns, ten 1 -pounders, four machine guns, and two
torpedo tubes.
The first news that reached tliis country of
tliis disastrous action was hardly credited in
official circles, and in an official statement the
Secretary of the Admiralty stated :
The Admiralty cannot accept these facts as accurate
at the present time, for the battleship Canopus, which
had been specially sent to strengthen Admiral Cradock'a
squadron, and would give him a decided superiority, is
not mentioned in them, and further, although five
German ships are concentrated in Chilean waters, only
three have come into Valparaiso harbour. It is possible,
therefore, that when full accounts of the action are
received they may considerably modify the German
version.
Unfortunately for official optimism the obso-
lescent Canopus* was not with the cruisers in
the action. The moral of this battle was the
same as that of those by which it was suc-
ceeded— that, given reasonably good shooting
and skill in the handling, the ship with the
better artillery will win any action. The Good
Hope represented one of the worst and most
expensive types of ship ever built for the Navy
in modern times. She was an immense target
and much under-gunned for her displacement.
The Monmouth, also of nearly 10,000 tons,
carried no gun larger than a 6 -inch.
* Canopus, battleship of 12,950 tons, built at Ports-
mouth, and completed in 1900. Length, 400 ft. ;
beam, 74 ft. ; draught of water, 26| ft. Her armament
consists of four 12-inch guns (mark 8, 35 calibre, weight
of projectile 850 pounds), twelve 6-inch, ton 12-poundera
(12 cwt.), two 12-pounders (8 cwt.), six 3-pounders, two
Maxims, four torpedo tubes. Speed (when new) 18-5
knots.
1. H.M.S. "MONMOUTH."
II. H.M.S. "GOOD HOPE."
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
131
\
\
n/l
\
V
4 Q OTRANTO
\ 3 Q GLASGOW
\ ZnMONMOUW
I Q GOOD HOPE
^ c^ to' <5r.''
\ > ; I
' '' /
I I
I /
I
i
'fS Mil,
es-
Tumbes
OTRANTO
X
1
A
= /I
^1
y <i
/
[/ MONMOUTH I \ /
/I Outof Actioa |/>^ A
i
^4
3D HOP£ '
GOOD
Out of Action
[7»50/;ArJ
^^1,
'Talcaliuano
San Vicente
COISCEPCION
Coronel
Loto
^
i>
S*^ Arauco
Bay
Arauco
:f0i7\
PLAN OF THE ACTION OFF CORONEL.
The comparison of guns in the two squadrons
runs thus :
Germaa.
16 8-2-mch
12 6-inch
30 4-1-inch
40 24-pounder3
16 o-pounders
British.
2 9-2-inch
32 6-inch
10 4-inch
20 12-poundors
10 3-Dounder3
The British ships were outclassed, as their
6-inch guns of an old mark were unlikely to
inflict damage on the enemy at long ranges, no
matter how well served ; while at the same
time the comparatively modern 8*2's of the
Germans would be finding their target, the
gmuiers being unhampered by the disturbing
factor of hits on their own ships. The Scharn-
horst had won the gold medal for big-ship
shooting presented by the Kaiser, and the
Gneisenau was also extremely efficient in
gunnery.
On yunday, November 1, l'J14, tlu* Good
132
THE TIMES HlSTOIiY OF THE WAR.
Hope, Monmouth and Glasgow came up with
the Scharnhorst, Gneisenau, Leipzig, and
Dresden. There was a strong wind and a very
considerable sea ; both squadrons were steaming
to the southward, and the Germans kept out of
range and declined action until sxinset, when
the light gave them an important advantage.
Early in the battle, which lasted about two
hours, "both the Good Hope and Monmouth
caught fire, but they continued fighting until
nearly dark, when a serious explosion took place
in the Good Hope and she foundered. It was
stated that the Monmouth hauled off at dark,
making water badly, and appeared vmable to
steam . away. We now know, however, that
she closed with the enemy with the greatest
gallantry with the intention of ramming ; that
she was sunk in the attempt quite close to the
enemy ships ; and that although the sea was
by no means too bad, no attempt was made to
save the English sailors struggling in the water.
On November 17 the Secretary of the
Admiralty announced that the following report
had been received from Captain John Luce, of
H.M.S. Glasgow :
Glasgow left Coronel 9 a.m. on November 1 to rejoin
Good Hope (flagship). Monmouth and Otranto at ren-
dezvous. At 2 p.m. flagship signalled that apparently
from wireless calls there was an enemy ship to north-
ward. Orders were given for squadron to spread
N.E. by E. in the following order : Good Hope, Mon-
mouth, Otranto, and Glasgow, speed to be worked up to
15 knots. 4.20 p.m.. saw smoke ; proved to be enemy
ships, one small cruiser and two armoured cruisers.
Gla.sgow reported to Admiral, ships in sight were warned,
and all concentrated on Good Hope. At 5.0 p.m. Good
Hope was sighted.
5.47 p.m., squadron formed in line-ahead in following
order : Good Hope, Monmouth, Glasgow, Otranto.
Enemy, who had turned south, were now in .single hne-
ahead 12 miles off, Scharnhorst and Gneisenau leading.
6. 18- p.m., speed ordered to 17 knots, and flagship sig-
nalled Canopus, " I am going to attack enemy now."
Enemy were now 15,000 yards away, and maintained
this range, at the same time jambing wireless signals.
By this tune sun was setting ijninediately hehind us
from enemy position, and while it remained above
horizon we had advantage in light, but range too great.
C.55 p.m., sun set, and visibility conditions alt^ered. our
ships being silhouetted against afterglow, and failing
light made enemy difficult to see.
7.3 p.m., enemy opened tire 12,000 yards, followed in
quick succession by Good Hope, Monmouth, Glasgow.
Two squadrons were now converging, and each ship
engaged opposite number in the line. Growing darkness
and heavy spray of head sea made firing diflficult, par-
ticularly for main deck guns of Good Hope and ilon-
mouth. Enemy firing salvos got range quickly, and
their third salvo caused fire to break out on fore part of
both ships, which were constantly on fire till 7.45 p.m.
7.50 p.m., immense explosion occurred on Good Hope
amidships, flames reaching 200 ft. hi ah. Total destrua-
tion must have followed. It was now q lite dar'c.
Both sides continued firing at flashes of opposin * guns
Monmouth was badly down by the bow, and turned
away to get stern to sea, signalling to Glasgow to that
effect. 8.30 p.m.. Glasgow signalled to Monmouth :
" Enemy following us," but received no reply. Under
rising moon enemy's ships were now seen approaching,
and as Glasgow could render Monmouth no assistance,
she proceeded at full speed to avoid destruction. 8.50
p.m., lost sight of enemy. 9.20 p.m., observed 75 flashes
of fire, which was no doubt final attack on Monmouth.
Nothing could have been more admirable than con»
duct of officers and men throughout. Though it was
A DESTROYER'S TORPEDO TUBES.
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
183
.S^anta Cru7
r I c
0 c f ^^
'"Sffe. "^'^-
Queen Cfyary ^^^^tr^Wh
Bcave
W
?»'
^^^
^-'^^^'^^-..^.,
'^.
■^■^o. /
Beauchenel. /
FALKLAND ISLANDS.
( British ) ^
A.
/
r
1
^jAWolIaston I?
Cape Horn^-^'-
o|^.
,r£>C?^ Sbaben I.
^<Ql>'" SCALE or MILES.
^^ ^ 0 50 100
I 1—1 i—i I— I I— I I— I
7SO
200
MAP SHOWING POSITION OF THE FALKLAND ISLANDS.
most trying to receive great volume of fire without
chance of returning it adequately, all kept perfectly
cool, there was no wild firing, and discipline was the
same as at battle practice. When target ceased to be
visible, gunlayers spontaneously ceased fire. The
sorious reverse sustained has entirely failed to impair
the spirit of officers and ship's company, and it is our
unanimous wish to meet the eneniy again as soon as
possible.
The Admiral, the gallant and well-beloved
Cradock, had gone to his long home with a
guard accompanying him of himdreds of those
seamen he had led in action. No end could
have been more consonant with his own wishes
than that he should die for the country he had
served so well.
The Glasgow, sorely battered, stood away
out of action to the southward. It was a
miracle that she lived to tell the tale ; but not
only did she do so, but we see from the con-
cluding paragraph of the report of Captain
Luce in what manner the action had been
viewed by those on board. We are told th.at
owing to internal damage from the fire of the
enemy a good deal of strutting with timber
had to be resorted to. in order to shore up her
decks and stiffen damaged bulkheads. An
officer finding his way along the next morning
discovered the following inscription chalked up
on one of these struts : " Epping Forest, no
Germans admitted on any pretence."
It will be remembered that the cruisers
Aboukir, Cressy, and Hogue were sunlc in the
North Sea by submarines on September 22 :
and that this feat was received with delirious
joy in Germany. The satisfaction on that
occasion was nothing to the outburst when the
news was received in Berlin of the destruction
of Admiral Cradock's two ships. The hated
English had once more been defeated on their
own element, the sea, and loud were the boast-
ings and the predictions of further disasters in
store for the British Navy in the future.
There was no minimising the fact that our
arms had received a serious reverse, or that the
enemy had legitimate cause for jubilation.
Admiral von Spec had not been heard of for
nearly six weeks before the battle ofT the
Chilean coast, and his reappearance and success
were a mortifying blow to British prestige.
The German squadron, as we Icnow, had
eluded the Japanese squadrons in the Far
East, the Scharnliorst and the Gneisenau having
left Kiao-Chau just before war broke out.
' 30— :j
134
THE TIMES UlSTOHY OF THE WAR.
They were not heard of again until September 22,
when they arrived off Papeete in the island of
Tahiti, where they sank a small and unarmed
French gunboat and bombarded the defenceless
town. Later on it was discovered that the two
vessels had visited Apia harbour on Septem-
ber 14, but had remained only a short time.
In October the Leipzig sank a steamer called
the Bankfields off Peru, homeward bound from
Eten with a cargo of six thousand tons of sugar.
In September she sank the oil-tank steamer
Elsinore, and in November the Vine Branch,
off the Chilean coast, while that vessel was
outward bound from England to Guayaquil.
The Dresden sank the Hj^ades off Pernambuco
on August 16, V. hile the vessel was bound from
the River Plate for Holland with grain, and the
Holmwood on August 2G near Santa Maria, on
the voyage from Soutli Wales to Bahia Blanca
with coals. The Niirnberg cut the cable
between Bamfield, British Columbia, and
Fanning Island early in September, but there
is no record of her having captured anj^thing.
The large cruisers do not seem to have gone in
for commerce destruction.
Thk Falkland Islands Victory.
High speed in scouting vessels, wireless
telegraphy, the aeroplane, the captive balloon,
and the dirigible have rendered it increasingly
difficult in the twentieth century to conduct
warlike operations with anv-thing approaching
to secrecy. Not only is the general on land
no longer unaware of what is happening on the
other side of the hill, but the admiral at sea
is overlooked by aircraft when the weather is
at all suitable for the purpose. Aircraft, how-
ever, have distinct limitations. In ideal
weather for the purpose a Zeppelin airship
might scout with most satisfactory results in
the North Sea, and might even pursue her
researches until they included a peep at the
harbours on the western shores of Scotland,
But the open ocean remaiiis, and, at all events
for the present, seems likely to remain, the
province of the ship wh.ch sails upon its waters.
Therefore the problem of coining up with and
destroying the squadron of von Spee was a
matter that had to be settled without adven-
titious aid from the firmament of heaven.
Very seldom had retribution followed so
-i»^
THE KAISHR AMONGST HIS SAILORS.
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
135
PORT STANLEY, FALKLAND ISLANDS.
[Mrs. Walter.
•swiftly on the heels of action as it did on this
occasion. The destruction of this German
squadron, an imperative necessity from the
first, had now to be accomplished in the
shortest possible time. Von Spee had signed
his own death warrant. First we will set down
■the bald Adiniralty announcement, which runs
as follows :
At 7.30 a.m. on December 8 the Scharnhorst, GneisennuJ
Niirnberg, Leipzig and Dresden wore sighted near the
Falkland Islands by a British squadron under Vice-
Admiral Sir Frederick Doveton Sturdee. An action
•followed, in the course of which the Scharnhorst, flying
the flag of Admiral Graf von Spee, the Gneisenau, and
the Leipzig were sunk. The Dresden and the Numberg
•made off during the action, and are being pursued.
Two colliers were also captured. The Vice-Admiral
•reports that the British casualties are very few in number.
Some survivors have been rescued from the Gneisenau
.and the Leipzig.
Thirty-eight days only had elapsed between
the action in the Pacific and that which took
place in the South Atlantic. On November 1
the Monmouth and the Good Hope were sunk
■by the German squadron ; on December 8 they
were followed by their destroyers. The Falkland
Islands, where the battle between Sturdee and
von Spee took place, are well over 7,000 miles
from England ; yet in a little over five v/eeks
from the time of the disaster to Cradock a
sufficient force had been dispatched, had found
the enemy, and had dealt with him to his entire
discomfiture.
During the war a policy of silence was
'maintained that sometimes proved irksome
to the public. A more striking justification of
this attitude on the part of the authorities
•could hardly be found than in the success of the
Falkland Islands action. Until it was over no
•unauthorised person so much as knew that
Vice-Admiral Stvirdee was on his way, or indeed
that any squadron had been dispatched to deal
with the situation. In the upshot the right force
arrived at the right place at the right time, thus
solving the strategical side of the problem,
while its tactical outcome was all that could be
desired.
The Governor of the Falkland Islands had
heard from the Admiralty that he might expect
a raid on the Islands, and had done what he
could to prepare for such an eventuality.
Women and children by an order dated Octo-
ber 19 were ordered to leave Port Stanley, and
in the meantime the men in the island prepared
Sea Miles.
2 3
I I
L^
ADMIRAL STURDEE'S SQUADRON IN
PORT STANLEY HARBOUR.
L "Invincible." 2. " Inflexible." 3. "Carnarvon."
4. "Glasgow." 5. "Kent." 6. "Cornwall."
7. "Bristol." 8. "Macedonia." 9. " Canopus."
136
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
SAFEGUARDS AGAINST TORPEDOES.
Putting out nets.
to make the best fight that they could, supposing
the enemy were to 'appear. A wireless message
was received on November 3 acquainting the
people on the island of the loss of the Good
Ho2:)e and ^Monmouth, and this was followed by
another from the Glasgow saying that that ship
and the Canopus were on their way to the
Falklands. The presumption was that these
ships were being followed by the victorious
Germans. A letter from a lady in the Falkland
Islands gave the following description of the
state of the Glasgow on arrival :
The Glasgow was very badly damaged, one enormous
hole in her side being 3 ft. by 9 ft. Another shell had
gone through the side of the ship and through the
captain's cabin, demolishing his roll-top desk, and
giving off such fumes that several nien who rushed in
to put out the fire were rendered unconscious. There
were only four slight casualties, fortunately, and both
men and officers said of each other that thoy were
heroes. The Glasgow men said that after the Good
Hope sank with Admiral Cradock on board their captain
became senior officer. When he foiuid himself damaged,
and noticed that the Monmouth was in a similar condition,
he signalled to the latter ship to steer a certain course
away from the enemy, but received a reply that as the
jhip was not under control it was impossible to obey the
order. He therefore steamed close to the Monmouth,
which was in a sinking condition, her bows being under
water, with the men assembled in the stem. There was
a heavy sea running ; the enemy was still firing, and
they had to leave the Monmouth to her fate. As the
Glasgow left to seek safety in flight three cheers were
raised by the Monmouth, and that was the last they
knew of the ship.
Impartial evidence that the British sailors
were left to drown by the enemy is that of the
German seamen themselves. On arrival at
Valparaiso they were asked by a German pastor
why none of the English had been saved, and
whether it had not been possible to rescue any
of them. To this they replied that it would have
been qviite possible to do so, but that they were
not permitted by their oflficers to hold out a
helping hand.
The force at the disposal of Admiral Sturdee
comprised the battle cruisers Invincible and
Inflexible, the battleship Canopus, the armoured
cruisers Kent and Cornwall, sister ships to the ill-
fated Monmouth, the armoured cruiser Carnar-
von (10,850 tons, armed with four 7"5-inch. six
G-inch, two 12-poiuiders, twenty 3-pounders,
and two torpedo tubes), the sister light cruisers
Glasgow and Bristol, and the armed liner
Macedonia. The Invincible and Inflexible are
two of the three battle-craisers (the Indomitable
being the third) which were completed in 1908,
and have a displacement of 17,250 tons. Their
speed is over 28 knots, and the price of this
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
137
increase over the 21 knots of the battleship
Dreadnought was the loss of two 12-inch guns
and lighter armour— a 7 -inch belt amidships
instead of an 11-inch, and a 4-in belt forward
instead of a G-inch. Owing to the arrangement
of their turrets all their eight 1 2-inch guns can
be fired either to port or starboard.
The details of the German squadron have
already been given. It is interesting to note
that the Scharnliorst and Gneisenau were
almost contemporary with the Invincible class,
having been completed in 1907, but at that
time Germany had not been able to copy and
adopt the all-big-gun ship, either as battleship
or as battle cruiser.
What information Admiral von Spee had been
able to gather concerning enemy movements
since the day on which he sank the Good Hope
and the Monmouth has never become known,
but what is quite certain is that he was unaware
of the arrival of the squadron commanded by
Admiral Sturdee. It is evident that the Ger-
man commander was on his way to annex the
Falkland Islands, and to use them as his much-
needed base. Secrecy and silence were weapons
as potent as the guns of Sturdee' s squadron, and
the nation owes a debt of gratitude to those
V ho succeeded, totally unknown to the enemy,
in getting a powerful squadron away from home
waters to the far-distant Falklands — a squadron
which arrived exactly in time, and which was
thus enabled to clear the southern seas of a
menace to British trade and British supremacy.
At the time of the battle between von Spee
and Cradock, the Canopus was 200 miles to the
southward, and after the action she was picked
up by the Glasgow, both ships then proceeding
in company to the Falklands, wliere they
arrived on November 8. On the evening of that
day a wireless message was received directing
them to proceed to Monte Video, and tlie
inhabitants of the colony were left with the
pleasing prospect of awaiting the arrival of the
victorious German squadron, to which they
could offer only such resistance as might be
raised locally. Before, however, the two ships
arrived at Monte Video, they received a wireless
message ordering them to return to the Falk-
lands and help to defend the colony, which they
accordingly did ; and then, on December 7, to
the immense reUef of everyone, the Invincible
and Inflexible arrived from England, and the
other ships from Brazil.
At 8 o'clock on Tuesday morning, Decem-
ber 8, it was reported from the signal station on
shore that the look-out on Sapper Hill had
•%^'
-*i--| ^f
i ,Kj»i u i'notograph l)V <i .\itial Offuci frvsint.
BOATS FROM THE "INFLEXIBLE" AND "INVINCIBLE" PICKING UP SURVIVORS
FROM THE "GNEISENAU."
The "Inflexible" standing by.
138
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
VICE-ADMIRAL SIR F. C.
STURDEE.
DOVETON
observed a fovir-fiinnel and a two-funnel man-
of-war steering northwards, and the Kent,
which was acting as guard ship in Port William,
was at once ordered to weigh anchor, and a few
minutes later passed down the harbour to a
station at the entrance, while a general signal
was made to raise steam for full speed. It was
most important to conceal, if possible, from the
enemy the fact that two battle cruisers were
present, and accordingly those two vessels
raised steam with oil fuel. Those who have
seen the volumes of black sn:ioke that pour out
from the funnels of a ship raising steam with oil
fuel wiU reahse how black was the cloud that
soon enveloped the harbour.
At 8.20 the signal station reported another
colimin of smoke in sight to the southward,
and still another column half an hoiu" later.
The Canopus, which was lying in Port Stanley,
with the Glasgow and Bristol, the other vessels
being in Port William, with the Macedonia at
anchor as look-out ship at the mouth of the
bay, reported at 8.47 that the first two ships
were about 8 miles off, and that the smoke
reported at 8.20 appeared to be that of two
ships about 20 miles off.
The subsequent course of events may be
given in the words of Admiral Sturdee'e
dispatch :
At 9.20 a.m. the two leading ships of the enemy
(Gncisenau and Niirnberg), with guns trained on the
\vireless station, camo within range of the Canopus, who
opened fii-e at them across the low land at a range of
11,000 yards. The enemy at once hoisted their colours
and turned away. At this time the masts and smoke of
the enemy were visible from the upper bridge of the
Invincible at a range of approximately 17 000 yards
across the low land to the south of Port William.
A few minutes later the two cruisers altered course to
port, as though to close the Kent at the entrance to the
harbour but about this time it seems that the Invincible
and Inflexible were seen over the land, as the enemy at
once altered course and increased speed to join their
consorts.
The Glasgow weighed and proceeded at 0.40 a.m. with
orders to join the Kent and observe the enemy's move-
ments.
At 9.45 a.m. the squadron — less the Bristol — weighed,
and proceeded out of harbour in the following order : —
Carnarvon, Inflexible, Invincible, and Cornwall. On
passing Cape Pembroke Light, the five ships of the
enemy appeared clearly in sight to the south-east, hull
down. The visibility was at its maximum, the sea was
calm, with a briglit sun, a clear sky, and a light breeze
from the north-west.
At 10.20 a.m. the signal for a general chase was made.
The battle cruisers quickly passed ahead of the Car-
narvon and overtook the Kent. The Glasgow was
ordered to keep two miles from the Invincible, and the
Inflexible was stationed on the starboard quarter of
the flagship. Speed was eased to 20 knots at 11.15 a.m.
to enable the other cruisers to get into station.
At this time the enemy's fimnels and bridges showed
just above the horizon.
Information was received from the Bristol at 11.27
a.m. that three enemy ships had appeared off Port
Pleasant, probably colliers or transports. The Bristol
was therefore directed to take the Macedonia xinder his
orders and destroy transports.
The enemy were still maintaining their distance, and I
decided, at 12.20 p.m., to attack with the two battle
cruisers and the Glasgow.
At 12.47 p.m. the signal to " Open fire and engage the
enemy " was made.
The Inflexible opened fire at 12.55 p.m. from her fore
turret at the right-hand ship of the enemy, a light
cruiser ; a few minutes later the Invincible opened fire
at the same ship.
The deliberate fire from a range of 16,500 to 15,000
yards at the right-hand light cruiser, who was dropping
astern, became too threatening, and when a shell fell
close alongside her at 1.20 p.m. she (the Leipzig) turned
away, with the Niimberg and Dresden to the south-west.
These light cruisers were at once followed by the Kent,
Glasgow, and Cornwall, in accordance with my instruc-
tions.
The action finally developed into three separate
encoimters, besides the subsidiary one dealing with the
threatened landing.
Action with the armoured cruisers. — The fire of the
battle cruisers was directed on the Schamhorst and
Gneisenau. ITie effect of this was quickly seen, when at
1.25 p.m., with the Schamhorst leading, they turned
about 7 points to port in succession into line-ahead and
opened fire at 1.30 p.m. Shortly afterwards speed was
eased to 24 knots, and the battle cruisers were ordered
to turn together, bringing them into line-ahead, with the
Invincible leading.
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR,
139
PART OF ADMIRAL STURDEE'S FLEET.
Top: H.M.S. "Invincible"; centre left: H.M.S. "Canopus"; centre right: H.M.S. "Glasgow"
bottom: H.M.S. "Inflexible."
140
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAIL
[Russell Soutlisea
REAR-ADMIRAL ARCHIBALD P.
STODDART,
(in the uniform of a Captain)
who flew his flag on H.M.S. " Carnarvon."
The range was about 13,500 yards at the final tiim^ and
increased until, at 2 p.m.. it had reached 16,450
yards.
The enemy then (2.10 p.m.) turned away about 10
points to starboard and a second chase ensued, until
at 2.45 p.m.. the battle cruisers again opened fire ; thi*
caused the enemy, at 2.53 p.m., to turn into line-ahead
to port and open fire at 2.55 p.m.
The Scharnhorst caught fire forward, but not seriously,
a!id her fire slackened perceptibly ; the Gneisenau was
badly hit by the Inflexible.
At 3.30 p.m. the Scharnhorst led round about 10
points to starboard ; just previously her fire had slackened
perceptibly, and one shell had shot away her third funnel ;
some guns were not firing, and it would appear that the
turn was dictated by a desire to bring her starboard guns
into action. The effect of the fire on the Scharnhorst
became more and more apparent in consequence of
smoke from fires; and also escaping steam ; at times a
shell would cause a large hole to appear in her side,
through which could be seen a dull red glow of flame.
At 4.4. p.m. the Scharnhorst, whose flag reinained flying
to the last, suddenly listed heavily to port, and within a
minute it became clear that she was a doomed ship ;
for the list increased very rapidly until she lay on her
beam ends, and at 1.17 p.m. she disappeared.
The Gneisenau passed on the far side of her late
flagship, and continued a determined but ineffectual
effo»i; to fight the two battle cruisers.
At 5.8 p.m. the forward funnel was knocked over and
remained resting against the second funnel. She was
evidently in .serious straits, and her fire slackened very
much.
At 5.15 p.m. one of the Gnei.senau's shells struck the
Invincible ; this was her last effective effort.
At 5.30 p.m. she turned towards the flagship with n
heavy list to starboard, and appeared stopped, with
steam pouring from her escape pipes and smoke from
shell and fires rising everywlierc. About this time I
ordered the signal " Cease tire," hut before it was hoisted
ilie Gneisenau opened fire again, and continued to fire
Crom time to time with a single gun.
At 5.40 p.m. the three ships closed in on the Gneisenau,
and, at this time, the flag flying at her fore truck was
apparently hauled down, but the flag at the peak con-
tinued flying.
At 5.50 p.m. " CeEise fire " was niaile.
At 6 p.m. the Gneisenau heeled over very suddenly,
showing the men gathered on her decks and then walking
on her .side as she lay for a minute on her beam ends
before sinking.
The prisoners of war from the Gneisenau report that,
by the time the ammunition was expended, some 600
men had been killed and wounded. The surviving
officers and men were all ordered on deck and told to
provide themselves witli hammocks and any articles that
could support them in the water.
^^'hen the ship capsized and sank there were probably
some 200 unwounded survivors in the water, but, owing
to the shock of the cold water, many were drowned
within sight of the boats and ship.
I'lvery effort was made to save life as quickly as
possible, both by boats and from the ships : life-buoys
were thrown and ropes lowered, but only a proportion
could be rescued. The Invincible alone rescued 108
men, 14 of whom were found to be dead after being
brought on board ; these men were buried at sea the
following day with full military lionours.
Actii>n irith the Lir/ht CrtasiTn. — At about 1 p.ni.. when
the Scharnhorst and Gneisenau turned to port to engage
the Invincible and Inflexible, the enemy's light cruisers
turned to starboard to escape ; the Dresden was leading
and the Niirnberg and Leipzig followed on each
quarter.
In accordance witli my instructions, the Glasgow,
Kent, and Cornwall at once went in chase of these ships ;
the Carnarvon, wiiose speed was insullicient to overtake
them, closed the battle cruisers.
The Glasgow drew well ahead of the Cornwall and
Kent, and at 3 p.m. .shots were exchanged with the
Leipzig at 12,000 yards. The Glasgow's object was to
endeavour to outrange the Leipzig with her 6-inch guns
and thus cause her to alter course and give the Cornwall
and Kent a chance of coming into action.
At 4.17 p.m. the Cornwall opened lire, also on the
Leipzig.
.At 7.17 p.m. the Leipzig was on fire fore and aft, and
the Cornwall and Glasgow ceased fire.
The Leipzig turned over on her port side and disap-
])eared at 9 p.m. Seven ollicors and eleven men were
saved.
At 3.36 p.m. the Cornwall ordered the Kent to engage
til? Xiirnberg, the nearest cruiser to her.
Owing to the excellent and strenuous efforts of the
engine-room department, the Kent was able to get
within range of the Niirnberg at 5 p.m. At 6.35 p.m.
the Niirnberg was on fire forward and ceased firing.
The Kent also ceased firing and closed to 3,300 yards ;
as the colours were still observed to be flying in the
Niirnberg, the Kent opened fire again. Fire was finally
stopped five minutes later on the colours being haviled
down, and every preparation was made to save life. The
Niirnberg sank at 7.27 p.m., and, as she sank, a group
of men were waving a German ensign attached to a staff.
Twelve men were rescued, but only seven survived.
The Kent had four killed and twelve wounded, mostly
caused by one shell.
During the time the three cruisers were engaged with
the NiirnberK and Leipzii.' the Dresden, who was beyond
her consorts, effected lier escape owing to her superior
speed. The Glasgow was the only cruiser with sufficient
speed to have had any chance of success. However, she
was fully employed in engaging the Leipzig for over an
THE TIMES EISTOBY OF THE WAB.
141
ADMIRAL GRAF VON SPEK AND HIS FLlilM.
Top, "Scbarnhorst" : centre left, "Leipzig"; centre right, " Nurnbeni " ; bottom, " C^neisenau."
142
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
lionr hoforo either the Cornwall or Kent nould come up
and got within range. During this time the Dresden
was able to increase her distance and get out of sight.
The weather changed after 4 p.m., and the visibility
was much reduced ; further, the sky was overcast and
cloudy, thus assisting the Dresden to get away unob-
served.
Action u-ith the Eneniy^s Transports. — A report was
received at 11.27 a.m. from H.M.S. Bristol that three
ships of the enemy, probably transports or colliers, had
appeared off Port Pleasant. The Bristol was ordered to
take the Macedonia under his orders and destroy the
transports.
H.M.S. Macedonia reports that only two ships, steam-
ships Baden and Santa Isabel, were present ; both ships
were sunk after the removal of the crew.
I have pleasure in reporting that the officers and men
under my orders carried out their duties with admirable
efficiency and coolness, and great credit is due to the
Engineer Officers of all the ships, several of which
exceeded their normal full speed.
In connexion with Admiral Sturdee's tribute
to the work of the engineering staffs of the
ships, reference may be made to the expedients
to which the Kent was put in her chase of the
Niirnberg. She was wofully short of fuel,
and when it was reported to her captain that
the supply of coal was beconung exhausted, he
replied, " Very well, then, have a go at the
boats." Tlie order was obeyed ; the boats
were broken up, smeared with oil, and passed
into the fvu-naces. After them went the
wooden ladders, the doors, and the chests of
drawers from the officers' cabins, and the Kent
steamed at 24 knots.
It was on the Kent, also, that Sergeant
Charles Mayes performed an act that won him
the Conspicuous Gallantry Medal. A shell
burst and ignited some cordite charges in the
casemate, and a flash of flame went down the
hoist into the ammunition passage. Sergeant
Mayes picked up a charge of cordite and threw
it away. He then got hold of a firehose and
flooded the compartment, extinguishing the
fire in some empty shell bags which were
burning. The extinction of this fire saved a
disaster which might have led to the loss of
the ship.
The sinking of the Leipzig is described in the
following extracts from a letter from H.M.S.
Cornwall :
At about 9 p.m. she loosed oil a rocket as a sign of
surrender, and so we lowered what boats we could and
sent them to her aid. I sliall never in all my life forget
the sight of that ship going down. All the ship's
company had gathered on the foc's'le, and one or two
boats were still being lowered when the captain leant over
the side of the bridge and said: ''It's no good, she's
going." The men in the boat which was half lowered
stood up and every face was turned towards the blazing
ship. You can't imagine what she was like. It was
nearly dark, about 9.25 p.m., and the red glare from the
flames lit up the remains of what had been the home of
.some 300 human beings a few hours before. As we saw
her then she lay like an inferno on the sea. She had only
the veriest stump of her second funnel left. The other
two had been knocked completely away. Her main-
mast was gone, and the upper half of her foremast.
Aft she w.^s blazing like an oil factory, and forward she
was also burning furiously. Her ports showed up like
faint red circles, and occasional spurts of steam and
sparks ascended from her waist. How any ship could
have floated like it Heaven alone knows, and how
anyone can have lived through it simply astounds me.
Suddenly she heeled to port and her stump of a foremast
slowly dipped into the water as she sank with scarcely
a ripple by the head. There was no cheering or anything
A BATTLESHIP'S GUNS IN ACTION.
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
143
GERMAN WARSHIP IN KIEL CANAL.
of that sort. We just stood there in absolute silenne,
and, personally, I thought of the poor de\'ils who had
been chased for five months only to end like that.
There is no doubt whatsoever that they fought like
heroes. As for ourselves they hit us fair and square
eighteen times, and yet we had not one single casualty.
The same writer makes the following general
reflections on the engage aient :
When one remembers that the action in the Pacific
was fought on November 1, and that the German fleet
did not appear off the Falklands until December 8, when
they were free to have come any day previous to that,
and that the British fleet had only arrived twenty-four
hours earlier it does seem obvious that our luck was in.
If we had arrived forty-eight hours later and they had
arrived twenty-four hours sooner, the Falkland Isles
would have been in German hands, and hundreds of lives
would have been lost regaining them.
Of course, we had every adva itage on our side both in
weight of guns and speed and armour, but even so it
argues good management on somebody's part to sink
four German ships with a loss of over 2,000 Germans
as against a British loss of seven or eight killed and four
wounded.
It cannot be denied that a satisfactory
roundness would have been added to the
victory had all the five German ships been
sunk, and on this point the comments of the
Naval Correspondent of The Times may aptly
be quoted :
It is not unfair, nor does it detract from the gallantry
of Admiral Sturdee, or the skilful manner in which he
fought the action, to describe the escape of the Dresden
as a regrettable incident. It is explained as being
partly due to the fact that the Glasgow, the only light
cruiser with sufficient speed to have caught her, engaged
the Leipzig before the Cornwall or Kent came up, and
during this time the Dresden was able to increase her
distance and get out of sight. Jloreover, the weather
changed about 4 p.m., the visibility was much reduced,
and the sky became overcast and cloudy. Her escape
had two unfortunate results. It locked up several ships
for her search which could have been otherwise employed,
and indirectly led to the loss of a fine Japanese cruiser.
We treasure two sayings in the Navy, one of Drake's,
who said there was time to finish his game and beat the
Spaniards too ; and the other of Nelson's — " Now, had
we taken ten sail, and had allowed the eleventh to escape
when it had been possible to have got at her, I couki
never have called it well done." It seems quite likely
that Admiral Sturdee has since regretted those brilliant
hours in the forenoon when he slowed down to enable
the other cruisers to get into station. But this matter
apart, it was a well-fought action, giving every oppor-
tunity for the display of the admirable qualities of all
engaged in it.
Some JNIinob Operations.
One of the most interesting of the minor
events of the war at sea was the bottling up and
subsequent destruction of the German light
cruiser Konigsberg in the Rufigi River on the
East Coast of Africa in November. This vessel
escaped from Dar-es-Salaam at the beginning
of the war and did a good deal of mischief among
shipping, including the shelling of H.M.S.
Pegasus in Zanzibar, when that vessel was laid
up repairing boilers and was unable to replj'^ to
her fire. Chased by British cruisers she took
refuge in the Rufigi River and managed to force
her way up stream until she was out of range.
As the depth of water was insufficient to permit
of hor being followed, it was decided to prevent
her escape by blocking the channel. A vessel
named the Newbridge, with 1,500 tons of coal
in her, was requisitioned for this service, and for
the trip down from Zanzibar to the river Iut
crew was replaced by naval officers and blue-
]44
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
SERGEANT CHARLES MAYES,
H.M.S. "Kent."
jackets, though her captain, Captain Willett,
remained. Tlie operations were in charge of
Lieutenant Lavington of the Pegasus.
The preparations were made with secrecy,
but the Germans received notice of what was
intended and got ready accordingly. Tn order
to reach the position where it w as proposed to
sink her the Newbridge had to pass close to a
small island in the mouth of the river, and on
this a number of the crew of the Konigsberg
entrenched themselves with Maxims and quick-
firers landed from their ship. The Newbridge
went in under her owti steam, and the Germans
opened fire as soon as she got within range ; a
seaman was badly peppered with coal dust
owing to a shell exploding in a coal bag, but
that was the only casualty. Coolly and dex-
terously the ship was manoeuvred into position
to block the charmel. Bow and stern anchors
were let go, and water was admitted to her
tanks so that she took a hst to port, the object
being to sink her with her deck up stream, in
such a way that sand might be carried against
it by the four-knot tide and promote the rapid
silting up of the channel. Then, when all was
ready, her crew took to the boats and exploded
three charges of guncotton that had been
placed in her hold against the outer skin. She
sank rapidly. Several casualties occurred in the
boats as they passed out under a hot fire from
the island, two bluejackets being killed and
several wounded. The Duplex, a cable ship
which accompanied the Newbridge, had five
Lascars killed and a lieutenant R.N.R. severely
HOISTING NAVAL AEROPLANE ON BOARD H.M.S. "HIBERNIA."
THE TIMES HISTOBY OF THE WAR.
145
GERMAN BATTLESHIf SQUADRON.
wounded. Almost immediately afterwards the
Duplex ran on a reef ; she was got off, but as
she was found to be badly damaged, she also
was sunk in the fairway to complete the bottling
up process. In the meanwhile the Konigsberg
concealed herself by fastening palm branches to
her masts and funnels. The difficulty that she
thus became indistinguishable from the sea was
overcome by an aeroplane brought down the
coast in the Kinfaims Castle. Flying inland
this machine marked the position of the German
cruiser by smoke bombs, enabling her to be
destroyed by bombardment overland from the
coast by the British cruisers.
On the other side of Africa, on October 26,
a French force under Colonel Mayer, with the
cooperation of a British naval and military
force, occupied Edea, a town on the Sanaga
River, West Africa, and an important station
on the railway to Duala. On November 13
preparations were completed for extensive
operations to the north and north-west of
Duala. After a bombardment by the French
cruiser Bruix and the Nigeria Government
yacht Ivy, a force of Royal Marines seized
and occupied Victoria, the seaport of Buea,
the seat of the German Colonial Government.
On the same day a colunm advancing along
the Bonaberi railway from Susa drove the
enemy north and occupied Mujuka, a station
about 50 miles from Bonaberi. Meanwhile
large allied naval and military forces, advancing
from different points, proceeded to occupy
Buea. The occupation was effected on Novem-
ber 15, the enemy being scattered in all direc-
tions. A German missionary attempted to
blow up H.M.S. Dwarf with an infernal machine,
and when asked how he found such an action
compatible with his profession replied that lie
was a soldier first and a missionary afterwards.
About the same time two successful opera-
tions were carried out in the Red Sea. In the
first of these, against the Turkish garrison at
Sheik Seyd, Indian troops were engaged,
assisted by H.M.S. Duke of Edinburgh-
According to the official accovmt issued by the
Secretary of the Admiralty on November 16,
the Turkish fort (Turba) is situated on the
rocky heights to the eastward of Cape Bab-el-
Mandeb, at the southern entrance to the Red
Sea, and is close to the boundary line between
Turkish territory and the Aden protectorate.
The Sheik Seyd Peninsula consists of a group
IF. N. BtrUeU.
FLIGHT COMMANDER
FRANCIS E. T. HEWLETT, R.N.
146
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
BRITISH AEROPLANE RAID ON GUXHAVEN.
of rocky heights joined to the mainland by a
low sandy plain, the greater portion of which is
covered at high water by a shallow lagoon.
The guns of the fort command the isthmus
connecting the peninsula A\ith the mainland.
Three battalions of troops were landed in face
of opposition, but under cover of fire from
H.M.S. Duke of Edinburgh, which had pre-
viously disabled Turba Fort, and which assisted
during the operations. After landing, one
and a half battalions of infantry attacked the
enemy positions, and were opposed by well-
concealed artillery and infantry fire. Wlien
the hills commanding INIanlieli were occupied,
opposition weakened, and about 200 of the
enemy escaped on camels by the isthmus or
in boats by sea. Six of the enemy were reported
killed, and the majority of the remainder
wounded and prisoners. The forts were occu-
pied by the British forces, and large amounts
of munitions of war and six field guns captured.
The heavy guns were probably put out of
action by the Duke of Edinburgh. The British
casualties among the troops were one officer
and fifteen men wounded, and four men killed.
There were no naval casualties.
In consequence of a report that mines had
been sent to Akaba to be laid in the Gulf of
Akaba, and possibly in the Red Sea, the
cruiser Minerva was ordered to proceed to
Akaba to investigate and stop any such action.
According to an account published at Cairo
on November 17, on arriving at Akaba the
captain found it occupied by a small detach-
ment of troops. Negotiations for a surrender
were attempted, but were frustrated by German
officers present. The Minerva was compelled
to open fire, but confined her attack to the fort,
the post office, and the Government buildings.
Later a landing party reconnoitred in the
direction of Wadi-el-Ithm, but encountered only
a few armed men, who rapidly disappeared. The
patrol returned to the tov\-n and re-embarked,
after posting a proclamation inviting the
inhabitants to return and assuring their safety.
The town and wells were not damaged, and there
were no British casualties.
In the Persian Gulf, as already recorded,
successful operations were carried out on
November 8 against Fao, at the mouth of
the Shatt-el-Arab, by a mihtary force from
India covered by H.M.S. Odin (Commander
Cathcart P. Wason), the armed launch Sirdar,
a force of marines with a ISIaxim gun party,
and a boat from the Ocean. The gims of the
enemy were silenced after an hour's resistance,
and the town was occupied by the troops and
the naval brigade. There were no naval
casualties.
At the end of October the Tiu-kish Fleet, at
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
147
the instigation of its German masters, started
bombarding undefended coast towns in the
Black Sea. The Goeben bombarded Sebas-
topol and threw 116 shells into the town on
November 1, and in answer a combined
British and French squadron bombarded
the Dardanelles forts at long range at
daybreak on November 3. The forts rejjlied,
but the Allies suffered no loss, only one pro-
jectile falling alongside. A large explosion,
accompanied by volvunes of black smoke,
occurred at Helles fort, but the amount of
material damage done could not be estimated.
Probably the intention of the attack was not
so much to cause damage as to ascertain the
range of the guns in the forts.
Nearly three weeks later the Goeben and
the Breslau were engaged by the Russian Fleet
in the Black Sea. According to the statement
of the Naval General Staff at Petrograd, about
noon on November 18, when the Russian
battleship division was retiu"ning from a cruise
along the Anatolian coast and was abrea.st
of Sebastopol, it sighted, 25 miles off the
Chersonese lightship, the Goeben and the
Breslau. The ships immediately took battle
formation, and holding a course which placed
th« enemy to starboard, opened fire at a range
of forty cables (i.e., 8,000 yards). The first
salvo of the 12-inch guns of the flagship Evstaffi
hit the Goeben, bursting on the centre of her
freeboard and causing a fire on board. The other
Russian ships then opened fu-e, and inade
excellent practice, a whole series of explosions
being noticeable on the Goeben's hull. After
some delay the Goeben opened fire with salvos
from her big gims, which she concentrated on
the Russian flagship. The battle lasted 14
minutes and then the Goeben swiftly changed
course, and, thanks to her superior speed.
IRusseil, Southsea.
LIEUTENANT-COMMANDER
NORMAN D. HOLBRCOK, V.C.,
of Submarine B 11,
disappeared in the fog. The Breslau, which
had taken no part in the action, remained in
the offing. Only slight damage was suffered
by the Evstaffi. The Russian casualties were
four officers and 24 men killed and wounded.
The strength of the Russian squadron on this
occasion is not stated, but in anj' case the
Goeben was nearly twice the displacement of
SUBMARINE B 11,
Which torpedoed the Turkish Battleship " Messudiyeh " in fhe Dardanelles.
148
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
CLEARING FOR ACTION.
All spare wood and furniture is thrown overboard
or sent ashore.
the Russian flagship. Also, she was apparently
caught napping, as the Russian, who kept the
better look-out, got in the first blow. At the
range indicated the Goeben's guns should have
made a smashing reply, but they evidently
failed to do so, while the shells of her antagonists
seem to have done her considerable damage.
Subsequently she appeared off Batiun, but from
the fact that she was quickly driven off by the
shore batteries it may be inferred that her big
guns had not all been repaired, or replaced,
since the engagement near Sebastopol.
On December 13 the British svibmarine Bll,
Lieutenant-Commander Norman D. Holbrook,
entered the Dardanelles, and, diving under five
rows of mines, torpedoed the Turkish battleship
Messudiyeh, which was guarding the minefield.
Although pursued by gunfire and torpedo
boats, Bll retvuTied safely, after being sub-
merged on one occasion for nine hours. When
last seen the Messudiyeh was sinking by the
stem. What was not known at the time, and
what is nevertheless the fact, is that during the
operations the compass of Bll went wrong,
and Lieutenant Holbrook had to find his way
out of the Dardanelles without it ; at one time
his frail vessel was actually bumping on the
bottom. All his brother officers concur in
regarding this as one of the finest individual feats
performed during the war. The underwater
navigation of the Dardanelles is most perilous
and difficult at all times, owing to the swift
currents which never cease racing through the
Straits, and when, in addition to the whirl-
pools and eddies caused by these currents
striking projections and points, the presence
of five rows of mines is considered, such a feat
would seem quite impossible of accomplishment
were it not for the hard and undeniable fact
that it was accomplished. That the tor-
pedoed battleship was " guarding the mine-
field " adds a touch of comedy to the proceed-
ings that must have been singularlj^ gratifying
to Lieutenant Holbrook and his gallant com-
panions who crept along the sea floor with him
on that eventful day. The London Gazette of
December 21 annoiuiced that the King had
approved of the grant of the Victoria Cross to
Lieutenant Norman Douglas Holbrook ; his
second in command, liieutenant Sydney Thorn-
hill Winn, being made a Companion of the
Distinguished Service Order for his shai'e in
the achievement.
British Losses in^ Home Waters.
About this period several na\al losses in
home waters have to be chronicled. On the
last day of October the old cruiser Hermes,
Captain C. R. Lambe, was sunk in the Straits
of Dover by a German submarine as she was
retvurning from Dunkirk. She was struck by
two torpedoes and hmnediately began to settle
down. The S.O.S. signal was made^ and two
destroyers and the cross-Channel steamer
Invicta came to the rescue. She remained
afloat for about two hours after being struck
and then foimdered, her captain being the last
man to leave her. About 44 of her crew were
lost, 400 being saved and landed at Dover
On November 11 the torpedo -gunboat Niger,.
Lieutenant -Commander A. P. Moore, was tor-
pedoed by a submarine m the Downs and
foimdered. There was no loss of life, and.
curiously enough, the occivrrence was witnessed
by thousands of people at Deal, who had assem-
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
149
bled on the beach on hearing the sound of heavy
firing out to sea. About noon the soiuid of an
explosion was heard and volumes of black smoke
wero seen rising from the Niger, which was
lying two miles from the shore opposite to the
pier iiead. A stiff breeze was blowing with a
considerable sea. Instantly the Deal and
Kingsdown lifeboats piit out. together with a
swarm of boats from the shore, and by these
the crew were rescued. The Niger sank about
twenty minutes after the explosion.
On November 24 the Secretary of the
Admiralty reported the sinking of the German
submarine U18 on the northern coast of Scot-
land. At 12.20 on the morning of the pre-
ceding day a British patrolling vessel reported
having rammed her, but she was not sighted
again \intil 1.20, when she was seen on the
surface, crew on deck, and flying a white
flag. Shortly afterwards she foundered just
as the destroyer Garry came alongside and
rescued tlu'ee officers and 23 of her crew, only
one being drowned. The survivors were landed
and interned in Edinburgh Castle.
A terrible disaster occurred at Sheerness on
November 26, the Bulwark, a battleship of
15,000 tons, being blown up and destroyed,
with the loss of all her company of some
750 officers and men, save fourteen.
Many theories were advanced to explain the
blowing up of the magazines of the ship, but
it remained after all an impenetrable mystery.
Lieutenant Benjamin George Carroll, assistant
GERMAN WARSHIP COALING AT SEA.
coaling officer at Sheerness, in his evidence at
the coroner's inquest, said that he was passing
down the Med way at 7. 50 a.m. on the morning ol
GUNS OF H.M.S. "NEW ZEALAND."
150
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
■2?
f
-■•«'- ^ ^
^
M
I
i I iSE^
Pi
a
u
a
H
O
o
z
z
THE TIMES HISTOBY OF THE WAR.
151
the 26th . The Bulwark was then lying in Rithole
Reach, and there was nothing alongside her.
Just as he was noticing a signal indicating the
number of tons of coal on board her he saw a
spurt of flame abaft the after barbette. Then
the whole volume of flame seemed to rush
towards the after funnel. The whole interior
of the ship seemed to be blown into the air, and
everything seemed alight. He observed no
disturbance of the water. It was quite calm,
and there was no tide. He at once turned his
boat back to render assistance, and was able
to pick up two men, including an officer. He
* was convinced that there was an internal
explosion. The 12-inch charges were in brass
cases, and he did not see how possibly the
throwing away of cigarette ends could have
anything to do with the explosions. The
Admiralty Court of Inquiry which made an
exhaustive and scientific research into the
causes of the disaster, could not account for
it by any known theory ; one of their witnesses.
Commander Wilton, said that they had been
able to trace every cartridge on board, and there
was no evidence of loose cordite. The only
definite conclusion arrived at was that the
ignition which had taken place was internal
and not external.
The first day of the New Year was marked
by the loss of the Formidable, a battleship of
15,000 tons, which was torpedoed and sunk
in the Channel. Completed in 1901, she was
virtually a sister-ship to the Bulwark, and
although pre -Dreadnought battleships are now
obsolescent they have still a considerable
fighting value, and it would be folly to under-
estimate the loss that her destruction meant to
the Fleet. She went down between 3 and 3.30
a.m., and of her complement of nearly 800
only 201 were saved. After she was struck
everything was done that was possible in the
circumstances, and that high standard of
discipline which never fails in the Navy in the
face of serious emergency was fully maintained.
Captain Loxley was on the bridge directing
operations to the last and went down with the
ship. Of the four boats launched, one, a barge,
capsized, and several men were thrown into
the sea ; the second, also a barge, got away
with about seventy men, who were picked up
by a light cruiser ; the third, a pinnace with
some sixty men, reached the shore at I^iymo
Regis, and the fourth, a cutter with seventy
men, after being in a rough sea for about eleven
hours, was rescued off Berry Head by the
[RusseU.
REAR-ADMIRAL THE HON. H. L. HOOD.
trawler Providence and brought into Brixham.
The splendid behaviour of the master of this
trawler, William Pillar, and his crew, was the
one bright spot in the tragedy. They were
some fifteen miles from Berry Head, and
rvmning before a gale to shelter in Brixham
when they were amazed to see an open boat
adrift. This tvirned out to be the cutter of the
Formidable. Only a seaman can apprcciato
the difficulties with which Pillar was now
confronted. He had, in heavy weather, to
take in another reef in his mainsail and to hoist
a storm jib ; otherwise he could not have
brought his vessel to the wind and so manoeu-
vred as to get into touch with the cutter. By
superb handling and entire disregard of danger,
he actually managed to gybe his vessel in his
endeavour to establish communication with the
cutter (this means passing stern to the wind
from one tack to the other, and is most dan-
gerous in heavy weather), and at last a rope
was passed and made fast. One by one the
mariners of the Formidable leapt from the
open boat to the smack, and when the transfer
was at last accomplished the boat was cast
off and the Providence made for Brixham.
The officer of the cutter commended the gallant
seamanship of the Brixham fishermen, wliich ho
describctl as being beyond all praise, and tlie
King, when he pinned the silver medal for
gallantry on the breast of the skippi-r, I'iiliu-,
at Buckingham I'alace, addressed liini and his
crew in the following words : " I congratulate
152
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
THE "BLUGHER."
you most heartily upon youi" gallant and heroic
conduct. It is indeed a gi'eat feat to have
saved seventy-one lives. I realize how diffi-
cult your task must have been because I know
myself how arduous it is to gybe a vessel in a
heavy gale." This was not only the King of
England speaking to a Brixham fisherman,
but also one seaman speaking to another ;
and to have been thus addressed must have
enhanced the value of their well-earned medals
to the crew of the Providence. An Admiralty
award of £250 was made to Pillar, £100 each to
the mate and seaman, and £50 to the boy.
There was at first some doubt whether the
loss of the Formidable was due to a submarine
or to a mine, but subsequently the Admiralty
came to the definite opinion that she was sunk
by two torpedoes fired from a submarine. In
this connexion Lord Charles Beresf ord remarked
in the House of Commons on February 15 that :
the submarine was considerably overrated if proper
precaution was taken against it, but if such precaution
was not taken, it was a most fatal weapon in naval
warfare. It was problematical whether a submarine
would ever hit a ship going at speed ; certainly, it would
never hit ships accompanied by their proper quota of
destroyers and small craft. These were the two safe-
guards. He wanted to know why the squadron, of which
the Formidable formed part, disposed of them. It was
common knowledge where she was going, and what she
was going to do. She went out and then sent back the
destroyers, which were her first defence. Afterwards,
when she was farther out in the Channel, in an area
known to be infested with submarines, she slackened
speed. The Admiral would not have done that if the
Admiralty had given definite orders after the loss of
THE "BLUGHER" SINKING.
[From an aaual photograph.
THE TIMES HISTOBY OF THE WAR.
153
the three cruisers (Aboukir, Cressy, and Hogue) that no
ship should proceed except at speed and with her
screens.
Raids and Cotjnter-Raids.
We now come to the series of raids made on
our East Coast by the German Navy. The
first, on November 3, was directed against Yar-
mouth. This place has been persistently
described in the German Press as " the fortified
port of Yarmouth " — in order, it is to be
imagined, that the subjects of the Kaiser may
think that special daring was necessary to
attack so redoubtable a fortress. The story
of this raid has already been dealt with
(Vol. II., pp. 358-362) ; there is, therefore,
no occasion to make more than passing reference
to it here. In it eight ships were employed,
including the three battle cruisers, Seydlitz,
Moltke, and Von der Tann, the armoured
cruisers Bliicher and Yorck, and the cruisers
Kolberg, Graudenz, and Strassburg. They
bombarded Yarmouth at such long range
that they did no damage ; they even failed
to do any serious harm to the ancient torpedo
gunboat Halcyon, though she should un-
doubtedly have been sunk. They then turned
and fled, dropping mines as they went. The
submarine Dll which started in pursuit,
struck on one of these and was lost with all
her crew save two. Two fishing boats also
struck on mines and were lost with fifteen
hands. As the cruisers returned to their own
waters the Yorck struck on a mine and was lost,
carrying with her some 300 men.
The second raid, on December 16, was made
on Scarborough, Whitby, and the Hartlepools.
As thiS; too, has been exhaustively treated in
the chapter above referred to, there is no
need to do more than record it here,
and to note the horror which this cowardly
attack caused not only in England, but through-
out the whole civilized world. Fog unfor-
tunately prevented a British squadron from
coming in contact with the marauders, but a
reply was delivered on Christmas morning, when
a combined attack was made on the German
warships lying in Cuxhaven harbour by seven
seaplanes piloted by Flight -Commanders
Douglas A. Oliver, Francis E. T. Hewlett,
Robert P. Ross, and Cecil F. Milner, Flight-
lieutenants Arnold J. Miley, and Charles H. K.
Edmonds, and Flight Sub -lieutenant Vivian
Gaskell Blackbvu-n. The attack was delivered
at daylight, starting from a point in the vicinity
of Heligoland. The seaplanes were escorted
by a light cruiser and destroyer force, together
[Symonds, Portsmouth.
CAPTAIN A. S. M. CHATFIELD,
of H.M.S. "Lion."
with submarines. As soon as these ships were
seen by the Germans from Heligoland, two
Zeppelins, three or four seaplanes and several
submarines attacked them. It was necessary
for the British ships to remain in the neigh-
bourhood in order to pick up the returning
airmen, and a novel combat ensued between
the most modern cruisers on the one hand and
the enemy aircraft and submarines on the other.
By swift manoeuvring the enemy submarines
were avoided, and the two Zeppelins were
easily put to flight by the guns of the Un-
daimted and Arethusa. The enemy seaplanes
succeeded in dropping their bombs near our
ships, though without hitting any. The Bi'ititjh
ships remained for tliree hours off the enemy
coast without being molested by any siu-face
vessels, and safely re-embarked three out of
the seven airmen. Three more pilots were
picked up later, according to arrangement, by
the British submarines which were standing by,
their machines being sunl<. Flight-Commander
Hewlett was missing at the end of the day's
operations, but he eventually returned in
safety, having been picked up by a Dutch
fishing vessel. What damage was done is not
known ; but the moral effect was great. Cux-
haven, unlike Yarmouth and Scarborough, is
very strongly fortified ; and shoals make it
impossible for a ship to pass up the Elbe
without coming within the range of the giuis
154
THE TIMES HISTOllY OF THE WAli.
[Ritisell, Southsea.
CAPTAIN LIONEL HALSEY,
of H.M.S. " New Zealand."
mounted there. It will be noticed that the
much-vaunted Zeppelins were put to flight
almost at once.
In connexion with this counter-raid on
Cuxhaven reference may be made to the sup-
port that was lent by British warships at sea
to the land forces of the Allies on the coast of
Belgium. When, established on the coast, the
Germans proceeded to make their plans for the
capture of Calais, as a preliminary for the
destruction of ova Fleet and the invasion of
our country, thej^ did not reckon on the Britisli
Navy taking a hand in the game. As was
briefly recorded in a previous chapter, a naval
flotilla, including the three monitors which
at the outbreak of war were being built in
British yards for Brazil, and mounting a large
number of powerful long-range guns, was
brought into action off the Belgian coast in
October in support of the left flank of the
Belgian Army. Observation was arranged
from the shore by means of naval balloons,
and the squadron under Rear-Admiral Hood
was able to render the neighbourhood of Nieu-
port and Westende a " perfect hell of fire and
smoke," bombarding the German right and
enfilading their lines. Although the enemy
replied with heavy guns and sought to damage
the attacking ships with submarines, destroyers,
and mines, our vessels received only trifling
structural injury, and our casualties throughout
were sligiit. This bombardment was continued
intermittently for weeks. On November 23
all points of military significance at Zeebrugge
were bombarded, and though the official report
stated that the amount of damage done was
imknown, there was reason to believe that, at
least for the time being, the port was rendered
useless as a naval base.
There is a curious resemblance between
tlie work thus done by Admiral Hood in the
twentieth century and that accomplished by
Admiral Rodney in the (;ighteenth. On July 3,
1759, Rodney arrived off Havre which was full
of stores, fodder, provisions, field guns, ammu-
nition trains, horses, harness, and small arms,
ready for embarcation in himdreds of trans-
ports and flat-bottomed boats for the invasion
of England by the army under the Due d'Aguil-
lon. Rodney was provided with a niunber of
" bomb vessels," which threw bombs guaranteed
to set fire to anything inflammable with which
they came into contact. Like om* modern
Admiral, he was yoimg and full of energy ;
under him the men worked so splendidly that
in one night they had all their bomb vessels in
position, and the next day the rain of bombs
set fire to and consumed everything which
would burn, including the transports and flat
fRiissi!. Soiiilisra.
REAR-ADMIRAL OSMOND DE B. BROCK
(in the uniform of a Captain),
of H.M.S. "Princess Royal."
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
155
^
H.M.S. "LION,"
Flagship of Sir David Beatty.
boats. It was said that it took Havre over a
century to recover from Rodney's attack.
The North Sea Action.
The third German raid took place on
January 24, or rather it should be said
was attempted, for the attack was foiled
by a British patrolling squadron under Vice-
Admiral Sir David Beatty. Presumably the
intention was to repeat the achievement of
December 16, wliich caused so much delight in
Germany, and it has been suggested that the
objective was the Tyne, or even the Firth of
Forth. In Germany it was spoken of as " an
advance in the North Sea," as if it were nothing
but a reconnoitring excursion.
A British squadron of battle cruisers and
light cruisers with destroyer flotillas was
patrolling the North Sea on Sunday morning,
January 24, 1915, when at 7.25 a.m. the flash
of guns was observed to the south-south-east,
and shortly afterwards the light cruiser Aurora
reported to Vice-Admiral Sir David Beatty
that she was engaged with enemy ships. Ho
at once altered the course of his ships to south-
south-east, increased his speed to twenty-two
knots, and ordered the light cruisers and
destroyer flotillas to chase south-south-east in
order to get into touch with the enemy and
report theiij movements. Almost immediately
reports followed from the Southampton,
-Arethusa and Aurora, wliich had anticipated
these instructions, that the enemy ships con-
sisted of three battle cruisers, the Bliicher, six
light cruisers, and a number of destroj'ers. The
British fleet included the battleships Lion,
Tiger, Princess Royal, New Zealand and
Indomitable ; the light cruisers Southampton,
Nottingham, Birmingham, Lowestoft, Arethusa,
Aurora and Undaunted, and destroyer flotillas,
the last being under Commodore Reginald Y.
Tyrwhitt. The following are particulars of the
large ships engaged on both sides :
British.
Lion. — Battle cruiser, launched at Devonport 1910,
completed 1912. Displacement, 26,350 tons ; length,
660 ft. ; beam, 88J ft. ; draught, 28 ft. ; i.h.p., 75,685 ;
CAPTAIN HENRY B.
of H.M.S. "Tiger.
PELLY,
15G
THt: TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
'J
LlJ
Q
Z
o
C/D
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAB.
157
speed, 28-5 knots. Artnament : Eight 13-5-inch
sixteen 4-inch, four 3-pounders, and five raaclnne guns,
and two torpedo tubes. Con\plement, 980.
Tiger. — Battle cruiser, launched at Clydebank 1913.
Displacement. 28,000 tons ; length, 660 ft. ; beam,
POJ ft.; draught, 28^ ft.; i.h.p., 100 000; speed, 28
knots. Armament : Eight 13-.5-inch and twelve 6-inch
gims. These particulars are unoflficial.
Princess Royal. — Battle cruiser, sister ship of the
Lion, launched at Barrow 1911 completed 1912. Dis-
placement, 26,3.')0 tons ; length. 660 ft. ; beam, 88| ft. ;
draught, 28 ft.: i.h.p., 76,510; speed, 28-5 knots.
Armament : eight 13-5-inch, sixteen 4-inch, four
3-pounder, and five machine guns. Complement, 980.
New Zeaxand. — Battle cruiser, bviilt at Govan at the
charge of the New Zealand Government, launched 1911,
completed 1912. Displacement, 18,800 tons ; length,
555 ft. ; beam, 80 ft. ; draught, 26| ft. ; i.h.p., 46,894 ;
speed, 25 knots. Armament : Eight 12-inch, sixteen
4-inch, four 3-pounder. and five machine guns and two
torpedo tubes. Complement, 780.
Indomitable. — Battle cruiser, sister ship of the In-
vincible and Inflexible, which took part in the action
offi the Falkland Islands. Launched at Govan 1907,
completed 1908. Displacement, 17,250 ; length, 530 ft. ;
beam, 78| ft.; draught, 26 ft.; i.h.p., 41,000; speed,
26 knots. Armament : Plight 12-inch, sixteen 4-inch,
and five machine gions and five torpedo tubes. Com
plement, 780.
German.
Blucher. — Armouied cruiser, launched at Kiel 1908,
completed 1910. Displacement, 15,550 tons; length,
4J9ft. ; beam, 80Jft. ; draught, 26-2 ft. ; i.h.p., 40,000 ;
speed, 25-3 knots. Armament : Twelve 8-2-inch, eight
5-9-inch, and sixteen 3-4-inch guns, and four torpedo
tubes.
MoLTKE. — Battle cruiser, sister ship of the Goeben,
launched at Hamburg 1910, completed 1911. Displace-
ment, 22,640 tons ; length, 610J ft. ; beam, 96 ft. ;
draught, 27 ft. ; i.h.p., 86,900 ; speed, 28-4 knots.
Armament: Ten 11-inch, twelve 5-9-inch, and twelve
3-4-inch guns, and four torpedo tubes. Complement,
1,013.
Seydlitz. — Battle cruiser, laimched at Hamburg 1912,
completed 1913. Displacement, 24,640 tons ; length.
656 ft. ; beam. 93i ft. ; draught, 27 ft. ; i.h.p., 65,000 ;
speed, 26-2 knots (best recent speed, 29 knots). Arma-
ment : ten 11-inch, twelve 5-9-inch, and-twelve 3-4-inch
guns, and four torpedo tubes. Complement, 1,108.
DERFFLrN^GER. — Battle cruiser, launched at Hamburg
1913. Displacement, 28,000 tons; length, 700 ft.;
beam. 96 ft. ; draught, 27 ft. ; i.h.p., 100,000 ; speed,
27 knots. Armament : Eight 12-inch, twelve 5-9-inch,
and twelve 3-4-Lnch guns, and four torpedo tubes. All
the turrets of the Derflfiinger are stated to be in the centre
line, and not superimposed ; otherwise the vessel has
much the same outline as the Seydlitz.
When the enemy ships were first seen they
were steering north-west, but they quickly
changed their course to south-east. Tlie
British battle cruisers, working up to their full
speed, steered to the southward. At 7.30 they
sighted the enemy on the port bow about 14
miles distant and steaming fast, and as the
prompt reports thej' had received had enabled
them to attain a position on the enemy's
quarter, they altered their course to south-east
parallel with that of their quarry, and settled
down to a long stem chase. The speed was
gradually increa.sed to 28'5 knots, and thanks
to the efforts of the engineer staffs of the New
INTERIOR OF A GERMAN SUBMARINE.
The Commander looking through a periscope.
Zealand and Indomitable, those two ships were
able to attain a speed greatly in excess of their
normal. The result was that the squadron
gradually closed to within 20,000 yards of the
rear ship (the Bliicher) of the enemy, who were
in single line-ahead, with their light cruisers
ahead and a large nimiber of destroyers on their
starboard beam. The first shot was fired by the
Lion at 8.52, but fell short, and from that time
single shots were fixed at intervals to test the
range, imtil at 9.9 the Lion hit the Bliicher for
the first time. At 8.20 the Tiger, which was
following the Lion, had drawn up sufficiently to
be able to open fire on the Bliicher, and the Lion
now turned her attention to the third ship in
the German line, which was hit by several salvos
at 18,000 yards. The Princess Royal, in turn
getting within range, opened fire on the Bliicher,
and as this latter ship now began to drop astern
somewhat, she became exposed to the gims of
the New Zealand, the Princess Royal then
shifting her fire to the third ship in tlie Gennan
line and inflicting considerable damage on her.
Diu-ing these operations the British flotilla
cruisers and destroyers gradually dropped back
from a position broad on the beam of the battle
cruisers to the port quarter, so that their smoko
might not foul the range, but as the enemy
destroyers threatened attack, the Meteor and
M destroyer division passed ahead, skilfully
handled by Captain the Hon. H. Meade.
158
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
GROUP OF GERMAN SAILORS RESCUED FROM THE " BlUgHER.
About 9.45 the Lion was engaging the leading
German ship, which was on fire ; the Tiger had
first fired at the same ship, but, when smoke
interfered, at the Blvicher ; the Princess Royal
was engaged with the third German ship, which
also was on fire, while the Blvicher, alreadj^
showing signs of having suffered severelj% was
also the mark of the Ne^\' Zealand. The enemy's
destroyers were now emitting vast quantities
of smoke to screen their battle cruisers, which
appeared to alter their coiu'se to the northward,
with the object of increasing their distance ;
the rear ships, according to Sir David Beatty's
dispatch, certainly hauled out on the port
quarter of their leader, and thus increased their
distance from the British line. To meet this
manoeuvre our battle cruisers were ordered to
form a line bearing north-north-west and to
proceed at their utmost speed. The German
destroyers then giving evidence of an attempted
attack, the Lion and Tiger opened fire on them,
causing them to retire and resimae their original
course. The light cruisers, maintaining their
position on the port quarter of the enemy line,
were able to observe and keep touch, or to attack
any vessel that fell out of line.
The Bliicher, which by this time had dropped
considerably astern of her companions, was seen
to be on fire, to have a heavy list, and to be
apparently in a defeated condition. As she
hauled ovit to port and steered north the
Indomitable was ordered to break to the north
and attack. A few minutes later submarines
were reported near the line, and Admiral
Beattj', who liimself saw the wash of a periscope
two points on the starboard bow, at once turned
to port. Then the Lion suffered an injury
\% hich at three minutes past 1 1 was reported as
being incapable of immediate repair, and, in
consequence, her course was shaped north-west.
Admiral Beatty also found it necessary to
transfer his flag to another vessel ; accordin;:;ly,
at 1L20, he called the torpedo boat destroyer
Attack alongside, and shifting his flag to her at
about 11.35, proceeded at fvill speed to rejoin
the squadron. He met them at noon retiring
north-north-west.
Boarding the Princess Roj^al at about
12.20 p.m., he learnt from her captain what had
happened in his absence since the Lion fell out
of the line. The Bliicher had been sunk, and on
the vessels that went to rescue her sur^avors (of
whom about 250 were saved) a Zeppelin and
a sea-plane endeavoured to drop bombs. The
three German battle cruisers had continued
their course eastward, in a considerably
damaged condition, the Derfflinger and the
Sejdlitz, it is believed, suffering in particular.
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAB.
159
Undoubted Ij-, as Sir David Beatty remarked
in his preliminary report, the Lion's mishap
deprived our ships of a greater victory than that
which they actually put to their credit.
It cannot be said that our success was dearly
bought. None of our ships was lost. The
Lion and the Tiger were both hit, but although
the former had to be towed to port by the
Indomitable, the material injury to both ships
was only such as could be repaired in a com-
paratively short time. No member of the
Lion's crew was killed, but 21 were wounded ;
on the Tiger one officer, Engineer-Commander
Charles G. Taylor, and nine men were killed, and
three officers and eight men were injured. On
the destroyer Meteor, which also was disabled,
three men were killed and two wounded, one
of whom died.
Referring to the action in the House of Com-
mons in February, ]\Ir. Churcliill said : ^
The action was not forced, because the enemj^, after
abandoning their wounded consort, the Bliicher, made
good their escape into waters infested by their submarines
and mines. But this combat between the finest ships
in both navies is of immense significance and value in
the light which it throws upon rival systems of design
and armament and upon relative gunnery efficiency. It
is the first test we have ever had, and without depending
too much upon it I think it is at once important and
encouraging. First of all it vindicates, so far as it
goes, the theories of design, and particularly of big-
gun armament, always identified with Lord Fislier.
The range of the British guns was found to exceed that
of the German. Although the German shell is a most
formidable instrument of destruction, the bursting-
smashing power of the heavier British projectile is
decidedly greater, and — this is the great thing — our
shooting is at least as good as theirs. The Xavy, while
always working very hard — no one except themselves
knows how hard they have worked in these years — have
credited the Germans with a sort of super-efficiency in
gunnery, and we have always been prepared for some
surprises in their system of control and accuracy
of fire. But there is a feeling after the combat of
January 24 that perhaps our na\"al officers were
too diffident in regard to their own professional skill
in gunnery.
Then the guns. While the Germans were building
11-inch guns we built 12-inch and 13J-inch guns. Before
they advanced to the 12 -inch gun we had large numbers
of ships armed wdth the 13'5. It was said by the oppo-
site school of naval force that a smaller gun fires faster
and has a higher velocity, and therefore the greater
destructive power. Krupp is the master gunmaker in
the world, and it was very right and proper to take such
a possibility into consideration. Everything that we
have learnt, however, so far shows that we need not at
all doubt the wisdom of our policy or the excellence of
our material.
In Germany the action caused a disappoint-
ment even disproportionate to its real naval
importance. For some weeks the Press Bureau
of the German Admiralty noisily claimed that,
at any rate, one British battle cruiser — to say
nothing of two or more destroyers — had been
sunk. In reality it was seen that, for the time
at any rate, even brief and occasional excur-
sions to British waters must be abandoned. It
was no longer possible to pretend that the raids
on Yarmouth and on Scarborough and the
Hartlepools had been the prelude to greater
things. Such enterprises, even while the
German cruiser squadron was intact, involved
great risk and little profit. Faced by a strength
FUNERAL OF CAPTAIN ERDMANN OF THE " BLUCHER."
160
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
PAY DAY ON BOARD A MAN-OF-WAR.
of even five to four in representative ships a
German raiding force could not but retire, and
in all the circumstances of January 24 — they
would have been even less favourable if the
squadron had advanced further — the Germans
might think themselves fortunate to have
escaped with no greater losses.
The German naval authorities now recon-
sidered the whole situation. They decided, as
we shall see in another chapter, to abandon a
few more of the rules of civilized warfare, and
to threaten British and neutral commerce with
indiscriminate extermination by submarines
and mines.
CHAPTER LIV.
THE GERMAN COUNTER-OFFEN-
SIVE AND THE BELGIAN BATTLE
OF THE YSER.
General von Moltke Superseded by General von Falkenhayn— The New Plan of the
Kaiser — Advance on Calais — Position of the Allied Troops on October 16 — Retreat of
French Marines from Ghent to the Yser — The Battle of the Yser Begins — Intervention
OF British Flotilla — Ronarc'h's Defence op Dixmude — The Germans Force the Yser at
Ti£Rvaete — Arrival of French Reinforcements — Considerations on the Fighting.
DURING 1914 the greatest and most
decisive battles in the Western
Theatre of War were those of the
Marne and Ypres, of which the
former lias been described in Vol. II., Chapter
XXXII.
Under the titla of Battle of Ypres are included
the fighting from October 16 onwards between
the sea at Nieuport-Bains and Dixmude, popu-
larly known as the Battle of the Yser, and the
struggle which commenced on October 19
from Dixmude through Ypres to Armentieres
on the l^ys, and thence to La Bassee.
The Battle of the Yser may bo considered in
two parts. In the first the Belgians, with the
aid of a brigade of French Marines under Rear-
Adniiral Ronarc'h, defended the lower course of
the Yser and its canal from October 16 to 2.3.
In the second, the bulk of the wearied but
dauntless soldiers of King Albert were with-
drawn and their places taken by a portion of
the Army of General d'Urbal.
It was not till November 17 that the Battle'
of Ypres came to an end.
Vol. 111.— Part 31. 1
The Battle of the Marne lasted a week ; the
Battle of Ypres a month. The credit for the
former victory rests with the French, though
the British Army rendered them most valuable
assistance. The Battle of Ypres, on the other
hand, was won bj?^ the united efforts of the
British, French, and Belgians, and each of the
Allied nations may look back on it with tlie
proudest feelings. It was — so Joffre is reported
to have said — " the greatest battle of the
world."
During the month of October the Emperor
William himself appeared on the western front
to supervise the operations, and on the 25th it
was aimounced that the Chief of the General
Staff, (General von Moltke, had fallen ill, and
that the Prussian Minister of War, General von
Falkenhayn. had tak(>n over his duties. It soon
appeared that Moltke had in reality been super-
seded, and it was clear that sharp differences
of opinion had arisen about tho [Ian of cani-
])aign. INloltke, it seemed, had insisted that
the first and main strategic object should he
to break the Allies' lines at Verdun, while the
01
162
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
THE CROWN PRINCE OF BAVARIA,
Reviewing Troops.
Kaiser, unable to reach Paris, was obsessed
with the desire to gain possession of the Channel
coast for the better prosecution of the war
against England. Moltke disappeared, and
until December, when he was definitely
appointed Chief of the Staff, Falkenhayn
.From a Skach by John S. Sargent, R.A
BRIGADIER-GENERAL FOWKE, C.B.,
Chief Engineer British Expeditionary Force.
nominally united the posts of Minister of War
and Chief of the General Staff. Falkenliayn
was fifty-three years old, and had only been in
office about a year. He had at one time been
Chief of the General Staff of the 16th Army
Corps at INIetz, but he was best known for his
work in China on the staff of Count Waldersee,
in the expedition of 1900, when the German
troops had been bidden b}^ the Kaiser to
emulate the Huns of Attila.
The strategy now adopted by the Kaiser
and Falkenhayn has been severelj' and justly
criticized. They struck simultaneously at
Warsaw and Calais, and found that in neitlier
theatre were they strong enough to achieve the
desired success. Pitilessly, but in vain, they
sacrificed troops of all sorts, including large
numbers of old men and young boys who had
volunteered for service at the outbreak of war.
Although the success of the enterprise would
undoubtedly have produced enormous results,
its initiation must be ascribed largely to poUtical
rather than military considerations. It was
necessary to appease the Emperor's own im-
patience, but it was no less necessary to provide
the German people %vith some fresh promise of
dazzling success.
The preparations for ensuring success at the
outset of the war, to impress the world with
Germany's might, had been enormous and
made regardless of expense. Though the Ger-
man infantry tactics were obsolete, the German
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAH.
163
military machine was, on the whole, the most
perfect that had ever been constructed. Men
with the brains of captains of industry had
toiled vmremittingly to provide the German
Army with every advantage that foresight and
experience could suggest — from the gigantic
howitzers which were to batter down the per-
manent fortifications of Belgium and France to
the stick of liquorice which the sentry was to
suck lest by a cough he should betray his pre-
sence to the enemy. The coiuitries to be in-
vaded had been examined with meticulous
accuracy. They were honeycombed with -spies
and traitors of both sexes, in all ranks of Society.
Innumerable wireless installations and tele-
phones had in peace-time been hidden on foreign
soil to signal to the Germans the movements
of their potential enemies. Soldiers had been
even trained to utilize the arnis of windmills for
the purpose of conveying information. The
innumerable disguises — British, Belgian, French,
Russian uniforms, women's dresses, priests'
robes — in which the German soldiers often
presented themselves during the War, show
how thoroughly detail had been worked ovit.
And now — in October, 1914 — what must have
been the thoughts and sensations of those
who had brought on this war ? They had
intoxicated the German people, and its enthu-
siasm, if not " irresistible," had been tremend-
MAJOR-GEN. SIR THOMPSON CAPPER.
ous. Treaties to which the Prussian Govern-
ment had been a party had been torn up ; the
rules of International Law treated as school-
masters might treat the resolutions of a group
of children. The horrors of the French Revolu-
tion had been renewed by the Armies of the
Sovereign who had up to August, 1914, posed as
GERMAN PRISONERS AT FURNES.
164
TH1-: TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
(/3
Ph
o
o
si
H
O
2
>
■so
'u
<u
o
.u
23
Q
Q
Z
U
O
O
z
O
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
165
tho gnardian of European Law and Order.
" When we left Belgium," wrote a Saxon
oflficer in his diary, under August 26, " we left
all the villages in flames. It is," he added,
" like the Thirty Years' War — murder and fire
everywhere."
An airman who flew over the German lines
at Charleroi during August said that the
Germans " covered the plains like a moving
sea." This sea of human beings — murdering,
burning, burgling, raping — had flowed on
towards Paris. " The measures," so the Ger-
man General Staff had instructed the German
soldiers, " which can be taken by one State
against another in order to obtain the object
of the War, to compel one's opponent to submit
to one's will, may be summarised in the two ideas
of Violence and Cunning." *
And now it was that the eyes of the Kaiser
began to be opened to the real proportion of the
task he had undertaken. Despite the barbarous
example made of Louvain, the easy-going Bel-
gians (as they had been siu-Tiused to be before
the War), had continued their heroic resistance.
The British "rifle club " — to use a Prussian
expression for the British Army — had taken a
terrible toll of Kluck's masses. They had pur-
sued it with slackening zeal as they began to
discover the prowess of the British soldier.
Inspired by the cool and resolute Joffre. the
Armies of France had refused to know when
they were beaten, Verdiin had remained un-
taken, and the Germans under the Kaiser's
eyes had failed to penetrate through the gap of
Nancy. The desperate effort to pierce the
French centre beyond the Mame had been
foiled by Foch ; Manoury's stroke at Kluck's
communications had forced the invaders to retire
behind the Aisne. There they had held their
own and battered Reims Cathedral.
Meanwhile East Prussia had been invaded by
the Russians and, though Hindenburg in the
district of the Masurian Lakes had inflicted on
them a serious defeat, no further successes had
been gained by him or his Austrian colleagues
in the Eastern Theatre of War.
Far from it. The Russians in engagement
after engagement had crushed the Austrians,
overrvin Galicia, captiu-ed Lemberg, invested
Przemysl, and approached Cracow. Their
advance guards were on the Carpathians. If
they crossed them they would harry Hungary ;
if, masking Cracow., they entered Silesia they
* " The German War Book," p. 64.
^^^^TBB
BR9
'^
^H^_ ^^^H
^ *-'^ ---■"" - Vv ■ -
/^^^^^U
^^^^^ .4 '». -^j^^i^^^H
'Jifl
ihshh
^^hmMMMMI^I
r^^o^f
WSSSSS^Sm
-' ■^-^»_*i_^Hp^''^!
l.^'
^^^^^^^j^^i^^H
."t^Jgrr
•«-*^
, ;t||H^BIIW^|I^
■>t^ ^^^^P
JtH
1^ '^^fSsiH^' ' 'l^sB
' ^sl^H^
^■FTJI
" '-^-^''■fcai^^K^ ** \'j
^MMmKr-. . i
''^^k 'j^^^^^tm^^s
l*^'- '-^^I^B^^I
W-tM.
^^k ■%'"^3K ^^^^^^^BBI
9^^^Sl
,^ ^■■1^ ^^Ba
T-Mr/'.^^f
W--='\»
^^Wlf'' ' h^^^Bm
^^^v
■- -V" n
HE^K^ ' ' ^v^VI^B
^j^-^ -1
^^^H£^, .'3^L f ji^^l
'^^Mj^^^^^S^ '"' -- 1
Mvh|
Wmmim^ ^B
• 'i^^^^^ft.X. fc, '.■"■•i'^"' ~fl
^^^^^^■AJJ
^^^^^^^^^^■■l^^flE ..IS^^^H
^^H|fl
^^^^^^^■^mmIS
^^^Cy^jMBSESkS
IH^^Km
bBMMRMP ^^n^^S
-" _ - " i^^c^^^?^" ' ^^
^^^^^^^^^n
^ ^ ^^Sh^^^^L
4 -: '--'*^^-.-
^■H
K-'' ' '^£^
" ^ '^^iSii- Jl
pwBE^
^P ' ^viSBb
,v«»^^;^^^g^2
BSl^^^HH
^fil^ ''"4^^^^h5
^■H^l
H^^l
^Hll ^2
^^ ^^^B^^^l
^^H
^^^^^BbivF^' '- ^^[^H|
fe '"# <^"* hI«
^^^H
^^^B^^^jj^jjHJH
"— _^H
^^^^^^^^H
^^^^^^Jjj^^PBa^^B^HH^^^BH
M~^m
^^B
■PPTiij^^^^^H
m.'^
wSm
■^ 3
^^^EtT- '* _ki
^^^^n^^M^
m^
"^ 'MM^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^H
t" -* **'.*«*■*;.*
I ■• ■ir.^
R^^l^ii^^^^^^^^^^^^^l
»^:^v«eB
MmHBBHHHHIH
CONVENT OF THE LITTLE SISTERS
OF THE POOR AT NIEUPORT,
Damaged by a German Shell.
would be in the midst of one of the two most
important industrial districts of Germany.
Not even fron^ the Serbian frontier had come
good news. The mountaineers had repulsed
the Austrian so-called punitive expedition with
heavy loss. Turkey had not yet decided to
throw in her lot with the Dual Alliance, and
each day the anti-German feeling in Italy and
Roumania was rising.
If the War I^ord turned his eyes to the sea
the outlook was still more unfavourable. Tho
" Admiral of the Atlantic " saw the magnificent
commercial fleet of Germany hiding, interned,
sunk, or captured. The Emden and a few
cruisers were still at large, but most of the
German War Fleet wa-s lurking in the Iviel
Canal or luider cover of the coa.st fortresses. It
had not even obtained complete comimand of the
Baltic ! To all intents and purposes, the
British and French Navies were ruling the
German Ocean, the Chaimel, and the Mediter-
ranean. As a consequence the businesses of
CJermany and Austria-Hungary began to suffer
from a creeping paralysis. Cotton, tho basis of
166
■THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
BELGIAN TROOPS LANDING AT OSTEND.
all modern explosives, without which the only
useful propellant could not be manufactured,
and copper, which was necessary for the driving
bands of shells — to make them take the rifling —
were daily becoming scarcer.
Beyond the sea the German Colonies one by
one were falling into the hands of the Allies.
The Japanese had closed in on Tsing-Tau, and
its capture could not long be delayed. The
LTnited States had been shocked by the Belgian
atrocities, and the Kaiser's old friend, the ex-
Presidcnt Roosevelt, had denounced the authors
of them in no measured language. India,
loyal from Cape Comorin to Peshawur, was
sending a contingent of warlike troops to the
theatre of war ; her Princes were vieing with
one another in placing their persons and their
wealth at the disposal of the Empire. Egypt,
far from throwing off the British yoke, was
preparing to resist in^■asion, and in a brief two
months Abbas was a refugee in Constantinople,
and his uncle ruled in his place independently,
and no longer the feudatory of the Caliph.
Canada, Australia and New Zealand were send •
ing their stalwart youths to the front. In a few
months army after army would be poiu-ing
across the Channel to join Sir John French's,
General Joffre"s and King Albert's forces.
Luxemburg, nine-tenths of Belgium, with
Liege, Brussels, Antwerp, Ostend and a con-
Jsiderable tract of France were, it is true, in the
■ possession of the Germans, but how long wxnild
it be before the Germans and Austrians would
be overwhelmed by nmnbers in both theatres of
-war ? But there was no going back.
At this critical monient the Kaiser may have
remembered the words of M. de Faramond, the
French Naval Attache at Berlin in 1913, "the
German soldier is no longer natiu-ally what he
had been 40 j'ears ago — a simple, religious
■ man, ready to die at the order of his King."
Death he was still ready to meet, but chiefly
for hope of the gain to be expected from
victory.
The modern Moltke, animated by the spirit
of his illustrious rnicle, might point out that
military considerations required that the main
effort of the Germans should be directed by
Verdiui; political exigencies demanded some-
thing more spectacular. While Hindenburg
was to capture \\'arsaw, the Kaiser himself
would clear Belgium of the Allies and annex it,
captiu-e Calais, and thence strike both at
England and at Paris.
Accordingly, from the beginning of October
corps after corps was brought into the space
between the Lys and the sea until fifteen were
assembled, grouped in two armies, and with
them four corps of cavalry. The army nearer
the coast was under the Duke of Wiu-temberg,
the other being commanded by the Crown Prince
of Bavaria. The whole formed a force equal
THE TIMES HISTOBY OF THE WAR.
IGl
to, if not greater than, tlie liost which Napoleon
led across the Nienien into Russia in 1812.
Such were the conditions when the Battles
of the Yser and Ypres commenced.
As an example of the sort of hopes \\hich
wt;re filling the German mind we will quote an
article written towards the end of October in
the ^dchsischer Staats-Anzeiyer by General
Baron von Ardenne :
If the English watch oia our naval position Boikuni-
Wilhelmshaven-Heligoland-Brunsbiittel is almost im-
possible in the present circumstances — np to now it has
not been at all successful — it will become quite im-
possible when Belgium and the north coast of France to
the mouth of the Seine are in German hands.
The somewhat improbable report that the French have
retreated from Boulogne opens up a wide view over
Germany's future position in the fight. In the course of
time we shall be in possession of Calais, probably also of
Dieppe and Havre. At Calais the Channel narrows
down to a width of 35-40 kilometres (22-25 miles). Our
305 (12 in.) howitzers have a rangs of 14 miles (height of
such a shot 4,370 yards). The range of our 42 cm.
(17 in.) howitzers is still greater. England can expect
■utill further artillery surprises.
Even if we cannot shoot from the French coast to the
English, a safety zone can be made for German ships
which will cover more than half the navigable water,
[n the French harbours bases can be had for torpedo-
boats and submarines, cruisers, scouts, etc., and — last
but not least — bases for our Zeppelins. These bases on
the French coast can be made absolutely impregnable
from the sea by double or triple rows of mines, especially
anchored mines. To anchor mines in these waters is
comparatively easy.
That this will be no joke for the British Isles can
easily be seen from the fact that England is, so far as
its food is concerned, dependent chiefly on foreign
countries. Any disturbance in its supplies would be
badly felt. Even now our comm?rce-;les.royers and the
sinking of ships carrying contraijuiid, including food, are
proving a thorn in Great Britain's side. When private
property is no longer safe at sea there will be a severe
collapse in the import of foodstuffs.
In spite of all England's mine-laying, in spite of her
great Fleet, she is always afraid of a German force
landing in the United Kingdom. When the French
north coast is in our hands, such an invasion — which
is now considered a foolish romance — will be ea.sily
possible, especialli/ when England continues to send
troops au-ay from the island.*
To stimtilate the enthusiasm and patriotism
of the German ma.sses the most extrava-
gant rumotirs were circtilated by the Imperial
Government. For instance, some days before
the appearance of Ardenne's article there was
published in a Hamburg paper what purported
to be a " Stockholm telegram." It was headed
" The G3rman Sword of Damocles over Eng-
land " :
For nearly a week past enormous fleets of transports
have formed almost a connected bridge over the Channel
between Kamsgate, Dover and Folkestone on the
l^nglish coast, and Dunkirk, Calais, and Boulogne on tlie
French coast. The English Press declares that tl.Ls is
for Great Britain a fight for life or death.
* The Hamburger Nachrichten, on January 31. 1915,
published a communication from Berlin which, among
other things, stated that " an expression of expert
opinion had been recently made regarding the range of
German naval and coast guns, the chief point of which
lies in the assertion that from Calais the harbour defences
of Dover and the countrv 1o the North of Dover could
be bcmbarded over n front of live and a half miles."
BELGIAN CAVALRY ON THE MARCH.
1GB
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAIL
THE WAR-WORN KAISER.
But, extravagant as may have been the ideas
of the Germans on the value to Germany of the
coast line from Ostend to the Seine, it must
be admitted that if their troops could have
seized Dunkirk, Calais, Boulogne, Staples, the
mouth of the Somme, Dieppe and Havre, the
chances of Germany succeeding in her scheme
for the domination of the world would have been
enormously increased. The chief naval bases
of the British fleet were within reach of Calais
and Boulogne, and once these won and used as
German submarine and airship bases, the n^ain
communications of the fleets guarding the east
coast of England and Scotland would have
been endangered. Harwich, Chatham, Dover
and Portsmouth would certainly have been
bombarded by aircraft, and the nerves of the
vast population of London would have been
constantly shaken by the visits of Taubes and
Zeppelins, for the distance between Calais
and the capital of the British Empire is under
a hundred miles, little more than two hours'
journey. There would have been more than
a possibility that German aviators from Calais
or Boulogne might have caused sensational, if
not important, damage to London. Raids by sea
on the coasts of Essex, Kent, and Sussex would,
too, have been hazarded by men, careless of the
lives of their troops, to strike terror into the
British nation.
If, in addition, the Germans had rejjeated
their success of August and had forced their
way down to Amiens, the communications of
the British troops in France would once more
have had to be shifted to St. Xazaire, at the
mouth of the Loire. Maud'huy's Army would,
it is likely, have had to evacuate Arras and join
Castelnau's in the plain between the Somme and
the Oise. The prestige of the German arms,,
impaired at the Battle of the Marne and not
improved by the Battles of the Aisne, Roye-
Peronne and Arras, would have been rehabili-
tated.
The Battles of the Yser and Ypres brought
all these by no means visionary plans to an
untimely ending.
The forces dispatched by the Kaiser to
follow the Belgian Army, Rawlinson's Corps,
and Rear-Admiral Ronarc'h's Marines, retiring
from Antwerp or Ghent towards the Franco-
Belgian frontier, necessarily collided with them
and the other Allied troops moving forward to-
the north of the Lys. These comprised General
Bidon's two Territorial Infantry Divisions (the
87th and 89th), De ]\Iitry's four Cavahy
Divisions, the British Cavalry Corps, and the
III. Corps.
Thus two long lines of men in mutual
hostility were advancing towards one another,
each endeavouring to act on and against his
adversary's outer wing.
A brief accomit of the events irmnediately
preceding October 16 is needed to make the
situation clear to the reader.
On September 20 Joffre had commenced his
turning movement between the English Channel
and the Scheldt against the German communica
tions. The enemy, after investing Antwerp,
had replied by a counter-movement on Lille
and Ypres, thus threatening Dunlcirk, Calais,
and Boulogne. To ward off the German offen-
sive Lord I^tehener had dispatched British
INIarines imder General Paris and the 3rd
Cavalry and the 7th Infantry Divisions under
Sir Henry Rawlinson to Ostend and Zeebrugge. *
* The 7th Infantry Division, under Major-General
Sir T. Capper, C B., D.S.O., was constituted as follows :
20/A Infantry liric/ade (Brigadier-General H. J»
Ruggles-Brise. M.V.O.) :
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
169
The 7th Division was outside the six regulax
Divisions which formed the Expeditionary
Force. It had been stated some years pre-
viously in the House of Commons that it was
intended to complete that Force by bringing
home various luiits from foreign stations, and
this was actually done. The 20th Brigade was,
however, made up of battalions on home ser-
vice, except the 2nd Gordon Highlanders,
who came from Cairo. In the 21st Brigade two
lat Grenadier Guards.
2rKl Scots Guards.
2nd Border Regiment. ^
2nd Gordon Highlanders.
2lst Infantry Brigade (Brigadier-General H. E.
Watts, C.B.) :
2nd Bedfordshire Regiment.
2nd Yorks Regiment.
2nd Royal Scots Fusiliers.
2nd Wiltshire Regiment.
22nd Infantry Brigade (Brigadier-General S. T. B.
Lawford) :
2nd Queen's Royal West Surrey Regiment.
2nd Royal Warwick Regiment.
1st Royal Welsh Fusiliei-s.
1st South Staffordshire Regiment.
Northumberland Hussars Yeomanry.
This appears to have been the first of the non-regular
regiments to take the field.
The Cyclist Corps.
14th Brigade Royal Horse Artillery.
22nd Brigade Royal Field Artillery.
35th Brigade Royal Field Artillery.
.3rd Brigade (Heavy) Royal Garrison Artillery.
111th Brigade Royal Garrison Artillery
112th Brigade Royal Garri.son Artillery.
A pom-pom detachment.
7th Divisional Ammunition Column.
^p<:^ —-"Tz- ' \ '.^^Hi^H
^^^^^^H
^^H
Mlifl
^Hl
v'"!!^^^^!' e '-
jH^a
<ISi^PI l]l
^gC^^iP^
mtSji Wm M
flHB|^^K| ' f-* JjH
.^^^^^^^LXi/^^KB^"^ « .i
^i^l ^H^^^^^H
^fcrs '^^■H
^^^^^^^^^^^^^T^^^^^^^^^^Hh ^9' ;^~'
^ ^^'H^H
j^^^K My -^s^
^^^^^^^^^^^K ' '^wf^^HttP^'^ .^^^ ^
^hMJ^EMb'^^w^^ ^^^^^^^^^^1
'^^Ki^Kmm
F^^^^^^^F^ ^^^^^^^H
^^^^^^nSeS^nX^BI
L'^s^^^K' ^^^H
IPi^^^^^^^^B^^^^^H^^^H^^^^^^K
poj^^^E- . '^^^^1
H^^^^^Kd^^^^S^S^V
RS^^R-*- --^^^^1
IHHMvT
^^fef^
H|^^M|/^
fc: • • ^^j_|£^yt*-^ ^^■'^^^t,
^^HHp?^ \^^^ M^^S^^^^BB^^^^
^H^BBHpi^ --"^^^^Jg
■P"^ v^" ^^^<J^W^M
^•^^E^^^'^'i^B
tm ^Lrf"-" M '■'^' ^^^SI
^^H^^S*' «!
j^^^ip'''' ■ Sryf'^-'- - ■•'1»^**8
^k ^99v ^31
ak^'^: .^
GURKHAS SHARPENING THEIR KNIVES.
battalions were drawn from Gibraltar, one from
the Transvaal, the fourth from Guernsey. The
22nd Brigade had two battalions from the Trans-
vaal and two from Malta. The Artillery was
made up from various sources, home and f oreigji.
BRITISH INFANTRY ENTRENCHING,
170
Till': TIMES HI STORY OF THE WAR.
A FRENCH MACHINE GUN SECTION IN ACTION.
The Marines had assisted in the defence of
Antwerp, l)ut, owing to the delay in sweeping
the mines \\ hich the Germans had managed to
lay in front of Ostend, Sir Henry Rawlinson
could not operate lioldly against the enemy,
but was obliged to confine himself to the minor
alternati\e of protecting, with the French
Marines of Rear-Admiral Ronarc'h, the retreat
of the Belgian Army and British ^Marines.
,\ntwerp had succumbed on October 9, but,
shortly before, the bulk of the Belgian Army
had retired, and from this date Rawlinson and
Ronarc'h were able to cover the further with-
drawal of these troops to a jiosition on and
behind the banks of the canalised Yser between
Dixmude and the sea at Nieuport -Bains.
(ihent, Bruges, Ostend were lost in succes-
sion, and the Belgian coast from Ostend to the
Dutch frontier fell into the hands of the foe.
Already, on October 15, the advance guard of
the German III. Corps was moving through
Ostend on Xieuport and Dixmude.
In the meantime, on the night of the 11th-
12th, Ghent was being evacuated by part of
the 7th Division (Capper's) and Ronarc'h's
Marines. The jNIarines led the way. To
encourage their men the officers left their
motor-cars and marched on foot. The moon
was shining and the air chilly.' At daybreak
tJiey reached Aeltre, where they halted for
refreshment. At 4 p.m. the column touched
Thielt, which was entered by Capper's troops
two hours later. Hot-foot beliind them pressed
some 50,000 Germans, but the night was passed
without the enemy disturbing the French or
British. A village 3Iayor had at the cost of
his life put the enemy on a false scent. The
next morning (the 13th) a Taube, whose
observer was doubtless trying to locate the
column of which the pvirsuers had lost contact,
was shot down by the British. At 3 p.m. the
^Marines reached Thourout.
The 7th Division, wliich had been preceded
the day before by Byng's Cavalry Division,
marched on Roulers.
An extract from the official diary kept
by Byng's Cavalry Division and another
from IVIr. C. Underwood's narrative published
in Blackwood's Magazine for March. 1915, bring
clearly before us the movements of the Cavalry
and Capper's Divisions. Mr. Underwood was
an Interpreter appointed to the Headquarters
Staff of the 2 1st Brigade. The diary below
should be read in connexion with the map on
pp. 180-1 :—
Octoher 6. — After mobilizing at Ludgershall Camp the
Dlvi-ioii was railed to Southampton, and >iailed on
October 6 for Ostend and Zeebrugge. where it disem-
barked early on the 8th, and came under the orders of
the IV. Corps.
October 9.- — On the 0th the Division concentrated at
Bniges, marclung from there to Thonrout (6th Cavalry
Brigade) and Ruddervoorde (7th Cavalry Brigade) on
the following daj'.
Ortober 11. — On the 11th Divisional Headquarters,
which had stayed in Oostcamp on the previous night,
mo\ed to Thourout. The armoured motors, which had
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAB.
171
joined the Divii^ion on tlie previous day, succeeded in
drawing first blood, capturing two oHieers and five men
in tlie direction of Ypres.
Ortobrr 12. — ()n tlie 12tli lieadf|narfers moved to
Itoulors, the Cth Cavalry Brigade to tlie line Oost-
nieuwkerke-Roulers, anil the 7th Cavalry Brigade to
Kum beke-Iseghem ,
O'-tober 13. — 'i'he enemy were reported to have fought
an action near Hazebroiick and to be retiring towards
Bailleul, and our 2nd Cavalry Division to have capture<l
a place some 10 miles south-west of Ypres. Accordingly
on the 13th the Division reconnoitred towards Ypres
and Monin with patrols towards Comines and Wervicq,
but no signs of the enemy were found, and after a long
day, during which many of the troops must have done
at least 50 miles, the Division withdrew to the line
Dadizeele-Iseghem, the 7th Infantry Division having in
the meantime moved to Roulers.
October 14. — Considerable hostile forces, believed to
be in the XII. Corps, were reported to bo moving from
tho vicinity of Bailleul towards Wervicq and Menin.
In consequence of this the Division, followed by the
7th Infantry Di\ision, was ordered to move on Ypi'es
and to reconnoitre to the south-west. This necessitated
a very early start. The Division reached Ypres at
•J a.m., and the 6th Cavalry Brigade, which formed the
advanced guard, moved on toward the line La Clytte-
Lindenhook. Shortly after leaving Ypres Ihi'^ brigade,
assisted by lifle and revolver fire from everybody in
Ypres, succeeded in bringing down a Taube aeroplane.
Its pilot and observer escape:! into some woods, but were
captured later on in the day. The advance guard,
assisted by the armed motors, pushed on towards Neuve
Kglise and succeeded in killing or capturini; a consider-,
able number of the enemy dining the day, but no formed
bodies were met with, though heavy tiring was heard
from the direction of Bailleul. At dusk the Division
moved into billets at Kemmel (7th Cavalry Brigade) and
Wytschaete (remainder of the Division) in touch v.ith the
2nd Cavalry Division, with whom communication had
been established during the 'lay.
()ciober 16. — No movement took place on the 15th,
but on the following day the Division, with the 7th
Cavalry Brigade as advance guard, moved via Ypres
and Wieltje to the line Bixschoote-Poelcapelle. Tlie
enemy were reported in considerable numbers in the
Foret d'lTouthulst and Oostnieuwkerke, and a patrol of
1h3 2nd Life Guards was obliged to withdraw from
Staden. Intermittent fighting took place during the
afternoon, and at dusk French troops, having relieved
the 7th Cavalry Brigade, the Division moveil into billets
at Passchendaele (7th Cavalry Brigade), Nieuwemolen
(6th Cavalry Brigade), and Zonnebeke (Divisional
ROYAL ENGINEER LAYING
TELEPHONE CABLE.
Troops). The 7th Cavalry Brigade arc known to have
accounted for some 10 or 12 killed during the day, and
it is probable that considerably more were wounded.
By the evening of the 16th Byng's Cavalry
was disposed from Passchendaele through
Nieuwemolen to Zonnebeke. From Zonne-
beke to Gheluvelt and from (Iheluvelt to
L t.-.Af
FRENCH INFANTRY RUSHING FORWARD TO SUPPORT THE FIRING LINE.
172
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR
ON THE DUNES.
Belgian Cavalry.
Zandvoordo extended Capper's Infantry
Division, behind wliich were the woods to
the east of Ypres. INIr. Underwood, who
incidentally bears witness to the disgraceful
conduct of the Germans in Ypres when it was
temporarily in their possession, provides us
with a glimpse of part of the complicated
operation which was involved in the with-
drawal of Capper's Division to the neighboui-
hood of that city :
Next morning, the 13th, it was reported that a Taube
had been shot down at Divisional Headquarters at
Thielt. » I saw the French Marines arrive on their retreat
from Ghent, after which we left for Roulers, where the
Divisional Headquarters were moving. It rained liard
all the way, and we arrived and were billeted at 17 Rue
du Xord. making this our headquarters for the night,
Mr. Louis Maselis, a large corn merchant, being our host,
who received us most cordially.
We left for Ypres at 9.30 a.m., and four Taubes flew
over us on the road, but too high to be shot at. We
arrived at Ypres at 0.30^ and Headquarters were on the
Railway Square. That evening I met Capitainc Bernaud,
of the 79th Reserve Regiment, and saw our first lot of
Allies, reserve draaoons, dismounted on the Square to
receive us. The Germans had been through and stayed
one night, the 7th, the day we landed at Zeebrvigge. They
had taken up their quarters in the famous riding school,
and the first thing they had done was to break open the
mess-room and cellars and take out all the wine, after
which they broke up everything and stole the mess-plate.
When I saw it a week later, tha school maneges were
strewn with broken bottles, champagne, claret, port, etc.,
and every drawer and cupboard door burst open and
ransacked. They had cut all communications at the
station, demanded an indemnity of 65,000 francs
(£2,600), and stolen all the money they could lay hands
on from the Banque Nationale. 6,000 loaves were
requisitioned in the evening to be ready next morning,
failing which there was a penalty of £800 (20,000 francs).
At 10.30 a.m. a Taube, with pilot and observer, had been
brought down, but they were not captured until 4.30,
as they concealed theniselves in a wood. They were both
brought in, furious with rage, as each weis seized by the
collar and a revolver pointed at their heads by Belgian
officers in the car, which was driven at the rate of 60 miles
an hour at least !
Next day the whole brigade marched out to Halte,
on the Menin-Ypres road, dug trenches, and remained
in them all night. The Headquarters of the brigade I
billeted in the Secretary of Ypres' Chateau, not 500
yards away.
In the morning I had a good deal of trouble to re-
. quisition oats, as it was pitch dark when we were ordered
to advance to attack patrol of Germans towards Menin.
About a quarter mile beyond Gheluveit we engaged
advance party of Uhlans at 8.30 a.m. in a thick fog.
jNIr. Underwood on the 13th had seen
Ronarc'h's Marines passing through Thielt on
Thourout.
King Albert's idea was to fight a delaying
action on a front roughly coinciding with the
line Menin-Roulers-Thourout-Ghistelles, while
the Belgian munitions and baggage were being
withdrawn from Ostend and Bruges.* The
village of Ghistelles lies on the main road from
Bruges to Nieuport and on the railroad from
Thoiu-out to Ostend. In this scheme Ronarc'h's
Marines were to occupy a position behind
Thom'out. resting on the Bois de \Vijnendaale
to the north and Cortemarck station to the
* See the first of the articles on Ronarc'h's movements,
by M. Charles Le Goffic in the Revue des Deux Mondes
for March 1st, 1915. M. Le Goffie's articles should
be carefully studied by all who are interested in the
minute details of the Battle of tlie Yser.
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
173
south. At Cortemarck converge railwayo from
Dunkirk and Ypres.
Soaked to the skin by the pouring rain and
pursued by overwhelming masses of Germans,
the French Marines left Thourout on the 14tli
to fill their place in the Une of battle., but at
midnight the Admiral received an order to
continue his retreat to the region of Dixmude.
From Menin to Ghistelles is a distance of nearly
thirty miles, and on the night of the 14th, when
the Germans were in Bruges and approaching
Ostend, the forces at the disposal of King
Albert were too feeble to hold so extended a
front. The marshes round Ghistelles could be
turned from Ostend, and, as the Germans held
some of the bridges across the Lys west of
Menin, the right wing of Kng Albert, even
allowing for the assistance which might be
rendered it by the British Cavalry Corps and
the III. Corps, would also be in imminent danger.
It was resolved to bring the whole of the Belgian
Army to the Yser and to leave General d'Urbal
with such portions of the 8th French Army as
were on the spot and the British Commander-
in-Chief with Rawlinson's Corps, the Cavalry
Corps, and the III. Corps to fill the sjDace
between the Yser at Dixmude and the Lys.
At 4 a.m., under heavy rain, the French Marines,
with their rear protected by some Belgian
Artillery, set out for Zarren and Wercken on the
road to Dixmude.
The route was encumbered by refugees.
They fell aside to permit the passage of the
column. As day dawned, groups of these poor
SHELTER FROM THE RAIN AND FIHE.
wretches could be seen gazing with lar'k-lustre
eyes at the retreating defenders of their unhappy
country.
Leaving Ronarc'h on the 15th approaching
THE OBSERVATION BALLOON.
Used for watching the effect of the British naval guns against the German trenches.
31—3
171
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THK WAR.
BRITISH MONITOR LEAVING A FRbNCH PORT.
Dixmude, let us see what had been happening
in the meanwhile in the district between Dix-
mude and La Bassee.
South-west of Dixmude the Yser is joined
by a canal from Yj:)re8, and from Ypres another
canal runs into the Lj^s at Comines. On the
1 2th, when the \anguard of the Belgian Army
reached Furnes — nine miles west of Nieuport
by the road to Dunkirk — and when Sir Hem\
Rawlinson's troops had proceeded from Bruges
and Ghent to the neighbourhood of Roulers —
thirteen miles north-east of Ypres — a con-
siderable body of German troops was located
west of the line Comines-Ypres. Its right
rested on the high ridge, eleven miles long, to
the south-west of Ypres ; its left \\as on the
Lys at Estaires.
From the Lys southward to the Aire-Bethune-
La Bassee-Lille Canal another force of Germans
was entrenched. The left of this force joined
the host opposing General de Maud'huy, whose
army was disposed from Bethune through Arras
to Albert on the Ancre, where it made contact
M'ith General de Castelnau's army operating
between the Somme and the Oise.
If the Gernians could have maintained them-
selves on the ridge south-west of Ypres and
between that ridge and the Lys, they would
soon have been reinforced by portions of the
army which had captured Antwerp and by the
<*orps which were about to enter Lille. From
the line Mont-des-Cats-Meteren-Estaires thev
might have pushed their way between the Yser
and the Ly.s on Dunkirk, Calais, and Boulogne,
isolated the Belgians on the Yser, and menaced
the left wing of Maud'huy's armj-.
Fortunately, as was narrated in Chapter
XLVIIL, the right of the German position
north of the Lys was on October 13 turned
by Byng's Division from Roulers and by
General d'L^rbal from Dimkirk, and was at the
same time attacked by the British Cavalry
Corps ; while the III. Corps from Hazebrouck
moved against its centre and left. More-
over, between the Lys and the Aire-Betluuie-
La Bassee-Lille Canal, the Germans were thrust
back by General Conneau's Cavalry Corps and
the II. Corps. As Lille was surrendering, the
French from Dimkirk entered Ypres, the
British Cavalry Corps captured Mont-des-Cats.
the western end of the ridge, and the III. Corps
took Meteren, south of the ridge. Sir Henry
Kawlinson's Cavalry (Byng's Division) pushed
patrols towards Comines, and on the next day
(October 14) passed through Ypres and occupied
Kemmel and W'ytschaete at the eastern end
of the ridge, from the remainder of which the
Germans were dislodged by the Cavalry Corps.
^rhe same day Messines, south of Wytschaete,
was taken and the III. Corps entered Bailleul.
On the 15th, the day when the Germans seized
Ostend, Sir John French directed thd Cavalry
Corps and the III. Corps to the Lys, and the
line of that river from Aire to Arrnentieres and
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
176
the north bank to a point five miles below
Armentieres were by sunset in tlie possession
of the Allies.
On the 16th the Germans evacuated Armen-
tieres, and on the same date, while the British
and French north and south of the Lys were
still continuing their offensive, the Germans
attacked Dixmude and the Battle of the Yser
began.
The left wing of the Allies now stretched from
Compiegne through Albert, Arras, Bethune,
Armentieres, Ypres, Dixmude to the coast at
Nieuport-Bains. As the Allies possessed the
command of the sea the Germans could no
longer indulge in their favourite manoeuvre of
4*
outflanliing their enemy, and during the next
month they were obliged to confine their efforts
against the Allied line between the points
Nieuport and Bethune, or between Bethune
and Compiegne.
The district in whic?i the Battles of the Yser
and Ypres took place has been already described
in broad outline. Between the Lys and the
Scheldt the country is mostly industrial and
agricultural, between the Lys and the sea
agricultural and pastoral. Looking eastward
from the Montague de Kemmel (512 ft. high)
on the ridge of the Mont-des-Cats, to the riglit
are seen in the distance the tall chimneys and
factory buildings of Lille, south of the Lys. On
the Lille side of the Lys the land is a flat, and
in rainy weather, water-logged plain sloping
gradually upwards to the low ridge on which
are the villages of Givenchy, Aubers, Fromelles,
and Radinghein. Close to Givenchy, which is
two miles west of La Bassee, huge slag heaps
rise black against the sky. Radinghem is five
miles or so due west of Lille and the san\e
dista^nce due south of Armentieres. The La
Bassee-Lille Canal is beyond the ridge.
Twenty miles away, in front of Kemmel, is
Courtrai on the Lys, and, to its north, Roulers.
South of the railway from Roulers to Ypres a
wide belt of woods extends from Wytschaete
to Zonnebeke. In the plain below to the left
are seen, a little to the east, the towers and
roofs of Ypres, once the capital of Western
Flanders. Six miles to the north of Ypres and
four miles east of the canal from Ypres to the
Yser begins the forest of Houthulst.
Far off the Yser winds through Dixmude to
the sea, and twenty miles due west of Dix-
mude, sixteen south-west of Nieuport-Bains,
is Dunkirk.
Apart from the innumerable windmills and
the poplar-lined roads, the landscape north of
WHEAT SEIZED BY THE GERMANS.
176
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
A BRITISH LOOK-OUT POST.
the Lys as far as the region of Dixmude has the
aspect of the flat part of Essex. The ground
is. however, broken and rolling and there are
several slight elevations, for example the hill
at Hooglede, north-west of Roulers.
Round Dixmude commence the fen lands of
Western Flanders, a network of dykes and
ditches, few of which could be passed without
bridging material.
From the sea to Dixmude as the crow flies
is some ten miles ; from Dixmude to Ypres
thirteen ; from Ypres to Armentieres twelve ;
and from the Lys at Armentieres to Bethune
fifteen miles — making a total of about fifty
miles. But the actual length held by the
Allied troops on October 16 measm-ed nearly
sixty miles, as it followed the northern bank of
the winding Yser from Xieuport to Dixmude,
and frojn this town round the eastern edge of
rhe forest of Houthulst. From Nieuport to
Dixmude the line was held by the Belgians,
aided by the 6,000 French Marines of Ronarc'h,
who occupied Dixmude and the neighbourhood
with outposts thrown well out to the front.
From this town it ran past Zonnebeke and
dheluvelt, where were Rawlinson's troops, to
VVarneton on the Lys. In between tlie French
Marines and British were the French Territorial
Divisions and a part of the available French
Cavalry. From Warneton the British Cavalry
Corps, tiie III. Corps, Conneau's Cavalry Corps
and the JI. Corps held a curving line through
the western outskirts of Aubers to Bethnne.
On October 16 the actual po.sition of the
Belgians was as follows :
The 2nd Belgian Division was stationed
round Nieuport ; to its riglit was the 1st
Division ; beyond the 1st Division up to Dix-
mude was placed the 4th. Then came the
French Marines commanded by Rear-Admiral
Ronarc'h, with the oth Belgian Division in
support. The whole force could not have been
much over 40,000 men.
A patrol of tlie 2nd Lite Guards had been
driven from Staden on the road from Roulers
to Dixmude, and considerable numbers of the
enemy were reported west of Staden in the
forest of Houthulst and south-east of Staden
at Oostnieuwkerke. The 7th British Cavalry
Brigade on the 16th was, therefore, directed
tlirough Ypres to the south of the forest of
Houthulst, and till nightfall occupied the line
Bixschoote-Poelcapelle.
The movements of the French Tt>rritorials
and Cavalry were to have an important bearing
on the defence of Dixmude. As the sun was
setting they relieved the 7th Cavalry Brigade,
which was shifted in a south easterly direction
to Passchendacle. At nightfall the front of the
Yser from Nieuport to Dixmude was held by
Belgian detachments, who occupied the villages
of Lombartzyde, ^lannekensvere, Schoore,
Leke, Keyem, and Beerst.
From Thourout, connected by a single line
railroad with Bruges and Roulers and by a
double-line railway with Ostend, a main road
runs to Ostend. Other main roads branch off
this highway and proceed to the Yser. The
villages of Beerst and Keyem are on the roads
to the Yser at Dixmude. Between Schoore and
Pervyse one of the main roads crosses the Yser.
\^'est of Schoore still another passes through
Mannekensvere to Nieuport, while Lombartzyde
is a mile east oF Nieuport on the coast road
to Ostend.
So long as the Belgians retained Lombart-
zyde (and the ground east of Nieuport), Manne-
kensvere, Schoore, Leke, Keyem and Beerst,
the Germans could not use the roads to the
Yser which branch off from the Thoiu-out-Ostend
highway, which rims south through Roulers to
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR,
177
RUINED CHURCHES IN BELGIUM.
1. Interior of a Church at Dixmude. 2. The Mins er at Nieuport. 3. Tomb in the Church
of Ramscappelle, wonderfully preserved amongst the surrounding wreckage. 4. The Church at Pervysc.
178
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAB.
^lonin, being accompanied al! the \va,\- by a
single-line raUroad. The Thoiirout-Ostend road
is not, however, the only line from which the
Yser may be approached from the east.
At Rouler-s a main road goes north-west to
Dixmude, and this w^ould naturally form the
line of advance for the Germans coming from
Ghent to attack Ronarc'h.
Generally the German plan involved the
capture of Dixmude, the crushing of the
Belgians, and a further advance to turn the
Allied left.
To the south of the Roulers-Dixmude road
lies the forest of Houthulst, which could not be
left by the Germans on their flank, and whicli
therefore became the scene of man}- a fierce
encoimter between the opposing forces.
The significance of the villages north of the
Yser has been pointed out. Behind these from
Dixmude to Nieuport -Bains was the canalised
river Yser, which is from fifteen to twenty feet
above the level of the land to the west of it. It
has a broad towpath rimning all along it, which
forms a fine rampart. Between the towpath
and the rampart there is a bank about two feet
high, which is enough to protect a man when
he is firing. The canal moves in a slightly
concave cur\'e from Dixmude to Nieuport.
About half way between the two towns it i^
pressed out to the eastward. At each side of
the ba.se of the loop thus formed there is a
small village (Tervaete, Schoorbakke), clustered
round a bridge. Westward of the canal lie fiat
fields, broken up into farms and intersected by-
minor water channels ; and then the embank-
ment of the railway which connects Dixmude
with Nieuport and is on the average about two
miles distant froni the canal. The embank-
ment is, as it were, the string of a drawn Vjow
of which the stave is the canal and the tips
Nieuport and Dixmude. The chief bridges
over the Yser, so far as the fighting now to be
described is concerned, are at Nieuport,
ilannekensvere, Schoorbakke and Tervaete
(near Keyem), and Dixmude. Off the roads
the country leading to these crossings was
liable to flood. The possession of the bridges
was, therefore, of importance to the assailants
for attack or to the defenders for an active
defence. The situation was like that at the
bridge of Areola in 1796.
The railwaj^ formed a second line on which
the Belgians could oppose the Germans if they
crossed the canal. Behind the railway was the
high-road, a tree-lined cliaussee, from Dixmude
through Per\'yse and Ramscappelle to Nieuport.
A GBRMAN MOTOR ALTAR.
The Archbishop of Cologne on the left.
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAE.
IT'J
LADLING MUD OUT OF THE TRENCHES.
Nienport and Dixmude were places of con-
siderable interest. Round the former had been
fought the " Battle of the Dunes " in 1600 in
which the Dutch under ]\Iaiu'ice of Orange had
defeated the Spaniards. A Gothic Cloth Hall,
a fine church with a massive tower, an Hotel de
Ville, and the remains of a Templars' Castle
were the architectural featiu-es of this quiet
little town of some 3,500 inhabitants. Dixmude
possessed a church with a magnificent rood-loft,
and formed a centre for the dairy-farnis which
carried on a brisk trade in butter with England.
A mile or so beyond Nieuport was Nieuport-
Bains, where the Yser entered the sea. It was
a small watering-place with a broad Digue, a
golf course, several hotels, and tastefully built
villas.
From Ostend to Dunkirk along the shore
stretched the Dunes — great heaps of sand,
some planted with trees. Skirting the Dunes
on the south side ran the canal from Dunkirk
through Fumes to Nieuport.
Fumes, where the Belgian reserves were
ultimately stationed, was a town of some 0,000
inhabitants, with a quaint old Place. This, a
belfry, the choir of the church of St. Walbiu-ga,
and the huge tower of the church of St. Nicholas
formed its chief attractions. It was connected
with the Yser by the Canal de Loo, which
formed a third barrier to an encmv after he had
crossed the Yser and the railway enibankineut
between Dixmude and Nieuport.
A steam tramway, a canal, and high-road
joined Furnes to Nieuport, a high road Furnes
to Pervyse, a railway and a high-road (through
Pervyse) Furnes to Dixmude ; a high-road and
light railway Furnes to Ypres.
Most of the roads in this district were usually
not wide enough to admit two vehicles to pass.
If they left the roads, the Germans would
liave to fight their waj- across hedges, dykes,
lines of polder.s, willow thickets, orchards and
gardens, and the marsh 3^ character of the soil
would prevent them making {irtificial cover.
Trenches speedily filled with water, and, a.s the
land at high tide was below sea level, the
Belgians by opening the s'.uices could let the
sea in, while the space between the Yser and
the railway embankment might hv- flooded b\-
closing up the culverts under the railroad and
bursting the channel of tlu^ raised canal.
Further, the flank of cohunns moving between
the sea and Schoore would be exposed to fire
from the guns of the Allied men-of-war.
The attacks on Dixnuide or its inunediate
neighbourhood are comprehensible, but, remem-
bering that Dunkirk was fortified, it is difficult
to understand the reasons for the persistent
German assaults on the Belgian position north
of Dixnuide. One explanation that can be
THE TIMES HIS'lORY OF THE WAR.
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
181
n2
18-2
THI-: Tl.MHS HISTORY OF THE WAR.
MAJOR-GENERAL F.
[Swainc.
C. SHAW.
offered is that the Duke of ^^'llrtembel'g and his
advisers imagined that the Belgians were
demoralised. If that were the case, the German
leaders were speedily to be undeceived.
There was one point in the Allied position
on the Yser which was of cardinal importance —
viz., Dixmude, the possession of which was
needed for any reallj"- decisive advance of the
German right -flank forces. But mere posses-
sion would not suffice, the power of debouching
from it was necessary, and to acquire this the
ground round it to the north, west and south
had to be swept clear of the Allies so as to
permit a German deployment in force. This
wovild have given the Kaiser's leaders the
initiative, and they woiild have been able to
attack right, left, and centre, and the Allies, if
they could not stem the current, must have
retreated before them and thus have exposed
the left wing of d'Urbal's force to flank attack.
On the 15th it will be remembered that Rear-
Admiral Ronarc'h and his 6,000 IMarmes were
retreating from Thourout to Dixmude.
Near Eessen a battalion imder Commandant
de Karros was left to guard the roads which at
that point debovich from Vladsloo to the north,
from Roulers to the south-east, and from Poel-
cappelle and the forest of Houthulst to the
south. Commandant Mam-os with another
battalion crossed to the Ypres -Dixmude road
and occupied Woumen. The remaining four
l);ii tdlions with 111'- machine gim company
entered Dixmude about midday, and were
posted behind the Yser. A detachment was
placed near the village of Beer«t to the north
of the town and east of the canal. South of
the chapel of Notre-Daine-de-Bon-Secours
natural cover for the artillery wa.s found.
Scarcely had the men been billeted than they
were called up to help a company of Belgian
Engineers to put the outskirts of Dixmude in a
state of defence. There was not a moment to
be lost. xUready the (Germans were tlirowing
a few shrapnel shells into tlic town, and in the
evening a German armoured car, coming from
Zarren, fired at the outposts in front of Ee.ssen.
On reconsideration Ronarc'h thought the
position which he had taken up too dangerous.
Only forty-nine years old and the youngest
of the French admirals, he had had experience
of land warfare, having, U ce Falkenhayn, fought
in China. He had accompanied the Seymour
coliunn which had been sent to succour the
European Legations besieged by the Boxers in
Pekin. A taciturn, meditative man of the
stamp of Joffre, he recognized to the full that
his men were in insufficient numbers and that
the majority of them were ill -trained. It wa.s
not till the end of September that he had been
ordered to form a Brigade of two regiments
(six battalions and a company of mitrailleuses).
OFFICERS OF THE FRENCH MARINES.
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAll.
1S3
FRENCH iMARlNES WITH THEIR TROPHIES OF WAR.
and Jie had had to recruit them chiefly among
ladf! under age.*
His Marines had fought bravely at the Battle
of Melle, but he could scarcely have anticipate d
they would display the amazing covu-age. skill
and energy which they were about to exhibit.
The Belgians supporting him were wearied with
constant fighting. To hold a line so long with
the forces at his disposal seemed bold almost
to temerity.
Ronarc'h represented his views to General
Michel, who was conimanding the Allies on the
Yser, and recei\'ed permission to shorten the
line of defence round Dixmude. The last
trains with the munitions of the Belgian Army
had passed through to Fumes and there was
no longer the need to keep any considerable
body east of Dixmude along the railroad.
Accordingly the Admiral withdrew his out-
posts and divided the defence of Dixmude into
two sectors. In the northern he placed Com-
mandant Delage with the 1st Regiment, in
the southern Commandant Varney with the
2nd. A battalion of the 2nd was retained by
him at the station of Caeskerke, where the
railways from Fumes and Nieuport meet. Of
the two Belgian batteries one was placed south
* One of the Marines, Yves Lebouc, was IG years old.
The youth of France in this terrible war have behaved
with extraordinary heroism.
of tlie railroad to Furnes, the other north of
Caeskerke. A telephone connected them with
the great flour mill of Dixmude, the concrete
platform of which had been constructed by a
German firni before the war. It was an excel-
lent point from which the whole valley of the
Yser might be cannonaded by heav\' artillery,
and the cost of building the floiu- mill was
doubtless debited to the German \A"ar Office.
For the moment, however, it afforded a capital
post from which the fire of the Belgian gmis
could be accurately directed.
At the crossing of the roads from Dixmude
to Pervyse and Oudecappelle was stationed the
machine gun company. The canal of the Yser
in the vicinity of Dixmude was guarded by the
Belgian infantry of the 5th Division. To the
south of Neucappelle French Cavalry held the
road which at Loo crosses the canal from the
Yser to Fumes and joins beyond Loo tlie
Fumes-Ypres highway. Some of the Cavalry
which (Jeneral d'Urbal had boldly thrown into
the forest of Houthulst had pushed as far a.><
Clercken to the east of W'oumen.
The efforts of the Gerinans against the
Belgians and Ronarc'h's Marines on the Kith
were at first confined to a reconnaissance and
to entrenching themselves at Middlekerke on
the Ostend Digue and at Westende, which faces
Lombartzvde. A Taube had also flown o\cr
184
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAB.
— " ~r;;;:eEag^_ :
DEVASTATION BY ARTILLERY FIRE IN BELGIUM AND FRANCE.
1. The Church of St. Jean, Dixmude. 2. Cottages in a street at Nieuport. 3. A street at Albert.
4. Wrecked house in the flooded area near Ramscappelle. 5. A street in Pervyse.
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
185
Dunkirk the supply source of the Franco-
Belgian Army. One bomb had been dropped
by its navigator on the sand, another into the
•^ea.
Towards sunset from a fold in the groxind near
Eessen the heavy German artillery (10 and
15 cm. guns) shelled the French and Belgians
defending Dixnuide for some time. Sud-
denly the guns ceased fire and masses of
infantry could be perceived advancing to the
attack. They were repulsed, but the fighting
went on through the night of the 16th. About
midnight a desperate charge of the Germans was
successful. The approaches to the French
trenches w^ere not protected by barbed wire,
and sheer weight of numbers told. The
defenders withdrew to the sviburbs of the town
and awaited reinforcements. At dawn a
counter-attack was delivered and the lost
trenches re -won.
No further assaults were that day made on
Dixmude, and at 11 a.m. the German artillery
ceased firing. " Afterwards," notes a Marine
present at the action, " al! noise ceases ; Dix-
mude has suffered little."
In the com-se of the 17th five batteries of
Belgian artillery under Colonel Wleschoumes
were added to the few guns in position behind
Dixmude. The Admiral had now at his disposal
seventy-two pieces. But it must not be for-
gotten that the Belgians had no heavy artUlery
equivalent to the German, and so worn were
their field-guns by constant use that the fire
from them was inaccurate. Ronarc'h con-
nected bj' telephone the new batteries with his
headquartei's at Caeskerke. He proposed to
keep them under his own immediate direction,
but he generally authorized the gunners to fire
whenever the fusillade, and particularly the
mitrailleuse - discharges, indicated that an
infantry attack was proceeding. ThLs day (the
17th) the advance posts of the Belgians in the
villages to the east of the Yser were also shelled
by the Germans.
The afternoon of the 17th and the whole of
the 18th were spent in quiet by the defenders
of Dixmude, w-ho on the 18th were visited by
King Albert. " He is a model King," writes a
Marine, " I have seen him in the trenches. He's
a real man."
The respite given to Ronarc'h, which per-
mitted him and his Belgian colleagues to put
Dixmude in a comparatively complete state of
defence, ^^■as due to the offensive taken on the
17th, 18th and 19th by General d'Urbal and.
DR. HECTOR MUNRO.
to his right, Sir Henry Bawlinson, and, west of
Sir Henry, the British Cavalry Corps and III.
Corps.
The German troops ^^•ho were marching
through Roulers on Dixmude, and some of
whom had driven the patrol of Life Guards
from Staden and entered the forest of Houthulst
on the 16th, were the next day attacked by
foiu* French Cavalry Divisions under General
de Mitry. The French cleared the forest of the
Germans and demonstrated towards Roulers
and the road from Roulers to Dixmude.
Do Mitry's left stretched to Clercken, north
of the forest on the road from Poelcappelle to
Dixmude, and on the 18th Ronarc'h v\as
requested to assist in the advance on Thourout,
at which town, as w-ell as at Roulers, Genertl
d'Urbal was striking, while Rawlinson wns
moving on Menin. Accordingly Ronarc'h .sent
Commandant Mauros towards Eessen with a
battalion of the 2nd Regiment of Marines and
two Belgian cars equipped with luaohine guns.
186
THE Turn's HISTOliY UF THE WAR.
A few corpses and dead horses on the road
showed where the Germans had been. V\ Ix'n
the-French entered Eessen they found that the
enemy had decamped.
Maiiros halted at Ev^ssen, but two regiments
of mounted African ti-oops, temporarily placed
under Ronarc'h's command, set out in extended
order towards Bovekerke and the woods of
Couckelaere. The Allies had almost recovered
the position from Ghistelles to Menin which
King Albert and his staff had at first chosen
for defence and then abandoned, after the fall
of Ghent.
Dixmude had not been attacked on Sunday
(the 18th), but while the French were marching
against Thourout the Germans from the line
Thoiu"out-Ostend attacked the Belgian advance
posts from Lombartzyde to Keyem. The
battle began in the morning. The Belgians
fought with superb coui-age, but numbers told,
and before sunset the Germans had secured
Mannekensvere and Keyem. If they covikl
cross the Yser west of the former place they
would turn the centre of the Belgian position
of Nieuport, while from Keyem they could
either march on Dixmude or, crossing the
southern side of the loop of the Yser, strike at
Pervyse and break the Belgian line.
If the east bank of the Yser was to be held,
Keyem had to be retaken at all costs, and the
Belgian 4th Division by a brilliant night attack
drove the enemy from the village.
This success and the repulse of the Germans
before Keyem on the next day were psycho-
logically of the highest value to the cau.se of
the Allies. ISIany of the Belgians had come to
believe that the Germans must win in the end
and they could hardly believe their eyes when
the enemy turned and ran. They stopped firing,
and shouted out in amazement : " See, see,
they're running ! "
On IMonday the 19th, the Germans received
the order to cross the Yser " at any cost," and,
to facilitate the attack on Dixmude, columns
from Bruges and Ghent were directed on
Roulers. The town was attacked from three
bides— from Hooglede on the north-west, from
Ardoye on the north-east, and from Iseghem
on the east. The artillery at these places
commenced bombarding Roulers at noon, and
towards evening the enemy entered the town.
The French retired to Oostnieuwkerke, and the
road from Roulers to Dixmude was again in the
possession of the Germans, who had not been
dislodged from Menin by Rawlinson. On the
north and south banks of the Lys the Allies had
made no further progress of a substantial nature.
The enemy from the Thourout-Ostend front
also achieved a considerable success against the
Belgians. Beerst. between Keyem and Dix-
BELGIAN INFAIViTRV ON THE MARCH.
THE TIMES HISTOI-IY OE THE WAR.
]S7
FRENCH ENGINEERS REPAIRING A BRIDGE.
iiiude, was captvired, and desperate efforts made
to take Keyem and drive the Belgian 4th
Division over the loop of the Yser. To save
that division from destruction the French
Marines and the Belgian 5tli Division were
ordered to advance from Dixmude and recover
Beerst, cross the road from that village to
Thourout, and occupj' the Praet-Bosch woods
to the north of the road.
Supported by the Belgian 5th Division, the
battalion of Commandant Mauros moved at
10 a.m. from Eessen on Vladsloo and Hoograde,
and two battalions of Ronarc'h's reserve
traversed Dixmude and marched on Beerst,
where the Germans had barricaded themselves
in the houses and chiirch. The ground in front
of the village was quite fiat and intersected by
dykes overflouing with water, and the only
cover was here and there a leafless hedge ; so
the Marines had to advance slowlj^ crouching,
r.ieu tenant Maussion dc Cande, who incautiously
.stood up, was struck down, and at every moment
a Marine fell forward among the beetroots.
Lieutenant Pertus had his leg blown to pieces
as he was leading on his company ; and
Lieutenant de Blois was liit a few minutes later.
The losses of Jearmiot's battalion were so
heavy that Pugliesi-Conti's was brought up
into the fight.
Tliirsting for vengeance and animated by the
example of their officers, they were determined
to perish rather than give ground. Following
Commandant Varney, who A\as superintending
the attack, the whole battalion pressed for-
ward. House after house was taken, each after
a terrible struggle.
Still the fight proceeded. The Admiral sent
up a fresh battalion from his reserves to
replace Jeanniot's sorely tried battalion, which
was brought back to Dixmude. On the right
Mauros debouched from Vladsloo, whence,
with the aid of Belgian mitrailleuses, he had dis-
lodged the enemy. The Belgian 5th Division
prolonged the fighting front to the right and
kept part of its strength echeloned in rear.
These happy dis portions soon produced good
results, and by 5 p.m. Beerst was carried.
Night was now falling, and the Admiral directed
Commandant Varney to put the outskirts of
Beerst in a state of defence to resist a possible
counter-attack. But no sooner was work begun
than the Belgian Conunander ordered Ronarc'h
to recall his Marines to their original position
roiuid Dixmude. The effect of the German
victory at Roulers had become apparent.
News had reached General Michel that a
coliunn was moving from the east on Dixmude.
At 1 1 p.m. the Brigade of Marines reached its
cantonments at Caeskerke and St. .lacquos-
CappelU'. Looking back, it was aeon that
188
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
/sender^/? \
11 Hoogstaede ^boo
les
Kilometres
0
12 3 4b
BATTLE OF THE YSER,
Showing approximate position of the Allies October 16th (evening).
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR
189
Vladsloo, which had fallen into the hands of the
Germans, was burning fiercely.*
The retirement of the Marines and the
Belgian 5th Division rendered Keyem untenable.
Diu"ing the night it was occupied by the enemy,
and the 4th Belgian Division fell back behind
the Yser.
At the other end of the battlefield the Ger
mans between Keyem and Nieuport had been
heavily cannonading the Belgian 1st Division,
while their columns from Ostend were assaulting
Lombartzyde, defended by the 2nd Division.
These attacks were repulsed. There can,
however, be small doubt that both Lom-
bartzyde and Nieuport would have fallen into
German hands but for a new and, to the
Germans, unexpected demonstration of the
naval supremacy possessed by the Allies.
On Sunday a naval flotilla, which included
three Monitors, built for the Brazilian Govern-
ment for river work, and taken over by the
British Admiralty, had been dispatched under
Rear -Admiral Hood to the Belgian coast.
Consequently the Allied line on Monday had
rested not only on the sea, but on a mmaber of
movable forts armed with 6-inch guns equal to
the heaviest which the Germans then possessed
at this point. The Monitors being of light
draught could approach close to the shore.
Aeroplanes, seaplanes, and captive or dirigible
balloons signalled to the naval gunners the
positions of the German troops and artillery, f
* For much of the account of the fighting round
Dixmude we express our acknovvledgmenta to M. Le
GofFic, whose lucid and interesting article in the Revue
des Deux Mondes is based, not only on official reports,
but on the written or oral evidence of Marines and others
who took part in the Battle of the Yser.
t The stationary observation balloon was very useful
both on sea and land. A correspondent of The Times
was SLibsequently allowed to ascend in one of the latter
and gives a graphic description of the observations made
on the occasion.
" The officer whom I accompanied was engaged in
making observations with a view to discovering the
position of the German batteries.
" At a height of about 200 feet we could follow all the
phases of the battle which was in progress along the other
bank of the Yser, between Nieuport and Dixmude. In
particular we were able to note the effect of the fire of the
British warships off the coast. ,
" With my glasses I could see Ostend and the ruins
of several coast villages, including Westonde, JMiddel-
kerke, and Lombartzyde. As far as I could see, not a
single wall remained standing in the villages of West-
kerke. Slype, and Novie. All this damage had been
caused by the effective fire of the British ships, which
ultimately succeeded in dislodging the German forces.
" At 8 a.m. the engagement was in full swing, and as
the air was clear I had a splendid view of what was
going on. At 8.45 the observation-officer discosered
the position of the German guns, and so we at once came
down."
The dead-flat country permitted those positions
often to be seen from the masthead. To bafile
the aim of the German coast batteries the ships
moved on diagonal courses and, to escape-
torpedoes launched by submarines, at a high
rate of speed. So close in land did the M©nitors>
and torpedo craft come, that their crews even
fired with rifles at the enemy. How the
British flotilla engaged the German forces ia
graphically described by Petty-Officer Cooper,
of H.M.S. Falcon.
'* After patrolling the shores," he says, with
reference to the flghting on October 27, but
which applies equally to the earlier date, " the
Falcon took up a position two miles off Nieu-
port. A mile nearer the shore were the
Monitors. They opened their attack, and we
fired over them. We could see nothing of the
batteries or the trenches, but we soon found the
range, and were told by our officers that we
were dropping our shells right into the trenches.
On the first day we fired over 1 ,000 shells, and
other guns were fired while their ships were
proceeding at a^ high speed to and fro along the
coasthne. The Germans brought to bear on us
some of theii" heavier giins which they used at
Antwerj), and they dropped their shells roimd
us. Several struck us, but did little damage."
Though the British flotilla opened fire at
daybreak on the 19th, the Germans did not
desist from their assaults on Lombartzyde and
Nieuport. In the morning <>t' the 20th they
rushed the farm of Bambuig. It was retfiken,
but at night was abandoned by the Belgians. In
the centre and on the right, the enemy, who now
had gained Schoore as well as Mannekensvere,
Keyem, and Beerst, .-helled the Belgians de-
fending the raised (tanal of the Yser, and
launched cohunns down the Keyem-Dixmude
and Eoitlers-Dixmucle roads on Dixmude.
Hitherto only field guns had been used by the
Germans against Dixmude ; but at this junctm-e
heavy howitzeis came up and rained shells on
the town. General Meyser's Belgian Brigade
had been attached to Ronarc'h's Marines, the
trenches protected by barbed wire and pro-
vided with head cover. Repeated attacks of
the Germans were easily beaten off.
In Furnes were posted the Belgian reserves.
Before dusk Dr. Hector Munro's Field Hospital,
which had already done such noble services
for the Allies, had arrived. Dr. Munro, Dr.
Bevis, and the rest of the party of twenty-fivo
doctors and nurses, among them Lady Dorothie
Feilding (a daughter of Lord Denbigh; were
I'JO'
THE TUIE^ HISTORY OF THE ]yAlL
busy converting a large convent into a ba.««^
hospital. The gas in the town had been cut off,
and the little shops were lit up by candles and
oil lamps. Below, in the vaulted caves,
scjldiers were drinking soup, coffee, or wine.
The place was jjacked with armoured and other
motor-cars, military cycles, artillery, and pro-
vision wagons. The sound of the guns in tlic
distance was terrific.
Wednesday, the 21st, was one of the most
critical days in the gigantic struggle between
the Lys and the sea.
General Joffre himself was on the spot to
direct the operations of the Allies. French
troops were hurrjang up to the assistance of t he
Belgians, and King Albert and Joffre reviewed
the -IGtli Chasseurs in tlie Place of Furnes.
The same day he told Sir John French that he
was bringing up the 9th French Army Corps
to Ypres, and that other reinforcements would
follow later. It was his intention with these
and the Belgian and British troops to renew
the offensive ar^d di'ive the Germans eastward,
but he stated that he would be unable to com-
hience the forward movement until the 24th.
But the Germans had already thrust back the
Allied line south of the Forest of Houthulst,
and occupied Poelcappelle and Passchendaele.
Partly to relieve the pressure on Dixmude, the
four French Cavalry Divisions under General
de Mitrv and the two Territorial Divisions
under General Bidon. moved from the canal-
between ^ixuiudu and Vpres on the Forest
and to the north and south of it. Sir Uouglaa
Haig from Ypres was on their right. He was
to capture Poelcappelle and Passcheiidaele.
Beyond Sir Douglas was Kawlinson, with the
7th Infantrj- and the 3rd Cavalrs^ Divisions.
Up to 2 p.m. the ad\ance wa.s succe.ssful, bun
then the French Cavalry were ordered to retire
west of the canal from Ypres to tlie Yser, and,
OM'ing to this and to the German attacks on
Pvawlinson, Sir JJougias was brought to a stoj)
on the line Bixschoote-Langemarck-St. Julien-
Zonnebeke. Thenceforth the battle from
Bethime to Xienport became an almost purely
defensive one on the part of the Allies.
To return to the operations on the Yser
during the 21st. j'he German occupation of
Roiilers and of the forest of Houthulst, coupled
with the failure of Rawlinson to take Menin,
had enabled Falkenhayn from the line Menin-
Roulers-Thourout-Ostend to concentrate his
enormous forces on any point between the Lys
and Nieuport. The heavy howitzers which
vomited high-explosive shells had arrived from
Antwerp, but the presence of the British flotilla,
which ^^•as provided with guns as powerful,
rendered it advisable for the Germans to avoid
the left and attack the centre and right of the
Belgian Army.
At daybreak (the 21st) the enemy hurled
A FRENCH BICYCLE COMPANY,
The bicycle folded for marching.
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAIL
191
THE SURPRISED GERMAN PATROL.
themselves on the Frencli Marines and Belgians
round Dixmude. Orders had been given to the
gunners to level every house in the town.* An
American with the Germans remarks that
'■'from a church steeple in a village just back
of the artillery trenches you could see a con-
tinual flash of bursting shells in Dixmude —
about fifty shells a minute."
Dixmude was not the only spot bombarded.
From the tower of the chiu'ch of Furnes that
morning as far as the eye coiild i-each over the
flat horizon nothing was to be seen except
bursting shells and bui'ning villages^ and
hamlets.
Eight separate attacks were made on the
trenches protecting Dixmude. The (Germans,
most of whom had arrived from the Fatherland
a few days before, and some of whom were mere
lads of only seventeen or eighteen years, fought
with magnificent courage, but the French
Marines massed their machine guns in groups of
four, and each column was in a few seconds
reduced to a mass of corpses, writhing wovuided,
and panic-stricken fugitives. Had it not been
for the deluge of shells on the trenches and on
Dixmude the struggle would have degenerated
into a one-sided massacre.
As it was the heroism displayed by Ronarc'h's
Marines and the Belgian infantry who beat off
the furious assaults of the Kaiser's troops cannot
be overestimated. Under a sky which litei-ally
rained shrapnel and fragments of common shell
they continued to fight with unsurpassable
gallantry. What they endured may be faintly
understood from the narratives of two war-
correspondents, ]\Ir. Ashmead-Bartlett and Mr.
Philip Gibbs, who accompanied Dr. Hector
3Iimro on that day into Dixmude.*
Quite early Belgian ambulances had come
uj) to the improvised hospital in Furnes laden
with wounded. In the courtyard of the con-
vent two motor ambulances and fom* car.s wei'«
getting ready to move towards the firing line.
A start was made at noon. One of the cars was
driven by Lieutenant de Broqueville, the son of
the Belgian Minister of War. Lady Dorothie
Feilding, Miss Chisholm, Dr. Hector Munro, and
an American (Mr. Gleeson) were of the party.
* These nnrrativcs appeared in tlie Daily Telegraph
and the Daily Chronicle.
192
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
FRENCH SENEGALESE SOLDIERS.
Two British chauffeiu's drove the motor ambu-
lances.
Winding their way through the streets of
Furnes crowded with soldiers and wagons, the
cars and ambulances passed into the open
country. The sun was shining, and the long,
straight lines of poplars between the low-lying
fields indicated the roads that traversed the
marshes and meadows. As they proceeded they
met a squadron of Belgian cavalry. The men
were haggard and dirty, but looked hard and
resolute. Next they encountered groups of the
cheerful Belgian infantry, columns of French
troops, and ever-roiling, seemingly endless
streams of motors of every make and design.
Here and there the military gave way to tlie
civilian element. Old women, young women
with babies and children, and peasants trudged
slowly away from the scenes of carnage. A
column of German • prisoners escorted by
mounted men marched past to the rear. " All
of them had a wild, famished, terror-stricken
look " in their faces. Four months before these
unfortunate men had been peaceable citizens,
members of a civilized community.
Emerging from Oudecappelle, Dr. Munro's
party came upon the battlefield.
" Away across the fields," saj'^s Mr. Gibbs,
" was a line of villages, with the town of Dix-
mude a little to the right of us. . . . From
each little town smoke was rising in separate
columns, which met at the top in a great pall
of smoke, as a heavy black cloud cresting above
the light on the horizon line. At every moment
this blaclcness was brightened by puffs of electric
blue, extraordinarily vivid, as shells burst in
the air. . . . From the mass of houses in each
town came gusts of flame, following the ex
plosions, which sounded with terrific thudding
shocks. Upon a line of 15 kilometres there was
an incessant cannonade, and in every town
there was a hell. The farthest villages were
already alight. I watched how the flames rose
and Vjecame great glowing furnaces, terribly
beautiful."
Compared with such spectacles what were
the greatest battles of the past ? From Dix-
mude round the forest of Houthulst to the
Lys, from the Lys to the slag heaps near La
Bassee, from La Bassee through the battered
Arras to the woods of Compiegne, from
Compiegne to ihe Meuse, and from the Meuse
to the Jura hundreds of thousands of men were
killing and maiming each other under such
earthquake conditions. The horrors on the
plain of the Scheldt were being facsimiled on
the Niemen, in the plains of Poland and Galicia,
among the Carpathians, and on the Danube.
At the eastern extremity oi Asia cannon as
powerful as almost any in Europe were
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
193
belcliing explosives at Japanese, British or
Germans.
The Belgian artillery had been apparently
silenced, and, on the Yser, the agents of lirupp
had nothing to impede them in their diabolic
work. Tlie road from Oudecappello to Dixmude
was under the fire of the German howitzers.
Every minute on or near the thoroughfare a
great pall of black smoke rose up, leaving a
dark cavity in which a couple of horses might
have been buried side by side. One of the huge
shells had burst on a Belgian battery. " All
six horses of one of the guns," says Mr. Ashmead-
Bartlett, " had been blown into mangled heaps.
Their remains lay scattered about the road like
badly cut joints suddenly thrown about by the
overturn of a gigantic butcher's cart." A
Belgian gunner had been cut in two, and amidst
fragments of dead horses were biscuits, tinned
meats, coffee, sugar. Until the debris had been
cleared from the road it was impossible to
proceed further.
At last the way v/as open to the brave little
partj^ and the ambulances and cars made a
dash for Dixmude. They seemed to be rushing
into a burning furnace. In the outskirts of the
town were the French reserves.
Then they entered Dixmude itself. JMr.
Aslunead-Bartlett, who had been through the
Russo-Japanese and Balkan Wars, has left his
impressions of Dixmude as it appeared on the
afternoon of October 21, 1914 :
Well, I was all through the siege of Port Arthur, and
I happened to be in Reiins when the Germans destroyed
the Cathedral. At Port Arthur the bombard ments were
terrible, but then the Japanese gradually worked their
way towards the forts, and you had deep trenches which
gave you some cover. At Reims you were fairly safo
if you kept away from the immediate neighbourhood of
the Cathedral, but at Dixmude it was Hell.
The town is not very big, and what it looked like
before the bombardment I cannot say. But the point
is this : An infuriated German army corps were con-
centrating the fire of all the held guns and heavy
howitzers on it at the same time. There was not an
inch which was not being swept by shells. There was
not a house, as far as I could see, which had escaped
destruction. The whole scene was so terrible, so ex-
citing, and passed in such a dream, that it has left only a
series of pictures on my mind.
The ghastly, inhunaan character of modem
warfare and the superhuman qualities displayed
by the m^Tiads of soldiers and civilians who
have been subjected by the Kaiser and the
conspiring castes in Germany and Austria -
Hungary to the ordeal by fire and explosion,
should be brought home to the conscience of the
civilized world.
Says Mr. Gibbs :
We came into Dixmude. It was a fair-sized town,
with many beautiful buildings and fine old houses in the
Flemish style — so I am told. When I saw it for the
first and last time it was a place of death and horror.
The streets through which we passed were utterly
GERMANS IN A TRENCH ON THE YSER.
194
THK TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
dosorted and wrecked from end to end n« tlioiigli by an
eartliquako. Incessant explos-ions of sliel! fire crashed
down upon the walLs wliicli still stood. Great ga.shes
opened in the walls, which then toppled and fcli.
A roof came tumbling down with an appalling clatter.
Like a house of cards blown by a puH ol wind a little
shop suddenly collapsed into a mass of ruins.
Here and there, farther into the town, we :^aw living
figures. They ran swiftly for a moment and then dis-
appeared into dark caverns under toppling porticoes.
They were Belgian soldiers.
We were now in a side street leadiii;^ into the town
hall .-quare. It seemed impossible to pass, owinj; to the
wreckage strewn across the road.
"Try to take it." said Dr. ^Iimro, who was sitting
beside the chauffeur.
We took if, bumping over the high debris, and then
swept round into the square. It was a spacious place
with the town'hall at one side of it, or what was left of the
town hall. There was only the splendid .shell of it left,
Butlieient for us to see the skeleton of a noble building
which -had once been the pride of Flemish craftsmen.
Kven as we turned towards it parts of it were falling upon
the ruins already on the ground. [ .saw a great pillar
tean forward and then topple down. A mass of masonry
crashed down from the portico.
Some stiff, dark forms lay among the fallen stone.s.
They were dead soldiers. I liardlj' glanced at them, for
we were in search of living now.
The cars were brought to a halt outside the building
anil we all climbed down. I lighted a cigarette and I
noticed two of tlie otlier men fumble for matches for tho
same purpose. We wanted something to steady us.
'J'here wa.s never a moment when shell fire was not
bursting in that square about us. The .shrapnel bullets
wiiijiped the stone>.
The enemy was making a target of the Hotel de \ille,
and dropping their sliells with dreaulful exactitude on
either side of it.
1 glanced towards a flaring furpace to the right of the
building. There was a wonderful glow at the heart of it.
y\r. Ashinead-Bartlett shows us the interior
of the Hotel de Viile of Dixniiide:
In>ide the hall was a scene of horror and chaos. It was
lulled with loaves of bread, bicv'clcs, and dead soldiers.
1 have never seen so many bicycles. I suppose .some
cyclist troop had left them here on their way to the
trenches. We rushed down to the cellars and dragged
up the wounded, who were all lying down cases, and had
to be placed on stretchers, which seemed, under the
circumstances, to take an endless lime. All the while
the shells were crashing overhead, and the bullets
whistling through the square. Another officer ran up,
and told De Broqueville tha: there were some more
wounded in another building. De Broqueville ran off
and disappeared down a side street.
Loading the ambulances was slow work, but at length
it was completed. We were all ready, and only loo
anxious to depart, when we disco\ ered that De Broque-
\ ille liad not returned. We waited several minutes.
He did not come. Then there was a terrific crash, and a
shell hit the Hotel de Villc just aboN c our heads, bringing
down more bricks and mortar.
^I. Maeterlinck, the illu.strious Belgian author,
who h;^s l\andled the French language %\ith the
skill of an Anatole France, has drawn a. hopeful
deduction fro)n scenes like these. " One of the
consoling surprises of this \sar," he say?, " is
the unlooked for, .and, so to speak, universal
lieroisjn which it has revealed among all tiie
ST. PIERRE RAILWAY STATION, GHENT.
Arrival of the British.
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
195
nations taking part in it." The Germans who
had studied luunanit}- witii meticulous care,
liad imagined that the Krupp inventions would
paralyse the spirits of their adversaries. For
forty years they had been accmnalating un-
exampled stores of materials for the destruction
of human bodies. They were prepared to use
them in tlie same spirit that Nero had used his
lions and his pitch against the Early Christians.
They imagined that religion had lost its hold
over Belgians, French, and British, and they
confidently expected to terrorize the comfort-
loving populations of Western Em-ope into
submission. They were mistaken.
As the sun was setting the Germans delivered
a final attack. They atteinpted to carry
Dixmude, and they crossed the Yser south of
the town. The village of tSt. Jacques Cappelle
became the centre of a violent combat.
Such of the Belgian batteries as liad not been
put out of action opened fire on the German
inJantry. The German artillery redoubled its
fire, and then (leased. Shouts which sounded
like " Ja, Ja," and loud cheers were hePord.
The Germans wei'e charging with the baj'onet.
Over the advancing infantry the Belgian shells
burst in groups of red flame. The " pat-pat -
pat-pat-par " of the machine guns showed that
streams of lead were being poiu"ed into the
yelling masses, thiruied e\ery moment by the
repeating rifles of the French and Belgian
soldiers. The cheers were rej)laced by shrieks ;
the attack came to a standstill, those Germans
who had escaped death or wounds sullenly
retired, and the shelling from the east of the
canal recommenced.
It was now seven p.ni and quite dark. The scene was
majestic in tlie extreme. Di.xmude was a red furnace.
The flames shot upwards, showing clouds of white stnoke
above. St. Jacques, farther south, was a Waller
furnace. All along the lino the shells were no longer
bursting in clouds of white and black smoke. All had
put on their blood-red mantles. Close at hand every-
thing wa.s bathed in inky darkness; farther off the
burning towns and buildings showed up clearer than they
had done during the day.
liehind Dixuuide infantry wore busily engaged con-
structing fresh trenches. I looked back on this awful
scene for the last time. As far as the eye could stretch
the horizon was a purple red from the burning homes
of thousands of haiinless and peaceful dwellers who
are now poverty-stricken refugees in England and France.
In thi-; district not a villaga or a hamlet has escaped.*
Thus the frantic (>fiorts of the Germans to
seize Dixmude had failed. Away to the left,
at 5 p.m., a violent assault, preceded by hours
of shelling, had been made from Schoor on
Schoorbakke, a village a little to the north of
* Mr. Ashmead-Bartlett.
LADY DOROTHIE FEILDING.
the loof) in the Yser Canal, l^his attack had
been repiil.sed with frightful lo.sses to the enemy.
By Wednesday night the Gennans were still
on the east bank of the Yser between Dixmude
and Nieuport- Bains: the canal, in places, and
the dykes and ditches were choked with their
dead or expiring wounded.
So far, the sole assistance reccuved by the
Belgian Army had been from Ronarc'h's
Breton IMarines and the guns of the Allied
flotilla. Joffre had kept the lUtli Chasseurs
in reserve. For one more day the wearied
Belgians and the French Marines wen; un-
assisted to hold the line of the Yser.
On Thursday, tlie 22nd, the Germans gave
particular attention to the section of the battle-
field north of Dixmude. The area in the looj)
of the Yser between Tervaete and Schoorbaldie
was swept by a hurricane of shells, and the canal
crossed at Tervaeto. A coimter-attack bj' the
Belgian 1st Division was tuisuccessful. The
196
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE W.iR.
GROSSING A STREET UNDER FIRE,
troops were rallied and ordered again to charge.
This time the Germans were literallj' driven into
the canal. At Sehoorbakke the Belgians re-
pulsed the enemv and pursued them towards
Schoor, while the -Allied flotilla continued steam-
ing up and dowTi firing at the Gerntan trenches
and batteries on the coast and some distance
inland. British aviators circled over the flat
country, which was partly flooded, to give the
range. The windows of Sluis, on the Dutch
frontier, were shaken, and the people there
listened to what seemed a distant thunder-
storm. Fresh troops were passing hour by
hour through Bruger to reinforce the German
front, and the hea^^iest ordnance was being
transported to assist the German batteries at
Middelkerke, where a German General and his
staff had been killed b\' a British shell in the
duel with the Allied flotilla. From Ostend all
available soldiers had been jjushed westwards,
and the hotels were being filled with wounded.
On the evening of the 22nd the people of
Furnes witnessed a sight which must have filled
them with pride.
Two battalions of the 1st Belgian Division —
the 9th of the line and the 2nd Chasseurs— had,
in view of the French reinforcements which were
to arrive on the morrow, been relieved from the
trenches. They were Brussels and Liege men
who had held the gajjs between the forts at
I-iege at the beginning of the war, and had won
for themselves a fine reputation. At about
7 p.m. they mai'ched into Furnes, dead tired
and covered with mud, but singing the Mar-
seillaise at the top of their voices. The band
of the Chasseurs played " Sambre et Me use."
Everybody turned out to watch them, and they
were given an ovation.
A few hours later the absence of these brave
men from the Yser must have been regretted.
Reinforcements had reached the enemy, They
were flung across the canal and, during the
night, took Tervaete. They brought with
them numerous machine guns to enfilade the
Belgians in the loop of the Yser. Simul-
tanopusly under cover of the night which, to
some extent, protected them from the fire of
the Allied warships, the Belgian 2nd Division
before Nieuport and round Lombartzyde was
subjected to a succession of desperate on-
slaughts. The Belgians \\>^re, however, well
provided with mitrailleuses, and the attackers
were mowed down. Among these were poor
youths from the German schools and univer-
sities. One of them, a bright lad who was
tended by the British nurses at Fumes,
spoke bad French very politely. He had been
wounded in the foot, and would be lame for life.
Help for the sore-tried Belgians was at hand.
Joffre had railed up from Reims one of the
finest of the French Divisions, the 42n(i.
Se\cral batteries of heavy howitzers were also
THE TIMES HISTOFY OF THE WAR.
197
coming up. On Frid?.y the 23rd, General
Grossetti with this Division was sent to reHe\<'
the Belgian 2nd Division round Xieuport, which
had lost Lombartzj-de and was to be brought
back into reserve. Nieuport and the Belgian
trenches behind St. Georges were being bom-
barded, and Grossetti coald only pass his men
in small groups across the Nieuport bridges.
Not till evening did the P'rench occupy the
trenches of the Belgian 2nd Division. Mean-
while, south of Nieuport, the Germans were
pressing the advantage gained by them during
the night of the 22nd. They swarmed into the
loop of the Yser, and the Belgian 1st and 4th
Divisions were pushed back towards the railway
embankment between Pervyse and Ramscap-
pelle.
During the day the heavy French howitzers,
which were now in position, had been dropping
their high explosive shells on the furthest gun
emplacements of the Germans, and the enemy's
commander perceived that there w-as no time
to be lost if victory was to be achieved. A
huge cigar-shaped captive balloon had been
sent up to a great height, and its occupants
vainly endeavoured to locate the French
howitzers. Between the howitzers and the guns
of the Flotilla the situation of the Germans
was becoming every moment more dangerous.
That day German officers in Ostend had been
unpleasantly reminded of the precarious teniu-e
on which they possessed the towTi. Fifty of
them were lunching at the Hotel Majestic, one
of those imposing structures which during the
last quarter of a century had been erected
wherever pleasure-seekers congregate. The
restaurant was one of the most elegant in
Europe. To the white and gold walls were
attached delicately framed mirrors. Chandeliers
with their glittering facets of cut glass hung
from the ceiling. The floor was covered with
rich red Brussels carpets, and over them
waiters glided, serving their unwelcome visitors
with commandeered delicacies and the most
expensive wines. Here and there groups were
standing about chatting. At a window in the
eastern half of the room sat a naval doctor with
the adjutant of the brigade to wliich both
belonged.
Meanwhile from the British squadron, four
or five miles in the offing, a torpedo-boat
destroyer was swiftly approaching the shore.
Another followed in its wake. The pace at
which they were going was shown by the
masses of foam at their bows. At the end oT
the Rue du Cerf, which slopes up to the great
Digue, Admiral von Schroder, who had observed
their approach, was directing men of the naval
brigade to place two light guns, the only artillery
available. With feverish haste the gims were
pointed and fired at the first boat. Two shells
fell close to it, and the vessels were promptly
swung round. Their guns flamed out. The
first British shells hit the water and struck the
sea wall ; then two of them crashed throng) i
the windows of the restaurant of the Hotel
GERMANS AT TARGET PRACTICE.
198
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAB.
\ / N K V.'
GERMANS FILLING A BALLOON WITH GAS CONCEALED BENEATH A
HAYSTACK.
Majestic, and fell in the midst of the festive
party.
The second of these struck the doctor, who
with his companion had risen from table to seek
a safer spot, right in the middle of the back and
blew him to pieces.
Dr. Sven Hedin, the celebrated Swedish
traveller, who later inspected the scene, .paints
BRITISH SOLDIER PUMPING OUT
WATER FROM A TRENCH.
in " A People in Arms " a realistic picture of
the havoc wrought by the two shells.
" Splinters of them," ho says, " had rent
gaping holes in walls and ceilings. The plaster
ornaments had fallen and lay in ruins, and the
carpet almost disappeared beneath their heaA'v
white dust. The windows had been shivered
to powder and the mirrors had been burst into
all kind of curious star shapes whose fragments
threatened to fall at the least touch. Tables
and chairs were smashed to atoms, the table-
cloths rent to ribbons."
One of the killed doctor's legs had been blown
under a table ; his head was in a pool of blood,
and " the rest of him was spattered about the
wnlls, ceiling, and tablecloths."
With his base at Ostend liable to be reduced
to the condition of Dixmude, with Grossetti's
Division in Xieuport, with liis rear and flank
imder the fire of the guns of the British and
French warships and from the west by the
heavy howitzers, the Duke of Wurtemberg
during the night of the 23rd-24th directed no
less tha.n fourteen assaults on Dixmude. If
Dixmiide could be taken he mieht hope to turn
the Belgians between PervyseandRaiuscappelle,
to capture Fiumes and drive the Belgians and
Grossetti's Division into the sea, and, crossing
the Yser where it is an uneanalised stream of
little breadth or depth, fall upon the left wing
and rear of the Allied Ai'my deployed between
Dixmude and La Bassoe.
Fortunatelv Ronarc'h's Marines and the
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
199
Belgian 5th Division held firm. Every assault
was beaten off, and when day broke on the 24tli
the trenches and ruins of Dixmude were still in
the hands of the Allies. The Belgian Battle
of the Yser had closed ; the French Battle
of the Yser was opening.
No account of this battle would be complete
without an attempted appreciation of the debt
which the Allies owe to the Belgian Army and
Ronarc'h's Marines. They had held at bay a
vastly superior body of German troops flushed
with victory, animated by the highest patriotism
and supported by artillery which produced the
greatest physical and moral effects. Fen country
in October is always unpleasant, cold mists had
covered the land, and heavy rain had fallen at
intervals. At places the men had fought in
trenches half filled with water, and the straw
on which those in the open slept was never dry.
For days many of them had ta-sted no hot food
or drink. At night they were forbidden under
penalty of death to smoke, because a glimmer
would have betrayed the position to the pointers
of the German guns. The stench from the
canal, into which the German dead were thrown,
was almost unbearable. Often the Belgians were
.separated from the enemy's sharpshooters by
not more than fifty feet, and it was death to
rise for a moment to stretch oneself.
The men in the houses of Dixmude and
Nieuport or in the villages were, if possible,
worse off. With modern range-finders towns
and villages are shell-traps, and the bursting
of high-explosive shells among buildings is far
more terrible than the explosion of a shell in
the open, for if pieces of the shell miss the
THE ARMOURED LOOK-OUT MAN.
occupants of a room, the chances are that they
Mill be killed by falling beams, girders, bricks
and mortar. If they have taken refuge in
cellars, they may find themselves buried alive.
That in such surroundings the Belgians and
the French Marines should have kept the line
of the Yser for over a week was a feat which
will always be remembered.
BELGIAN SOLDIERS ON THE MARCH.
200
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
GERMAN MACHINE GUN SECTION.
On the Coast.
The Belgians had most nobly answered to
Joffre's call upon them to secure the line of the
Yser and its bridge-heads for 48 hours. Since
the night of the 16th they and Ronarc'h's
Marines had struggled witli a force at least
double, and probably treble, their numbers —
a force provided with field and siege artillery
'vastly superior to anything which from the
16th to the morning of the 23rd could be
opposed to them on the Yser — and they had
held that force at bay not for 48, but for Ji^arly
200 hours. The Belgians had shown that neither
the severe trials of successive battles nor the still
greater stress of retreat had damped their ardour.
They were still able and willing to meet the foe
and put a stop to hi.'^ most ardent efforts.
CHAPTER LV.
RUSSIA'S PROBLEM.
Russia's Numbers and the Wild Stories they Produced — The Difficulties of Russia —
The Wonderful Frontier Railways of Germany — The Vulnerability of Poland — The
Forest of Augustowo, and the Desolate Borders of the Niemen — East Prussia, the
Idolized Province of the Junkers — The Effect of the Battle of Tannenberg — Poland
AND Its Cities — Why the Russian Poles Hated the Prussians — How the Prussians
Oppressed the Poles of Posen — German Risks of Invasion in Silesia — Austria's Position
IN Galicia — The Struggle for the Carpathians — Germany's Eastern Line of Fortresses —
Przemysl and Cracow — The German Plan of Campaign, and Why It Failed — The Real
Problems to be Faced by Russia — Cracow the True Russian Objective — Rapidity of the
Russian Mobilization — Russian Unity at the Outbreak of War — The Tsar's Decree
against Liquor — The First Six Months' Fighting.
WHEN the war began, the Allies in
the West were for a brief space
hypnotized by the thought of
Russia's numbers. Little considera-
tion was given by the public of London and
Paris to her difficulties. The vast weight of the
mighty Russian Empire fired the imagination
of statesmen, combatants, and populace alike.
Russia's trials and misfortunes in previous
campaigns were instantly forgotten. When it
was realized that the whole resources of a State
nimibering 173,000,000 of people were being
thrown into the scale against the Germanic
League, it seemed to many as though the war
was already won. The Tsar, it was said, was
mobilizing millions on millions of men. Count-
less hordes of Cossacks, so the wild stories ran,
were to sweep across the Prussian plains and
thunder against the gates of Berlin. Few paused
to thinlv, few indeed seemed to know, that,
though there were mj^riads of Russians, the
Cossack forces were by no means unlimited,
and in any case were not Russia's mainstay.
The vision of the conquering Cossack was so
luiiversal that fables about trainloads of Cos-
Vol. HI.— Part 32. 201
sacks passing through England on their way
to Northern France gained widespread currency,
and had at last to be officially contradicted by
the British Government. The conviction that
Russia would instantly march from triumph to
triumph was less easy to chasten. The Russian
armies were likened to a steam-roller, and the
phrase " the Russian steam-roller " obtained a
great vogue in England and France. The
popular impression was that the steam-roller
would overcome all obstacles and ponderously
pursue its course to the Prussian capital with-
out a halt. It would be too much to say that
these ideas ever produced any relaxation of
effort in the West, but for some time they
induced a rather mischievous belief that it was
to Russia that the Allies must chiefly look for a
final victory. Happily, as the war progressed
and its relative asjiects were seen in a truer
perspective, all the Allies came to realize that
the war would only be won by the united
sacrifices and labours of every nation alike.
The difficulties of Rvissia soon proved to bo
manifold. She had the men, and they canu> in
masses from every part of her Empire. There
202
THE TIMES HISTOBY OF THBJ WAR.
THE TSAR AND THE GRAND DUKE
NICHOLAS.
were, however,, embarrassing shortages of
equipment of every kind, from clothing to
great guns.
It was not that the Russian Army had not
made immense progi'ess during the previous
decade. Since the Russo-Japanese War it
had been transformed out of recognition. Tlie
trouble was that the material required for
mobilization upon such an immense scale had
not been accumulated in sufficient quantities ;
and no better proof could be cited that Russia
not only did not enter upon a premeditated
war, but drew the sword with the utmost pos-
sible reluctance. Next to difficulties of equip-
ment came difficulties of transport. The
German eastern frontier had been covered
with a network of strategic railways. The
Austrian province of Galicia was fairly well
served by viseful lines. The Russian railway
system was wofully scanty by comparison,
which was yet another proof that the Russian
Ooverrjment had not sought war. A railway
map of Eastern Europe served by itself as con-
vincing evidence of the relative intentions of
Germany and Russia. The eastern provinces of
Prussia wer^ gridironed with lines whose pur-
poses were military rather than economic. On
the Russian side the map was comparatively
blank, the very roads were few and poor, and
from end to end of the Russian westt^m frontier
there was no railway following the course of the
Empire's boundary, as was the case on German
territory. There were reasons for the sparse-
ness of Ru.ssia's railways. Her territories were
so spacious that they included one-sixth of the
land regions of the globe, welded into one
cohesive whole. All the energies of Russian
railway builders had been thrown into the con
striiction of great trunk lines throughout tliese
wide dominions. Had some of the money
spent upon the Siberian and Transcaspian
Railways been expended upon railway-building
in Poland, and especially on lateral railways
parallel to the course of the frontier, Russia
would have been better able to confront the
first formidable German advance tlu-ough
Central and Southern Poland to the Vistula.
She did not build strategic railways in her
western provinces because her^oUcy was essen-'
tially pacific. Her ultimate aim was internal
development, and not war. In the end it was
proved again and again that her abstention had
unconsciously assisted her operations in the
war. The German mihtary machine was de-
signed for dependence upon railwaj^. When
the Germans invaded Belgium and France they
found read}' to hand an elaborate system of
railways almost as complex and as efficient as
their own. When they entered Poland and had
to march painfully over an almost roadless land,
their efficiency was speedily impaired. ^^Tien-
ever the Germans were cut off from the loco-
motive, their offensive gradually lost momen-
tum. The Russian soldiers marched to war on
their own feet, and bore the hardsliips of slow
progression more successfully.
Another difficulty wliich greatly hampered
Russia was her isolation. She was everywhere
cut off from the open sea save at distant Vladi-
vostock, on the Pacific, where a passage was cut
through the ice during the winter with very
great difficulty. The Baltic was at once closed
to her. After Turkey declared war, the Black
Sea was hermetically sealed for the whole
%vinter. Archangel was, ordinarily, shut in by
ice from October to May, and was in any case
inadequately served by rail, though steps were
quickly taken to improve the railway Une, and,
by means of icebreakers, to keep the port open
a longer time than usual. Russia needed
vast quantities of supplies from her Allies, and
for a long time very few of her requirements
could be met, save to a small extent through
Vladivostock and Archangel. Her difficulties
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
203
did not end here. Tier crowning difficulty was
t lie configuration and character of her frontier,
to which attention must now be paid.
The dominating feature of the western fron-
tier of Russia was the position of the province
of Poland, which was thrust like a great broad
wedge far into the territory of the Germanic
Powers. From the point where the River
Warta crossed from Russian to Prussian ground,
the distance to Berlin was only 180 miles.
Small wonder that the uninstructed, knowing
nothing -of Germany's means of defence,
dreamed of Russian troops passing down
Unter den Linden within a few weeks of the
outbreak of war. The truth was that Russia
was extremely vulnerable in Poland, as she
realized with great poignancy very soon. On
the north the provinces of West and East
Prussia ciu-ved far over Poland. On the south
the Austrian province of Galicia not only en-
wrapped the M'hole Southern Polish border,
but reached the Russian provinces of Volhynia
and Podolia, and even touched Bessarabia.
Poland was, in short, a dangerous salient for
Russia. From three sides, well served by rail-
ways, blows could be struck at the great city of
Warsaw, which was the heart of Poland. Before
Russia could think of a march to Berlin, she
had to clear her flanks, and to make sure that
she would not be assailed from either East
Prussia or Galicia. As was to be expected,
instead of marching on BerUn she fotind the
greater part of the province of Poland overrun
by the enemy. Her efforts to rid herself of the
invaders not only constituted a great part of
the first stages of the war ; they were, in fact,
almost as effective as the process of invading
Prussia which the ignorant expected, because
in the long and fierce combats which ensued
Russia was able slowly but persistently to wear
down the strength of her foes.
As a matter of convenience, it will be well
to examine the frontiers of Russia, Germany,
and Austria-Hungary conjointly. The military
and political problems they presented were so
interdependent that a correct conception of
the position can only be gained by passing in
imagination at will across boundaries which
were largely artificial. The Russian Baltic
provinces of Kovno and Courland were flat
plains with scarcely a ridge, and for the most
part thinly populated. From a quarter to a
third of their whole area was covered with
forests, and the impression conveyed in a
joiu-ney through them to Petrograd was
of an almost empty thickly-wooded land.
AMMUNITION TRANSPORTS FORDING A RIVER.
204
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
There was a considerable German population,
especially in the towns, and a good deal of the
territory was held by magnates of German
descent. German influence had for centuries
been very marked in West Russia, and the
factor thus presented was not without its
influence upon the war. The nattiral, though
not the actual, frontier of Russia in this direction
was formed by the River Niemen. The Niemen
ran roughly parallel with the eastern frontier
of East Prussia, for a distance of about 80
miles, between the cities of Grodno and Kovno.
Along that stretch its average distance from
the Prussian frontier was about 50 miles.
It then turned due westward and eventually
traversed about 70 miles of Prussian
territory before entering the Baltic. At the
point where it entered Prussia it was about
500 yards wide. In that long strip of territory
80 miles by 50, between the Niemen and
East Prussia, there was much desperate fight-
ing during the first few months of the war.
It was a wild and desolate country, full of
forests and small lakes and marshes. Its
southern half was nearly fiUed by the great
forest of Augustowo, in the midst of which stood
the town of Suwalki. The whole strip was
classified as part of Poland. Napoleon knew
it well, for the bulk of the Grand Army traversed
it, and crossed the Niemen at Kovno and
Grodno in June, 1812. It was through the
forest of Augustowo that Hindenburg ra.shly
advanced to the Niemen in September, 1914,
after his victory at Tannenberg. HLs main
advance was by way of a causeway which ran
through the marshes and woods from Suwalki.
The opposing armies were actually firing at
one another across the Niemen on September
25, but all the German attempts at a crossing
failed, and in the end the enemy were pursued
back through the forest to their own territory.
The forest of Augustowo again came into promi-
nence when von Hindenburg once more cleared
East Prussia of Russian troops in the following
February and March. On that occasion his
operations included a march on Kovno along
both sides of the Niemen from Prussian terri-
tory, but he failed to reach Kovno because he
was opposed on the line of two small tributary
rivers, the Dubissa and the Niewissa, which
feU into the main stream from a northerly
direction. During this phase of the campaign
important Russian units were cut off in the
forest of Augustowo, though sections fought
their way out from its recesses for days after-
wards. Htndenburg's troops again reached
the Niemen during February, and even crossed
it, but failed to make good their position. It
should be understood that the whole of th©
fighting in this region turned upon the repeated
German attempts to make good the passage
of the Niemen. The statement that in this
RUSSIANS DIGGING TRENCHES.
THE TIMES HISTOBY OF THE WAR.
•205
area the Niemen \\ as the natural frontier of Rus-
sia was not an idle one. The river was of the
utmost value to Russia, for among other
things, it protected in part the vital main
line of railway from Petrograd to Warsaw.
Across the border lay East Prussia, the
idolized province of the Prussian Jiuikers.
Just as in the north the object of Germany was
to make the passage of the Niemen, so the
very first object of the Russians was to drive
the German garrisons out of East Prussia,
where they were believed to be weak. East
Prussia was the mos't bleak and dreary of the
(ierman provinces. It \Aas part of the great
]:)lain which sloped down to the sand dunes of
the Baltic. On its open lands great quantities
of rye and potatoes were gi-own, but its special
characteristic, which played a great part in
the war, was found in the tangle of lalces and
w^oods and swamps in the south-eastern portion,
all along the Russian frontier, which was
collectively known as Masuria. This area was
really a continuation of the Russian strip within
the angle of the Niemen, but it constituted
even more difficult country for military opera-
tions, and was believed to form a more useful
defence of German territory than many artillery
positions. A scheme for draining and culti-
vating it had been prudently rejected on mili-
tary grounds. It was protected by a system of
blockhouses, and there were garrisons in the
various small towns in its recesses, while the
Germans had not neglected to endow it with
several of the railway lines upon which they so
greatly leaned. When, however, the Russians
swept into East Prussia in the fii'st month of
tlie war, they carried all before them. They
moved along the main railway line to Berlin.
They menaced the fortress of Konigsberg.
They drove in the frontier posts and overran
th ' Masurian lake region. By the end of
August they seemed masters of the gi'eater part
of East Prussia, and were even thi'eatening
^^"est Prussia and the line of the Lower Vis-
tula. Then came the sudden appearance of
Hindenburg, and tlie series of movements
which ended in the crushing defeat of the main
Russian forces at Tannenberg. The result
of the battle was that Germany recovered
j)ossession of her province, though the ra\'ages
of war had hit it sorely, and Berlin was filled
with refugees from the East Prussian towns.
Whether the Germans were geographically
justified in giving the name of Tannenberg
to this memorable cncoimter was an open ques-
THE KAISER IN EAST PRUSSIA.
General von Mackensen in the centre.
tion. Historical reasons influenced them. East
Prussia was the real cradle and stronghold
of the Prussian race. From its chill plains
and dense forests sprang the nobles and rulers
who, under the leadership of the House of
Hohenzollern, eventually welded the German
Empire into an organic whole. When in the
fourteenth century the German tribes were
pressed back from the Rhone and the Meuse,
the tide of migration swept eastward again.
German colonists crossed the Elbe and the
lower Vistula, and settled in the eastern forests
and marshes, which- were already occupied
in part by their own near kinsmen, though still
more by Slavonic tribes. The powerful Teu-
tonic Order of Knighthood, which controlled
the w'ork of colonization, eventually came into
coiiflict with Poland. The Knights were over-
thrown by the Poles : in the great battle of
Tannenberg on July 15, 1410. The conflict
remains a landmark in the eternal struggle
between Teuton and Slav. It finds a promi-
nent though moitrnful place in German history.
When Prmco Biilow, in his retirement, wrote
his famotis book on " Imperial Germany," ho
could still refer with regret to "(he black
day of Tarmenberg." The rejoicings over
Hindenburg's victory were far more than the
joyful reception of the news of a triumph.
.12 2
206
THE TIMEfi HISTOBY OF THE WAP.
I" Tiiiu'^ " photographs.
THE GRAND DUKE NICHOLAS.
1. Conversing with a Priest. 2. With his StaflF ofiRcers.
3. Arriving at Headquarters. 4. Planning an attack.
5. Reviewing Cossacks.
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
207
The battle of Tannenberg seemed to Germanj^
to efface a bitter niemorj-, and to compensate
for the grief of five hundred years. East
I'russia had, nevertheless, not been so easily
defended as the Germans expected. They had
thought that the small fortress of Boyen,
standing near Lotzen in the middle of the lake
region, would serve to check the passage of an
army. The Russians took Boyen with the
greatest ease. It needed great forces of troops,
and some serious Russian mistakes, to reco\er
the province and to hold it safely even for a
limited time. But as the effect of the invasion
of East Prussia upon the spirits of the Germans
wa-s very marked for political reasons, so the
expulsion of the invaders had a correspondingly
marked result in the retiurn of German confi-
dence. On the other hand, the battle of Tan-
nenberg gravely affected the liiissian plan
of campaign. It meant a certain amount of
confusion and postponement. It did not in
the least depress the indomitable cheerfulness
(jf the Russians, but it coixipelled their Com-
mander-in-Chief to niodify his strategy.
The next section of the frontier with which it
is necessary to deal is the great wedge of Poland,
at once the blessing and the bane of Russian
strategy. Poland was advantageous because it
stretched so far in the direction of the heart of
the homeland of the foe. It was a perplexing
problem because, as already explained, it was
surrounded on three sides by enemy territory.
Through its centre ran the great river Vistula,
entering the province from Galicia, flowing north
and nortli-west to Warsaw, and then passing
westward until it entered Germany near Thorn.
As the Niemen dominated strategy farther
north, so the Vistula was the chief factor of
.strategy in the centre of Poland. The Germans
were astride its lower reaches, and thus could
enter Poland along both its banks ; but where
the river curved southward at Warsaw it pra-
.sented an obstacle athwart the line of German
advance which was to stand Russia in gootl
stead. The Vistula had important tributaries.
On the north the River Narew, which entered
the \'istula below Warsaw, formed, with its
feeder the Bobr, an important line extending
almost to the Niemen at Grodno. West of
Warsaw tlie small River Bzura, witli its lesser
tributary the Rawa, made a valuable line on
which the Russians held the Germans in check
during the latter part of the winter. The
Pilitza was another river in Southern Poland
whose course w as the scene of ri.'i)eated conflicts.
as was also the River Nida, which entered the
Vistula on the Galician frontier.
Poland north of the Vistula was an open
wooded plain, containing in the neighbourhood
of the Narew marshes of great importance in
relation to military movements. Marshes had
a considerable effect upon the Polish campaign.
There were extensive marshes to the west of
Warsaw which greatly hampered the Germans
in their attempts to strike at the capital of the
province. There were others before Lowicz and
near Lodz which served to contract the German
iuo\-ements when they were endeavouring to
cross the Bzura in their second dash towards
^Varsaw■. youthern Poland was of greater
altitude, with more forests, and occasional deep
gorges — a very difficult country for military
operations. The population of Poland w^as
denser than in any other part of Russia, showing
an av^erage of 200 to the square mile. Warsaw-
had 800,000 inhabitants, and many flourishing
manufactures. Its central position, its com-
mand of road, rail and river, its bridge over the
Vistula, and its great political importance,
made it the goal of German ambitions in the
eastern theatre of war. The capture of Warsaw
w ould have implied a withdraw al of the Russian
forces along the whole front in Poland, to a
line resting on the River Bug and the huge
Pripet marshes in its rear. When Htnden-
burg made his first ad\'ance through Central
Poland to the Vistula, iiis troops were confident
that they would enter the city. They almost
reached the outskirts. The roar of the gims
could be heard by the alarmed inhabitants, and
for a few hom-s it was thought that the capital
was lost. Reinforcements arrived by rail in the
nick of time, marched straight into the firing
line, and drove the Germans back. The second
city of Poland was Lodz, which had 400,000
inhabitants. Lodz was a " mushroom " town
of modern gi-owth. with a great cotton industry.
It was a straggling place, chiefly consisting of
one w ide main thoroughfare several miles long.
There was heavy fighting before Lodz when the
Germans made their second advance in Central
Poland to the line of the Bziu-a. The (Jernian
bulletins alleged that fierce conflicts occurred
in the streets of the city, but the truth was that
the Russians designedly evacuated it, and thi
enemy entered unopposed. For a long tune
they treated Lodz with ptH'uliar tenderness, the
reason being that it was more German than
Polish. tJerman immigrants had gone to Loilz
in great mmibers, attracted by its industrial
208
THE TIMES HISTOnr OF THE WAB.
[A/Ur a painting by a German ariiU.
GERMAN REFUGEES FROM EAST PRUSSIA IN BERLIN.
possibilities. They welcomed the invaders, and
the help given to the foe by German aliens
tliroughout Poland was not the least of the
Russian difficulties. Some of the smaller
Polish towns had flourishing industries. Lublin
and Plock possessed sugar refineries. Kalisz
had a valuable trade in lace and embroideries.
Radora, the centre of a ti'act of potato culti\a-
tion, had huge distilleries. Piotrkow lay in a
great mining district. Bendzin, near the
Silesian frontier, was in the centre of a prosper-
ous coalfield. Both in the eastern and the
western theatres the invading Germans seized
and wrecked great manufacturing antl mining
districts. Just as they paralyzed the industries
of Belgium and Northern France, so they
devastated Western Poland. The scenes of
desolation in Flanders and the Departments of
the Nord and the Pas de Calais were surpassed
by the misery wrought in Poland, where the
countryside was left as bare as though it had
been devoured by locusts.
Much was said, and rightlj^ said, about the
courage and devotion with wliich the people of
Belgium flung themselves in the pathway of the
invading German armies. They sufTeretl the
ravaging of their countiy rather than make even
a forced and involuntary league with the
invaders. It was not so generally recognized
that the equally gallant Poles found themselves
called upon to make a similar decision. Ger-
many counted upon a rising of the Poles in her
own favour as soon as she crossed the I'olish
frontier. The Austrians had precisely siniilar
expectations. Both Powers were so lacking
in political perception that they believed they
would be welcomed by the Polish people as
deliverers from the Russian yoke. Their
anticipation of an immediate Polish rebellion
\\as one of the factors in their planning of
the war. It must be admitted that they were
not so comijletely without justification as
was manifest m their error about Belgium.
Even experienced Russians had manj' misgivings
regarding the Poles, and feai'ed either open <>r
veiled hostilitj^ What both sides overlooked
was that, though the Poles believed themselves
to have great and manifold grie\ances against
THE TIMES HmVRY OF THE WAR.
209
Rus.^ia^ these were of comparatively modern
growth, and tlie bitterness they engendered was
steadily diminishing. Their hatred of the
Prussians, on the other hand, \\as ingrained in
every fibre of their being. It had been nurtured
during a thousand years. It was a,s old as
Polish hi.story. If the Prussians never forgot
Tannenberg, neither did the descendants of
their Polish victors. When Russia marched to
war, the hearts of all the Polish people flamed
forth in lier support. The nearest counterpart
to the outburst of Polish loyalty to the Tsar was
the equally ardent upheaval of enthusiasm in
India for the cause of the King-Emperor, a
demonstration which upset yet another of the
calculations of Berlin. The Poles and the Rus-
sians found themselves at one, and they arnied
in a common cause. The promise of Polish
autonomy was the sequel to the declaration of
the Pol&s, and not, as was at first supposed, its
inspiration. The promise was a reward, and
not a bribe. Meanwhile, the unfortunate Poles
had to endure the wholesale wrecking of their
towns and villages by the Germans as the result
of their fidelity.
The Germans had their Polish question too.
Its heart lay in the province of Posen, on the
westernmost frontier of Poland. There were
400,000 Protestant Poles in East Pru-ssia, but
there were over a million Poles, chiefly Catholics,
in Posen. For a centiuy attempts had been
made, always without avail, to Prussianize tlie
Poles of Posen. They were alternatch' cajoled
and oppres.sed. On the one hand, measures
were passed so recently as 1907 for exj)ro-
priating their land in favour of German colon-
ists, while they were also forbidden to use their
own language at public meetings, and their
children v\ere flogged at school for refusing to
answer qviestions in Gennan. On the other
hand, the En^peror William sought to conciliate
them by building a flamboyant royal castle in
the city of Po.sen at a cost of a quarter of a
million sterling, and by other beguiling ex-
pedients. On the whole, the Poles remained
obdurate enough, and their resistance to Prus-
sian methods was maintained with varying
success right down to the outbreak of war.
They were dragooned severely, but they re-
fused obedience. Prince Biilow plainti\ ely de-
clared that the Poles must be brought " to
understand the German spirit," and he insisted
that " German nationality " must prevail in
the eastern provinces. If not, he said, they
would have " a Polish danger," and he main-
tained that the whole future of the German
Em[)ire was bound up with the fate of the
Eastern Marches.
There was no great physical obstacle to a
Russian invasion of Posen, when circumstances
permitted. South of Thorn and the ^Vistula,
the frontier was barred for some distance by the
inevitable marshes. Then came the River
Warta, south of which again the marsh lands
recurred ; but the valley of the Warta (the
river was 100 yards broad at the frontier) was
practicable enough, and offered a natural means
of ingress into Prussia. It may be added that
Posen was a highly cultivated province, and
from it Germany drew large supplies of rye.
Russia, however, was perhaj^s even more
interested, both for strategical and economic
reasons, in the province of Silesia, which lay to
the south of Posen, and was contiguous to the
south-west corner of Poland. Silesia was half
as large as Ireland, and was the biggest pro-
vince in Prussia. It contained a million Poles,
mostly settled near the frontier. It was also,
and the fact was of infinite importance, the
greatest mantifacturing and mining area of
Eastern Germany. ]Mr. Hilaire Belloc acutely
pointed out at an early stage of the war that
the two main industrial districts of Germany
were precisely those which the first shock of an
invasion would strike. They were Westphalia
in the west, and Silesia in the east. Of the two,
Westphalia was the more important, because
armaments were almost wholly manufactured
in the western field. The ruin of Westphalia
woiild mean a hundred times more than the
occupation of Berlin. But the shutting down of
the mills and manufactories and mines of Silesia
w ould have an almost equally paralyzing effect
upon Germany's capacity and desire for resist-
ance. Silesia had tlie richest zinc deposits in
the world, in the neighbourhood of Beuthen,
quite close to the frontier. The greatest
mining and smelting centres, at Zabrze, Konigs-
hutte, and elsewhere, and the glass industries
of Gleiwitz, were within a day's march of Rus-
sian territory. The largest ironworks in Silesia,
at Konig.shutte, could have been shelled from
Russian soil, four miles away. There were
flourishing textile industries of great magnitude
in all tlu! \-alleys of Southern and (\'ntrr.l
Silesia, worked chiefly by water power. The
whole countryside was full of mills, and packed
with a dense population. It was practically
undefended, relied neither on fortresses nor on
natural obstacles against invasion, and lay at
210
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAIL
A GERMAN ENCAMPMENT NEAR THE RUSSIAN FRONTIER.
the mercy of a succesfc'ful foe. The basin of
the River Oder, which traversed the province
in a north-westerly direction, led directly to
Berlin, though it was guarded by certain forti-
fied positions, of which more anon. Once firmly
estabhshed in Silesia, the Russians could- strilce
either north-westward at Berlin, or south-
westward, through the Moravian Gate between
the Carpathians and the Sudetic Mountains, at
Vienna. Breslau, the capital, was the third city
of Prussia, with half a million inhabitants and
a huge trade. The province also contained
many rich and powerful landowners with very
great estates.
It will have been gathered that the eastern
frontier of Germany was not so vulnerable as it
looked upon the map. Its curious shape even
conferred some advantages, and in sections it
had useful natural protection in the shape of
marshes, dense woodlands, and rivers. The
case of Austria-Hungary, which must next be
dealt with, was far otherwise. The natural
frontier of the Dual Monarchy on the north-east
was the Carpathian Range, which bordered the
territory of Hungary. Tliis barrier furnished
by Nature \\as most unwisely passed at the time
of the partition of Poland, towards the end of the
eighteenth century, when the wide province of
Galicia, on the northern side of the Carpathians,
was acquired by Austria. By this change the
Monarchy gave hostages to fortune. A portion
of the northern frontier of Galicia was formed by
the Upper \'istula, but much of the rest had no
natural line of demarcation at all. The pro
vince was traversed by several rivers rising in
the Carpathians, and running from south to
north mitil they fell into the Vistula. The chief
of these were the San, the Wistoka, and the
Dunajec. When the Russians poured into tl,e
province from the east, these rivers formed a
series of lines on which the defeated Austrian
armies successively rallied, exactly as Sir
Frederick Maurice had foretold many year.s
before. As a whole the province necessarily
had a downward slope from the Carpathians to
the rivers Vistula and Dniester. The winter
climate was very bitter, with heavy snowfalls,
followed usually by excessive rain in tlie spring.
It produced extensive crops, and was the most
important potato-growing area in Austria, but
its manufactures were backward. The (Jalician
oil-field was very extensive, and of much im-
portance to the Germanic Powers. The principal
centres of oil production were near Drohobycz,
Krosno, and Kolomea. All these tracts fell
quite early into the possession of the Russians,
and though in February, 1915, they were com-
pelled to fall back from Kolomea for a time,
very little Galician oil got into Austria or Ger-
many after the first two months of the war. As
Galicia was producing two million tons of oil
annually in time of peace, the loss to the Ger-
manic League was considerable.
The means of communication in Galicia v\"ere
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
211
very good when compared with those of Poland.
The principal railway route traversed the centre
of the province from end to end, from Cracow
tlirough Tarnow, Jaroslau, Przemysl, Lemberg,
and Kolomea to the Rumanian frontier, with
a branch from Lemberg bifurcating into Central
and Southern Russia. There was another rail-
way route roughly parallel to the principal one,
but running along the lower slopes of the Car-
pathians through Sandec, Sanok, Stryj, and
Stanislau, all of which places were important
junctions. Besides these long lines, there were
a number of transverse sections, and no portion
of the province was very far from railway com-
munication. There were 11 points at which
rail-heads approached the Russian frontier, with
no communication beyond it, and the fact
throws an instructive light upon the industry
the Austrians had expended upon the Galician
railway system.
The two principal towns in Galicia were
Lemberg, the capital, in the eastern area, with
about 160,000 inhabitants ; and Cracow, in the
western area, with about 90,000 inhabitants.
The Russians took Lemberg at the beginning
of September, and at once pushed on to the
investment of the fortress of Przemysl, which
lay one-third of the way towards Cracow.
Lemberg was the fourth city of the Austro-
Hungarian Empire, and 80 per cent, of its
poptilation were Poles. Cracow was the corona-
tion and burial place of the Kings of Poland, and
was still " the intellectual centre of the Polish
nation." Poles formed more than two-thirds of
its population. Taking the people of Galicia
as a whole, however, it may be said that the
Poles numbered about 45 per cent., and the
Ruthenes about 42 per cent. Although the
Poles predominated in both the chief cities they
were mostly concentrated in the western half of
the province, while the Ruthenes dwelt Ln the
eastern half. The Ruthenes were racially aldn
to the Little Russians across the border. The
relations betwreu Poles and Ruthenes are
explained in Chapter XXXVI., Volume II.
It is enough to say here that the Poles had been
encoiu-aged by Austria at the expense of the
Ruthenes, until a period shortly preceding the
war. The Ruthenes welcomed the invading
Russians, whose religion was the same as their
own. The attitude of the Austrian Poles, who
were Roman Catholics, was not so readily dis-
closed. They had fewer grievances than their
bretliren in Germany and Russia, and were not
so restive under the yoke.
In a corner between Galicia and Rumania
lay the Austrian crowTi duchy of the Bukowina,
" the land of beeches," a region of the thickly-
wooded foot-hills of the Carpathians. The
Bukowina was unquestionably more Russian
than Austrian in sympathy and spirit. Over
40 per cent, of the population was Ruthene,
about 35 per cent, was Rumanian, and the
Jews numbered 13 per cent. The German
element was very small indeed. Nearly 70 per
cent, of the people belonged to the Greek
Orthodox Church. Czernowitz, the capital of
the duchy, was a bright and flourishing little
city situated on a height above the Ri\er
Pruth, and extensively girt by marshes. Its size
had much developed iinder Austrian adminis-
tration, and its industries imfiudcd the manu-
RUSSIAN SERVICE O.N THE BATTLEFIELD.
212
THE IIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
factura of paper. During the fir.^t eight months
of the war Czernowitz twice passed alternately
into the hands of Russians and Austrians, and
when they first recaptured it the Austrians took
})itter vengeance on those of the inhabitants
who had shown cordiality to the invaders.
The whole of the struggle in Galicia and the
Bukowina resolved itself, from the Russian
point of view, into two main objects. The
first was to reach Cracow, at the western ex-
tremity of Galicia, for the possession of Cracow
was an imperative prelude to the invasion
of Silesia and Posen, or to a march southward
through the Moravian Gate upon Vienna.
The second was to secure the passes of the
Carpathians, which gave access into Hungary.
The Russians were very, anxious from the outset
to bring pressvire to bear upon Hiuigary.
Possibly they were influenced in part by a
belief that the near approach of hostile arinies
to Buda-Pesth would induce the Magyars
to break away from Austria and conclude a
separate peace on their own account. This
belief was widely shared in England in quar-
ters where the conceptions of the Magyar
attitude were based upon romantic and quite
misleading impressions deri\'ed from the records
of the days of Kossuth. After the war had
been in progress for some time it was more
generally realized that the Magyars were
largely responsible for the trend of Austro-
Hungarian policy, and that their inclination
probably was to stand or fall by the fate of
Vienna. The steady growth^ of the influence
of Count Tisza, the Hungarian Prime Minister,
who was soon seen to be the most powerful
man in the Monarchy, confirmed this conclusion.
Moreover, the Magj'ar oppression of the Slav
races of the Monarchy had been one of the fac-
tors which precipitated the war. The Magyars
fought in politics for their own hand, but their
bitter anti-Slav policy compelled them to range
themselves Ijeside the Austro-Germans. Yet
it was not really necessary for Russia to seek
a political inotive of any sort for striking at
Himgary. Military considerations sufficed to
justify her plans. Hungary was the principal
granary of the Monarchy. It was also the only
large source of supply of horses left .to the
Germanic Powers. In times of peace Germany
annually imported large numbers of horses
from Russia. The Hungarian horses were of
lighter build, but they were better than nothing.
Once the Carpathians were crossed, the wide
plains of Hungary offered an easy path for a
vigorous foe. By invading Hungary, too, the
pressure on the gallant little army of Serbia
could be relieved. Finally, once the Russians
held the crest of the Carpathians they would
fully protect their left flank against menace
diu-ing a forward movement through Poland
against Prussia. It was not surprising, there-
fore, that throughout the long winter, the
struggle for the Carpathian pa.sses continued
PANORAMA OF LEMBHRG.
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAE.
218
with unabated violence, no matter what
conflicts were raging elsewhere.
The Carpathians were part of the bac^kbone
of Europe, and yet they were very httle known
to travellers and tourists. They bore small
resemblance to the Alps, and their scenery,
though impressive, was not on the grand scale
of Switzerland. No Carpathian height was
covered with perpetual snow, and the whole
range did not contain a single glacier. The
highest peak, Mount Franz Josef, was in the
■J^atra group at the western end, and was 8,737
feet high. The passes were easy and low.
The slopes of the naountains were thickly
wooded, especially on the south. The winter
in the Carpathians was always bitter, and if
the passes were practicable enough from tlie
jjoint of view of the mountaineer, they were
choked with snow. Fighting occurred at inter-
vals along a section of the Carpatliians nearly
300 miles in length, extending from a point
-outh of the town of Tarnow in Galicia to the
borders of Rumania. There were six principal
passes the possession of which was at intervals
contested, the Dukla, the Lupkow, the Uzsok,
the Volocz or Vereczke, the Delatyn or Koroz-
mezo, and the Borgo. To these may be added
the n\inor Ivirlibaba Pass, at the south-western
corner of the Bukowina. The Russians crossed
every pass except the Borgo during the autumn
and winter, some more than once, and though
they were compelled to withdraw in every case,
they rarely lost possession for any length of
time of the northern approaches. Railways
traversed the Lupkow, Uzsok, Volocz, and
Delatyn Passes, and there was another raihvay
crossing the range some distance to the west of
the Dukla. By the Lupkow they reached
Homonna and the verge of the Hungarian
plain. By the Uzsok they came to Ung\ar and
beyond. By the Volocz they raided down
the valley of the Latorcza River to Munkacs
and still farther. By the Delatyn, more popu-
larly known as " the Magyar Way," because it
was the historic route for invading Hungary,
they marched in considerable force to the impor-
tant town of Maramaros-Sziget, where they
treated the alarmed inhabitants with a restraint
which won their confidence. It was not until
strong German forces were brigaded with the
Austrian troops early in 1915 — it was believed
on the direct representations of Count Tisza
to the Kaiser — that the Russian pressure across
the Carpathians was seriously checked. One
reason for the movement of the Russians along
NEWSPAPER CORRESPONDENTS WITH
THE RUSSIAN ARMY.
Back, Mr. Stanley Washburn, The Times corres-
pondent; centre, Mr. Pares; left. Col. Asencheff;
right, Mr. Soldatenkow.
the Magyar Way and the Volocz Pass was that
on the southern slopes of the range in these
neighboiu-hoods there dwelt large numbers of
Ruthenes, who received them with conspicuous
pleasure.
The whole of the terrain of the eastern
theatre during the first months of the war
has now been examined in detail. It is next
necessary to explain concisely the fortified
positions prepared in this area by each of the
three Powers involved. The principal fortress
in East Prussia was Konigsberg, the second
capital of Prussia, situated on the River Pregel.
It possessed an inner and outer line of works
beyond which were 12 detached forts,
six on each side of the Pregel. In addition,
there were two other large and powerful forts,
that of Friedrichsburg, on an island in the river,
to the west of the city, and the Kaserne KJron-
prinz, within the ramparts on the eastern side.
Konigsberg ranked as a first-class fortress, and
was the headquarters of the 1st Army Corjte.
It lay far within the great Frische Lagoon, on a
wooded peninsula, with a steep and forbidding
coast. On the long spit of land forming the
seaward side of the lagoon was the entrenched
camp of Pillau, 29 miles from Konigsberg.
32—3
214
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAB.
RUSSIAN TRENCHES (SHOWING TRAVERSES).
The whole Koriigsberg area required to be
treated with great respect, and when the Rvis-
sians first entered East Prussia they only
sought to mask the fortress. There were no
other important protective works in East
Prussia, although the difficult lake region of
Masuria, with its blockliouses and the small
fort of Boyen, formed a natural means of
defence.
On the line of the Lower Vistula, in the
province of West Prussia, there were further
powerful fortresses. Danzig, at the mouth of
the river, was a first-class fortress and entrenched
camp, and its approaches could be inundated
on the eastern side. There were powerful
works opposite Dirschau, 20 miles to the south,
forming a bridge-head guarding the main line
- to Konigsberg and Petrograd. About 45 miles
farther south was the strong fortress of Grau-
denz, on the right banlc of the Vistula, forming
another valuable bridge-head. At a point
92 miles south of Danzig, and 12 miles from the
Russian frontier at Alexandrowo, stood Thorn,
a fortress which was one of the chief features
of the defences of Eastern Germany. The
town was on the right bank of the Vistula, but
both banks were fortified. There was the usual
circle of detached forts, eight on the right bank
and five on the left. At Thorn the railway
from Warsaw entered Prussian territory, and
the place, which was really a formidable
bridge-head, formed the pivot of Hinden-
burg's railway strategy. Thorn and Danzig
have been compared to Metz and Strasburg,
and have been described as " bastions, as it
were, commanding the curtain between them."
The whole Lower Vistula was, in short, very
strongly held. A subsidiary but very impor-
tant strategic point was Bromberg, 32 miles
west -north -west of Thorn, and the centre of a
network of railways. It guarded the railway
bridges across the River Netze.
Below Thorn there was much marsh country
on both sides of the frontier, but at the point
where the valley of the Warta entered Prussian
territory the need for artificial protection
again began. Accordingly the great railway
centre of Posen, which stood on an open sandy
plain, was provided with an immense entrenched
camp, which had to be reckoned with by any
army marching due west from Warsaw on
Berlin. South of Posen there were yet
more marsh lands. An inner line of defence
possessed by Eastern Germany was the line
of the River Oder, which could, however, be
very easily crossed b\' an invading iarmy in
its upper reaches in Silesia. Strong garrisons
were maintained at Oppeln and Breslau, but
these places had few modern fortifications.
There was a big entrenched camp at Xeisse,
on the northern side of the Sudetic mountains.
The principal obstacle to an advance down the
Oder was the fortress of Glogau, to the north-
west of Breslau. Glogau had been a fortress
for centuries, and was built partly on an island
and partly on the left bank of the Oder. Its
I
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
215
foi'tifications were extensive, for it was an
important railway junction. The remaining
fortified positions on the line of the Oder
were Kiistrin, 52 miles east of Berlin, the
List sl)ield of the capital ; and Stettin, near
the mouth of the river. It may be said that
the true defences of the eastern frontier of
Oerniany were provided by its incomparable
system of strategic railways, which again and
again enabled von Hindenburg to concentrate
large forces quickly and secretly at varioiis
points from which liis blows were launched
like thimderbolts. Even Silesia, despite the
scarcity of fortified positions, was astonishingly
well served by railways. Seven lines of railway
ran out of Breslau, and between that city and
rVacow there was no point to which troops
could not have been quickly hurried.
The defences of Austria in Galicia were to a
great extent of comparatively modern date.
Until the last half-century Austria had not
attempted to provide substantial defensi\ e
positions in Galicia at all, and much of her
works had been built since the twentieth
century began. There was one fortified point
in the Bukowina, at Zaleszczyski, on the
Dniester, at the frontier, but it offered no
more effective opposition to the Russians
than Maubeuge did to the Germans. Lemberg
was stated to possess certain defences, but
when the Austrians were routed before the
city in September the capital instantly fell.
The principal Austrian fortress in Galicia
was Przemysl, sitviated in hilly country 60
iniles east of Lemberg. The investment of
Przemysl was begun directly after the fall of
Lemberg, and though interrupted a'; times, and
not made complete for a good many weeks,
the fortress was never afterwards left alone
for long. The real reason why Przemysl was
able to offer such a prolonged resistance was
that the Russians were at first short of heavy
siege artillery, and still more of shells. The
ultimate objective of the Russian struggles
in Galicia was always Cracow. The city of
Cracow was surrounded by a ring of six powerful
forts on both sides of the Vistula, but the total
length of the perimeter was comparatively
small, and it was not believed that Cracow could
withstand a prolonged siege. The Russians
were drawing near to the city from the north
early in December, and their cavalry were
actually within five miles of it on the south,
when von Hindenburgs second fierce rush on
Warsaw compelled a hiu-ried shortening of
the Russian line. When von Hkidenbnr?
DANZIG.
\ view of the Langenmarkt, showing the Town Hall.
21G
THE TIMES HISTOHY OF THE WAR.
fought his way to the Bzura River and dug
himself in, he was aiming, among other things,
at the salvation of Cracow, and, therefore,
of Silesia also ; for with Cracow in their
possession the Russians would probably have
had Silesia at their mercy.
Russia had two great fortified positions in
Poland, Novo Georgievsk and Iwangorod.
Warsaw, though not entirely without defences,
was j^ractically an open town. Warsaw was the
railway centre of Poland, but the fortified zone
on which it relied was created 18 miles away at
Novo Georgievsk, at the point where the Bug,
swollen a few miles higher up by the waters of
the Narew, flowed into the Vistula. It was
the. usual circle of detached forts, and was
exactly 120 miles from Thorn. The forts of
Novo Georgievsk were on a plateau which com-
manded the channels of the rivers for many
miles. As it lay on the right (or north) bank
of the Vistula, the Germans never came into
contact with it dioring their repeated attempts
upon Warsaw. It effectually blocked any
prospect of advance on the north bank, and
compelled them to select a line of advance to
the south of the river, through Lodz and
Lowicz. They were checked at the Bzura and
the Rawa on their second advance in December,
but had they made good the passage of these
rivers they would still have had terrific
obstacles to overcome. Marshes and woods
extending for a long way from the left bank of
the Vistula gave some protection to the capital,
but the Russians had enormously strengthened
these areas by an elaborate entrenched line
midway between the Bzura and Warsaw. This
series of entrenched positions, which came to
be known as the Blonie line, from the village
through -which it passed, was about 18
miles due west of Warsaw. It was believed that
the Blonie line could be held for almost any
length of time, owing to the support it would
receive from Warsaw. Iwangorod was an
entrenched camp 64 miles south-east of War-
saw, at the jimction of the River Wieprz with
the Vistula. It had nine forts on the right
bank and tlu-ee on the left, and it was near
Iwangorod that von Hindenburg's initial
attempt to seize the line of the Vistula first
broke down. About 150 irdles to the east of
Warsaw, on the River Bug, was Brest-Litovsk,
an immense supply depot ringed with forts,
which was the real base of the Russian opera-
tions in Poland. Warsaw, Novo Georgievsk,
Iwangorod, and Brest-Litovsk were sometimes
described as " the Polish Quadrilateral," but
Warsaw had no pretensions to the strength of
the other places.
When in futiu-e years historians pronounce a
final verdict upon the military and political
strategy of the war, it will probably be declared
that the greatest of the manv mistakes made
WARSAW.
A view of the Vistula.
i
THE TIMES HT STORY OF THE WAE
217
KONIGSBERG.
by Germany was her decision to hack through
Belgium. Frona that initial blunder most
of her other mistakes followed in a natural
sequence. Germany's plan of campaign, com-
pendiously stated, was to overthrow France
first, and to settle with Russia afterwards. She
would probably have had better success if she
had reversed her plan. It was the supposed
need for crushing France first which led to the
invasion of Belgium, with all the evil results
(from the purely German point of view) which
ensued. Germany did not crush France, she
found herself committed in the west to an
enormous front of dangerous length, and by
her brutal treatment of Belgium she alienated
the sympathy of neutral nations throughout the
world. Had she delivered her first great attack
in the east, she might conceivably have para-
lyzed Russia and then turned westward with
greater prospect of success ; but the whole
.subject is only a matter of conjectiire. By the
course Germany took she deprived herself of
any chance of ever achieving her full purpose.
Probably \n any case, she never had any
chance of complete success from the time
England entered the lists, a consideration which
sufficiently accounts for the " Hymn of Hate."
The German plans on the eastern frontier
were largely based on the assumption that the
Russian mobilization would be slow. The
German Staff seem to have proposed to hold
East Prussia and the frontier from Thorn to
Galicia, but not to undertake at first any
offensive operations on a large scale. The
Austro -Hungarian armies in Galicia were
instructed to push northward into Poland in
the direction of Warsaw, and eastward into
Volhynia, in the direction of Kieff. The main
duty of the Austrians cleirly was to keep busy
such Russian forces as were available. It was
even hoped that the Austrian columns based on
Lemberg might take Kieff, for the calculation
was that the Russians would be to a great
extent preoccupied by the Polish insurrection
which Berlin and Vienna confidently expected.
If the 1st Austrian Army, based on Przemysl,
succeeded in marching tlirough Lublin and
got near to Warsaw, then the Gernians would
have made a supporting move from Thorn
towards the Polish capital. But all these
hopes were largely conditional, and the broad
purpose of the Germanic Powt>rs was suuply
to keep the Russian armies contained while
the flower of the German Active Armv rushed
218
Till-: TIMES HlSTOliY of THE WAR.
CRACOW.
through Belgium and Xorthern France and took
I'aris.
Nothing happened on the hnes that the
Gennan Staff presupposed. It is ti'ue that the
Austrian advance from Przeniysl drew very near
to Lubhn, but the Austrians were soon hurrying
back to their own territory. The march on
Ivieff remained nothing but a paper programme,
for the invasion of Volhjniia ended as abruptly
as it had begun, \^^lat completely upset the
German calculations was the swiftness and
steadiness of the Russian mobihzation, which
astonished the whole ^\orld. Before the war
had been in progress many days, powerful and
impetuous Russian armies were pouring into
East Prussia and Galicia, clearing the flanks
of Poland. Until von Hindenburg won his
signal victory at Tannenberg the Russians
were carrying all before them. Tannenberg
partly paralyzed Russian strategj" for a tune,
but it never stopped the persistent Russian
invasion of Galicia, nor did it prevent the Rvis-
sSans from entering East Prussia again as soon
as they were ready. The whole probleni which
Russia had to solve was to clear both her flanks,
and then to take Cracow. To that combined
purpose she recurred again and again, and she
never reallv nhnndoTied it for a moment, even
when Central and Southern Poland were
swarming with German troops and the people
of Warsaw were preparing for flight. Through-
out the whole of the first six months" cam-
I^aigning, Cracow wa.s the lodestone that
attracted the Russians. Cracow was the heart
of the RiLSsian problem. ^Vhile Cracow le-
mained untaken. no advance on the grand scale
into either Prussia or Hungary was possible,
while the chance of reaching Vienna was too
remote to be even discu.ssed. With Cracow in
Russian hands the whole situation would be
changed. The roads through Silesia to Berlin^
or through the Moravian Gat« to Vienna,
would become open. Hungary could be raided
to the gates of Budapest. There could be an
advance in force along the line of the Wart a to
Posen and beyond, without fear of a flank
attack. The difficulties of the invasion of
East Prussia would largely be overcome, because
it was reasonable to suppose that in such an
event the German forces m East Prussia would
soon be compelled to fall back, in order to avoid
being cut off. The key to Russian strategy
was Cracow, and to take that city was the prin-
cipal problem for which a solution had to be
foimd. This was the theoretical side of the
Russian movements. In practice the Russian
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAB.
219
task eventually resolved itself into the problem
ol' clearing Poland of an exceedingly stubborn
invader.
Russia soon found that it was easier to
mobilize her millions than to arm and equip
them and place them in the battle-line. All
the perplexities and obscurities of the early
months of the Russian campaign turned upon
the difficulty of converting mobilized men into
efficient combatants, clothed in imiforms, fur-
nished with rifles and aitununition, and ready
to fight. The actual mobilization was a magni-
ficent piece of organization. From the farthest
confines of the Russian Empire came inter-
minable train -loads of men eager to give their
lives for the Tsar. Mr. Stephen Graham
related how he was in a village in the Altai
Mountains, in the very heart of Asia, when the
mobilization order arrived. The men knew
nothing of the troubles of Europe, and had not
even been told against whom the Tsar had gone
to war. They saddled their ponies and rode
off cheerfully, never questioning the call. The
cities in the rear of the line of conflict became
choked with men, but it was long before they
were all able to march forth as fighting units.
The supply of clothing, of arms, and above all
of ammunition, was insufficient for the count-
less hosts which had been gathered. The
factories of Russia worked without ceasing.
The Allies did their best to supply deficiencies,
so long as there was any chance of getting
supplies into the country. Japan sent great
quantities of warlike stores. Huge purchases
were made from neutrals. Yet it was a very
long time before Rvissia was able to overcome
her manifold needs ; and the lack of material,
and not the fighting qualities of her troops, was
the chief explanation of such reverses as she
occasionally encoimtered in the earlier stages
of the campaign. She had to fight on an
incredibly long front. Her actual fighting line
was at some points dangerously thin. She
was particularly short of big gun ammunition,
a difficulty which soon hampered all the com-
batants alike. A shortage of the means of
waging war lay at the back of all her move-
ments, and the knowledge gnawed at the hearts
of her commanders. In course of time these
obstacles were to a great degree overcome, and
it was calculated that by April, 1915, she would
be very near her maximum strength.
The war brought a solidarity to the Russian
nation such as it had never known before.
Never had Russia been so vmited. There were
strikes in progress at Petrograd and in other
cities when the hour of conflict came. Civil
discontent was rife, and anxious observers
believed that the coimtry was on the verge of
another internal upheaval. It was indeed, but
not in the form which the vigilant watchers in
Berlin had predicted. They had taken due
note of the surface symptoms wliich were
plainly visible, and believed that the war
would find Russia rent asunder by disorder.
They failed to iinderstand the psychology of
the Russian people, just as they failed to under-
stand ever^ other nation around them. The
strikes at Petrograd vanished in a night, and
the Cossacks who had been brought into the
city to preserve order in the Nevsky Prospekt
and the other main thoroughfares found them-
selves acclaimed by the populace. One of them
was heard to say to a comrade : " Is it possible
that these people are cheering ns, or am I
dreaming ? " The Germans and Austrians had
imagined that the Russian crowds would demon-
strate against the war, and clamour for peace
THURN.
KONIGSBERG*^
Allen§tein
Ma sN
iMW.'X^y'^'
^'^^^^'^
220
THE EASTERPH
Tilsii^
kernel..
RNieme?^'
(ovnjo
7
Insterb
<urg
jGurnbinpeh KMariampol^
|.\ VSuwalki
Bakalarimo fs^Se'iny ,
Q T-1-) i.-Tts^ A warggrabona^ XDrussenki
til allays
^. — •^Osowie'c*
^eiiL
-^1
'^x
"^
'en
.Bialvstok
WiJTia"
'^olkovis^
Reference.
Railways i..-
Fortified Places <>
International Boundaries _*..i.««ii_
Marshes ^^ ^^
NoKogrodeIr
Stolbzi
iSlonir
Vlinsk
''Slutskc
Jobruisk
'^.
Ur/etchie
W)Ro2han
/schishew
Jflesntchele
o^isokie Utenski
Liuschtsctia
Liudenevit$hi^,
cGorodets
Siedlce'
■^Brest Litovsk
/?.
/ Lukon
" .tV<K^ ,\u.
-^
Kozienice
'ivanqorod/^
^^^^!^^^l^3ngorod/^
"■""^ ^^yoAlexandna
^Skarischev ^~'^\^XMh I i n
%3//,«yAnnopol
Dhmbrovitza <
II
Wijzy
S<ovel
„^Mo^
iZamosc
Vladimir
S^
^Luzk
(f'^C/^
Sand6iTiir^'S'x^^''°*^ /^-r \ «:^*%- / ^
/7^'sk^ J. ;^ V /j>^ *';v.^./ ^Dubno
Rovao
wT^'--
{Rawaruska
namionka
^Jaroslav j IjwOA "
lGmbei*gl
^Kremenetz.
Grpdek
*N,r-».*-'vC
{l/olotchisk
yb'
Jitomir,
1 '^■'^V
Berd itched
-^^
Zaleszczvskf^
*«Kaminietz
'.«^-
[753/;
%^ Chotin
W,
:e/»
Oorohot -\\\
Debreczen
J»9"
76/
THEATRE OF WAR.
221
222
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
at any price. \^Tien the fateful day came
immense throngs were kneeHng in front of tJie
Winter Palace, and chanting the majestic and
solemn strains of the Russian National Anthem.
For the first time for a century a Tsar of Russia
looked out upon a Russian Empire one and
indivisible, animated by a common purpose,
stung from indifference into an eager desire to
face a common foe. In the Russo-Japanese
War some of the Russian troops had to be
driven into the troop trains at the point of the
bayonet. In August, 1914, the Ru.ssian regi-
ments marched forth gladly, fired by a burning
desire to take up the biirden of a war which
appealed more strongly to the people than
any campaign in which Russia had ever
engaged.
One of the first fruits of the moral change
which Russia underwent was the entire and
ruthless prohibition of the liquor traffic. The
Tsar's imperative order was accepted without a
murmur, and was regarded as a sjmibol of the
transformation which the country had under-
gone. It cost the Russian Exchequer a
revenue of £68,000,000, but Ministers were
speedily heard declaring that it was worth the
price because of the increased efficiency it pro-
duced. Cheap vodka had been the bane of the
populace. The ravages of drink in Russia
cannot be compared with the consequences
of Uquor consumption in the United Kingdom,
because in Russia the effects went considerably
deeper. Really good vodka, drunk in small
quantities, was not a particularly pernicious
beverage. A tiny glass or two, taken with a
dish of fresh caviare of a delicacy unobtainable
outside Russia, had been said to be "as accept-
able as strawberries and cream." The cheap
spirits more widely consumed in Russia were of
very different quality, and the quantities drunk
both unpoverished and debilitated masses of
the people. At first the Tsar's decree only
applied to the period of mobilization, but later
it was extended for the duration of the war.
The result was magical. From the Baltic to
the Pacific not a public -house was open, and
the order was rigidly enforced to the letter.
It was accepted patiently and without complaint
by the entire population. " The result was,"
wrote an observer, " that the army and the
people were serious and sober when they faced
the task imposed upon them. Rioting and
dissipation were things of the past, both at the
front and in the capital." Such wa.s the prave
and earnest mood in which Russia braced her
self for her tremendous task.
The story of the first few months of fighting
in the eastern theatre falls naturally into certain
definite sections. There was first the Russian
invasion of East Prussia, followed by von
Hindenburg's retaliatory stroke, the battle of
Tannenberg, and the unsuccessful attempt of
the Germans to reach and to cross the River
Xiemen. Then came, practically a.s a separate
episode, the Riissian invasion of Galicia and
the first defeats of the Austrian armies. This
was preceded by the brief Austrian invasion
of Poland, after which followed the swift
Russian advance, the fall of Lemberg, the
investment of Przemysl, and all the confused
fighting which carried the Russians to the crest
of the Carpathians, and even enabled them to
make brief incxirsions into Hungary. These
first operations of the Russians in Galicia were
as remarkable and as complete as the swift Ger-
man invasion of France in 1870. The next
extremely definite movement was von Hinden-
burg's first invasion of Central and Southern
Poland, which very nearly reached Warsaw,
and actually reached the Upper Vistula near
Iwangorod. It was accompanied by fierce,
simultaneous conflicts between Aiistrians and
Russians on the line of the San. AH these
movements collapsed, and the failure of the
Austrian and German offensive had as its sequel
a general withdrawal. The Russians in their
turn then struck south-westward from Warsaw,
and westward through Galicia, at Cracow. They
had all but reached the city when von Hinden-
burg, who had concentrated afresh, rushed once
more at Warsaw, the movement constituting
the second German invasion of Poland. It
instantly compelled the Russians to fall back
and straighten their line. They held the Ger-
mans before Lodz and around Lowicz for many
days, and at one moment ahnost succeeded in
encircling two German army corps, a brilliant
effort which raised unfounded expectations in
the west. Eventually the Germans dug them-
selves in on the line of the rivers Bziu-a and
Rawa, south of the Vistula, and some distance
west of Warsaw. The New Year found them
still tenaciously entrenched in tliis position.
All these operations will be related in detail,
and in the order noted, in the chapters which
follow.
CHAPTER LVI.
THE FIRST INVASION OF EAST
PRUSSIA.
Motives of Russian Strategy — The Russo- Prussian Frontier — Possible Routes and Ter-
rain— First Russian Successes — Their Effect in Germany — Von Hindenburg to the Rescue
— Hindenburg's Career — German Victory of Tannenberg — Its Importance and Conse-
quences—The Subsequent German Advance — Russia's Revenge on the Niemen — Battle.
OF AuGusTowo — Results of First Five Months of War.
EARLY in 1914 the reoganization of the
Russian military system had already
gone so far that the General Staff
was able to announce that it would
adopt an offensive strategy in the next European
war. The Russian tradition that an aggressor
is best defeated by luring him into the vast
distances of the interior, there to be dealt with
by Generals January and February, asserted
itself again and again during the vicissitudes of
the eventful struggle on the Eastern Front,
but it was not the dominant idea in the early
days of August. An invasion of East Prussia
presented itself as a tempting and inevitable
task. The Russians knew that the Germans
had underestimated the rapidity of their
mobilization. They knew that two factors
had combined to induce the Germans to post
inadequate forces in East Prussia — the im-
perious need of securing an early triumph
in France, and the habitual German tendency
to undervalue Russian efficiency. A march
into East Prussia was all but imposed upon
them. It was natural to argue that before
any advance through Poland itself could be
contemplated, the northern flanlc must be
cleared. Every army has its historical memo-
ries which are apt to govern the thinking of its
chiefs. By this route Russian armies had
advanced when they occupied Berlin in the
Seven Years' War, and again when they
pursued Napoleon after Moscow. Strategists
have always a maximum and a minimum object
before them. Civilians and journalists talked
gaily of marching through East Prussia to
Berlin, and in the ranks of the Russian Army
that ambition gave a naeaning to their advance.
Scientific soldiers were more cautious, for they
knew very well that the defensive lines of the
Vistula, with the great fortresses of Danzig,
Graudenz, and Thorn would not be carried
without efforts and sacrifices inadvisable at
this stage of the campaign. The lesser objects
seemed none the less sufficient to justify the
invasion. It was mucli to clear the northern
flank of Poland and well worth while to occupy
this thriving province, with its prosperous
agricultui'e and its population of two million
inliabitants. If no further u\ditary use were
made of the invasion, a province securely held
223
224
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
Keuit
Schbnn
/
Postelaa
\.
Lau^czai'^
i >— I ' I 1
.J'jr
•>zal"
Krao
i'(fc'_ "=- Lochstadi
LP ilia I
7KDI
Lab I a u'
iIGSBERG
^T><Kov n 0
••apifq'izin Viff ' _
I n s Lerby r£ 5f j/W".
'<;?<7
)JUv<
,_ oW'lUow>^s?l<i
\.r--Bf'3u°
mno
IIG]
Tscha
lbm(
\flartenst«/ii
Puns!'
''I'O'mrfitt
•scnau I, Q -c
'oMarienburg Ueb§udt\
I \ V, Mnhrnnnen
".«?;
>uwalki
>
-iAIIenstein
[S-
S9)rte!st
luro
^"""7 Br.?
'<' Neur^ork rY,„„t, \Musch4ken ,W <^" 6 \ fNomou .-^
>Strasbijrq— ^Neidenburq oChorzele ^ tio^ogrc^^
.l,o'^. ./^^^^/ °P^pto»o ^Ostrol en ka Lorn
•- sX,eVz,etn,e **>{MlaY^a o^'-^^^''^^ '-^W^ ■
S ^ V f t\ Zambrom
jrn"' Ugoszczo
maifo*/
^" oVaigrod,
ohanmsburg X^:con?.^''"'""^i'
I ^_ lA/. — 1/^ o^\ Avassilkort
Zamorowo o y^i 'iura^^h °^bludow
Czyzer/o^^\i
o ^^ K"
^^^
THE RUSSO-PRUSSIAN FRONTIER.
is always an article of barter when the moment
of settlement arrives. East Prussia was,
moreover, no ordinary German province. At
Konigsberg was the seat of the Prussian
dukes, and there the King of Prussia was
-crowned. The gentry of the province, descended
from the Knights of the Teutonic Order, were
the flower and type of that stubborn, limited,
but capable squirearchy which was the back-
bone of the Prussian State and the Prussian
Army. A blow at this outlying province
^vas in point of sentiment a direct thrust at the
heart of Prussian confidence and Prussian
pride.
The routes which an invasion of East Prvissia
>iust follow were dictated by the few main
lines of communication of which the Russians
disposed. Three railways only crossed the
frontier. The first was the great trunk road
from Petrograd to Berhn, which crossed the
River Niemen at the fortress of Kovno, passed
the frontier at Wirballen-Eydtkuhnen, and
traversed the province tlirough Insterburg,
Allenstein and Eylau to Thorn. The second,
and least important of the three, left the main
Vilna-Warsaw line at Bialystok, passed the
minor fortress of Osowiec, crossed the frontier
beyond Grajevo, and at Lyck entered the
intricate lake country, and continued to
Konigsberg. The third line ran from Warsaw
to Mlawa, and continued through Eylau to
Danzig. The frontier nowhere presented an
appreciable obstacle, nor had the Germans
been at pains to fortify it. It was a purely
conventional line, which marked the political
division of the area between the Niemen and the
Vistula. Nature knew nothing of it, and on
either side stretched the same flat expanses
of heath and forest, of lake and swamp, varied
by fertile fields in which rye and potatoes
were grown. The intricate chains of lakes
were a formidable obstacle to an invasion-
Artificial obstacles existed only in the shape of
two small forts (Boyen and Lyck) commanding
defiles among the Masurian Lakes. Konigsberg,
indeed, was a first-class ring fortress, but while
an invader would be compelled to contain ifc
and isolate it, it was so situated that it did not
interfere with the occupation of the greater
part of the province.
The Russian plan of campaign provided for
the invasion of East Priossia by two armies
along the two main routes. The first, or
Vilna Army concentrated behind the Niemen,
and had its bases at the fortresses of Kovno
and Grodno. The Second or Warsaw Army
concentrated behind the river Narew. It
detached a portion of its forces to penetrate the
Masurian Lakes by Bialla and Lyck, but its
main line of advance was by Mlawa-Soldau.
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
22&
Both armies were commanded by generals who
had made a certain reputation amid the faihires
of their colleagues in the Manchurian campaign.
General Rennenkampf had commanded a
division which included some famous Siberian
regiments, which did good service at Mukden.
To him fell the leadership of the Niemen
Army in the direct march from the east on
Konigsberg. The Narew Army, which invaded
from the south, was under General Samsonoff,
an officer who had won no small popularity
and a considei'able professional reputation.
Born in 1859, he had passed from the cavalry
to the general staff. His service had been chiefly
in Turkestan, and he had commanded Siberian
Cossacks with distinction in Manchuria.
The Niemen Army was the first to encounter
a large force of the enemy, and it will be con-
venient to consider its march separately
bearing in mind that it was engaged in a con-
certed and converging invasion, in which it
was all important to seciire the proper timing
of the move from the east with the move
from the south. It was a complete army,
and its composition was as follows :
The 2nd, 3rd, 4th, and 12th (active) Army
Corps.
The 3rd and 4th Reserve Divisions.
Five Cavalry Divisions, including the Guard.
Its numerical strength must have been from
225,000 to 250,000 men, and further reserves
were busily collected behind the Niemen.
The early days of the campaign, while mobili-
zation continued, were employed in cavalry
raids and reconnaissances. The Germans only
once attempted an offensive ; in these
small affairs the enterprise was on the Russian
side. A Russian cavalry division (the 3rd)
crossed the frontier, south of Eydtkulinen on
August 6. Two days later (the 8th) a small
force of Russian infantry with machine guns
was skirmishing far to the north, almost up to
the outskirts of the important town of Tilsit,
memorable for an historic meeting between
Napoleon and the Tsar Alexander. Its mission
was to destroy the railway line. A cavah'y
reconnaissance on a larger scale, in which three
divisions took part,' on the 10th, helped to
raise the spirits of the Russians, and gave con-
fidence to its leaders. General Rennenkain{)f
v/ith his Staff visited the fighting lines, and the
impression was general that these skirmishes
had dissipated the legend of German invinci-
bility. In one of these early engagements the
Russian Cavalry of the Guard covered itself
with glory. A certain village in advance of
the German lines was held by a strong body of
sharpshooters with two field guns, which were
doing terrible cxeciition at short range against
the Riissian advance. To clear the village was
infantry work, but the "Gardes a Cheval "
and the " Chevaliers Gardes " were at hand
and ready, and the infantry was far behind.
Three squadrons were dismoimted. They fixed
the bayonets, which the Russian cavalry carry,
to their carbines, and under the fire of the two
gims and of a distant battery, attacked the village
in open order, and cleared it house by house.
They lost two-thirds of their officers in the pro-
cess, but still they advanced, charging over the
open space upon the German lines. At the
psychological moment a mounted squadron
was latmched on the two guns. It sabred the
men who served them, and then wheeling roimd,
crashed into the flank of the Gterman infantry
as the three dismounted squadrons reached
their front. The exploit was costly, but it was
one of many minor achievements which set
Rennenkampf s Army marching forward with
the confidence of victory.
The general advance may be said to have
begun on August 16, the seventeenth dav of
GENERAL SAMSONOFF.
Killed !n East Prussia.
22G
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
the Russian mobilization. On the 17th the
RiLssian van encountered the Gennan 1st
(Konigsberg) Army Corps, which fought a
delaying action at Stalluponen. It was a
stubborn contest while it lasted, and the Ger-
mans claimed to have taken the improbable
number of 3,000 prisoners with six machine
gun? before they fell back on Gumbimien.
Here was fought the first considerable battle
of this campaign. The lUissian advance
covered a front of about 35 miles, from Pil-
kallen on the north to Goldap on the south.
The centre followed the line of main road and
railway froin Stalluponen to Gumbinnen.
The ground was fiat and nearly featvireless, a
country of rye and potato fields, with scattered
farmhouses, little villages and windinills. The
Russian left had to clear and traverse the pine
\\ oods which stretch for many a mile east and
north of the important railway junction of
Goldap. The Russians had at their disposal
four corps of the active army and two reserve
divisions. The Germans had only one first
line corps (the 1st) with two reserve corps, and
were therefore outnumbered by at least five to
thi-ee. They relied in this, as in all the fighting
on the Eastern Front, mainly on their second
and third line troops. A force so manifestly
inferior could only hope to fight an obstinate
delaying action. The dispositions in this
battle presented few features of interest. It
began on the extreme right of the Russian lines
at Pilkallen. The little town was cleared
without much difficulty, and the Germans \\ ho
held it fell back south-westwards towards
Gumbiimen. The main battle was fought next
day (the 20th) before Gumbinnen. It is a
picturesque country town, with many fine old
gabled houses, dating from the early eighteenth
century, when it was colonized by Austrian
Protestant refugees from Salzburg. It had
14,000 inhabitants, and was distant 22 miles
from the Russian frontier. General Rermen-
kampf's tactics were extremely simple. He
had a numerical superiority which inight have
suggested the possibility of an enveloping
movement. He preferred a straightforward
frontal attack on the enemy's centre. The
fighting iDegan at dawn with an artillery duel,
bvxt the Russian infantry charged with irre-
sistible ardour without waiting for much in the
way of artillery' preparation, and carried
position after position by the use of the bayonet
and the hand grenade. The Germans counter-
attacked ^^■ith stubborn coiu^age, and some of
the ground changed hand.s .several times in the
course of the day. One Cierman brigade was
caught in a cross-fire of rifles and Maxims, and
left 3,000 dead on the field. The fighting la.sted
fourteen hoiu-s, and it was only at nightfall
that the Germans withdrew. The German
wings held out longer, and von Fran9ois (the
general of Huguenot descent, who commanded
tlie Konigsberg corps, and its two auxiliary
corps) niay even have hoped to outflank on the
north. A German cavalry division retook
Pilkallen on the 20th. It was expelled again
on the 21st by a superior force of Ru-ssian
cavalry, and had much difficulty in rejoining
the main army. Roiuid Goldap also the
fighting continued obstinately throughout the
21st. The 1st Corps, with its supports, had
meanwhile fallen back through the town of
Gimibinnen, and thence on Insterburg.
It is hard to say whether von Francois
could have achieved anj-thing by attempting
a fiu-ther delaying action in the prepared
positions east of Insterbiu"g. The place was
an important railway centre, the junction of
lines to Konigsberg, Tilsit, Goldap, and above
all the key of the vital south-western line to
AUenstein and Thorn. It was a dignified
country town, with a fine market-square, and
about twice the population of Gumbinnen
(31,000). It would have been worth much to
delay Rermenkampf here, but the importance
even of these railway's might be exaggerated.
The East Prussian system was so amply
designed that Konigsberg was still very far
from being isolated, even when it lost touch
with Insterbiu-g. The Germans, moreover,
had lost heavily in men at Gumbinnen, and
they could not afford to repeat that loss in-
definitely. The Russians took 12 field
gims and 400 prisoners there, some of whom
were Poles who boasted that they had not fired
a shot against their brother Slavs. One notes
the puzzimg statement in the German oflficial
news, that von Francois on his side took 8,000
prisoners and some heavy gvms. An army
which elects to retire may none the less have
acliieved some local tactical success, but this
German claim was improbably high. A re
tirement was ordained, but tlie Germans niust
have imagined tliat they had inflicted a severe
check on Rermenkampf' s advance. A notice
posted up in Insterburg stated that the German
troops must " obey a superior order to march
elsewhere," but told the inhabitants that the
Russians could hardlv arrive within a week.
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
227
EFFECTS OF RUSSIAN BOMBAKDMEN T IN EAST PRUSSIA.
Top left: A wrecked street; top right: The last German Patrol leaving; centre: Irussian refugees
leaving their homes ; bottom left : Barracks at Soldau ; bottom right : A ruined town.
22S
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
GENERAL RENNENKAMPF (marked with a cross) AND HIS STAFF.
In a town in East Prussia.
and counselled them to remain in their houses
and welcome the invaders with " hospitality."
The Russians reached Insterbvirg in point of
fact late on the 23rd, and by the 24th had occu-
pied it in force. Henceforward Rennenkampf's
advance was practically unopposed. His left
wing pressed on from Goldap to Darkelimen,
and southwards to Angerburg, on the edge of
the lake countrj-. Thence it followed the
cross-country strategical railway Nordenburg-
Gerdauen-Allenburg. On the north it held
Tilsit, and the Tilsit-Konigsberg railway as
far as Labiau. On the main line to Konigsberg
it reached Tapiau. The northern portion of
East Prussia was securely held as far as the
River Alle, and Rennenkampf's cavalry pushed
doA\-nwards as far as Rastenburg and Korschan
Junction. The claim was currently made for
it in the Press that it had " invested " Konigs-
berg. It hardly did that, for it left open the
vital Konigsberg-Danzig railway. But cer-
tainly it threatened Konigsberg, and might
soon expect to be able to contain its garrison,
and to press on towards Danzig and the Vistula.
It held the main railway line, but the use which
it could make of tliis facihty was limited. The
gauge of the Russian differs from that of the
German railway system, and though some rolling
stock had been captiu-ed, it is not probable
that it sufficed for all the needs of a great army.
The prospect was dazzling, for the only con-
siderable German force in this portion of East
Prussia had been defeated, and no longer
ventvu-ed to give battle. The retirement
of von Francois from Insterburg had more-
over been hasty, and the road to Konigsberg
was littered with quantities of abandoned
material.
Meanwhile the Army of the Xarew was ad-
vancing rapidly and successfully from the south.
It was of about the same strength as the Army :
of the Niemen, and consisted of five army ■
corps of the active army, and three cavalry
divisions, and cannot have fallen far short of
a total of a quarter of a miUion men. General
Samsonoff had to operate in a niiich more diffi- '.
cult country than General Rennenliampf — the
region of the Masurian Lakes. He advanced ,
along three lines :
(1) North-west by the Warsaw -Mia wa-Soldau
railway ;
(2) To Lyck by the Osowiec line, and thence
by a detour south of the larger lakes to Johan-
nisburg ;
(3) To Lyck, and thence by a still wider
detoiu" above Lake Spirding.
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAF.
229
THE FLKJHT FROM EAST PRUSSIA.
1. A home in the fields. 2. Refugees in Berlin.
3. On the wav to Berlin. 4. On the road.
280
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
GENERAL VON FRANCOIS.
9'
The Russians found the enemy in very
inferior numbers. In the early stages of this
in^•asion only one corps of the active arn'iy, the
20th, was present in thLs region, but as it was
stationed in times of peace at Allenstein, it had
at least the advantage of famiharity with this
diflficult country. The German defence de-
pended for the rest upon Landwehr troops,
the middle-aged men of the countryside,
called to the colours to defend their own soil.
A brigade of Landwehr fought a delaying action
at Soldau, and were of covu"se forced back by
superior numbers of younger troops. Neiden
burg was next won. Allenstein was taken by
the Russians after a stiff contest with the
Land%\ehr. The hardest of this series of en-
gagements was at Franlcenau, where Samson-
off' s right encoiuitered the German 20th Corps,
entrenched in strong prepared positions with
rifle pits and \\ire entanglements. It held
them for two days (the 23rd and 24th) and then
gave way partly to the determined frontal
attacks of the Russians, and partly to an out-
flanking march of the Russian right. Its
retreat to Osterode was some%vhat hasty, and
it was forced to abandon guns, stores, and
prisoners. On the same day that Rennen-
kampf entered Insterburg, Samsonoff had
broken the resistance of the weak forces whicli
opposed the advance of the Narew Army.
His cavalry swung round by Sensburg and
Bischofsburg, as far as Rothfhess, a junction
station on the main line, from which a branch
lino ran up to Konigsberg. The main line
was also held more solidly at Allenstein, an
important junction and garrison town, an air-
ship station, and the headquarters of the 20th
Corps. The Russians, in short, had driven the
enemy from all that part of East Prussia which
lay east and south of the main railway line.
On the north they were far to the west of it.
Rennenkampf's front now faced south-west,
on the line Friedland-Gerdauen-Xordenburg-
Angerburg. Samsonoff occupied the triangle
Soldau- Allenstein-Frankenau. The intervening
space was over-run by their cavalry, which had
nearly, but not quite, met. In a few days the
converging invasions would meet, and two
Russian armies totalling nearly half-a-million
men would be threatening the lines of the
Vistula. The Germans had lost the use of
nearly one-half of their elaborate system of
strategic railways, and the intricate defences of
the lake-country had not availed to stay the
invaders.
It was a black week for German confidence
A\ hich opened on Sunday the 23rd. The inva-
sion of their territory was a heavy blow to their
military pride. They were now suffering
something of what they had themselves in-
flicted on the Belgians. The civil population
of East Prussia was everywhere fleeing before
the invaders. The townsmen poured into
Konigsberg and Danzig. The peasants packed
a few belongings in their carts and trudged the
roads in vast disconsolate cohuuns, impeding
the movements of the troops and dislocating
the supplies of food. Feu" of these fugitives
waited for the appearance of the Russians : they
fled from their owai terror of the Cossac ks. For
the modern German the Cossack was still what
he was in the days of the Seven Years' War and
the Napoleonic campaigns, a pitiless and un-
disciplined marauder. The usvial tales of
atrocity, miirder, and mutilation were told with
the usual levity. Some frontier towns were
destroyed by artillery or burned as a punitive
measure against civiUan combatants. There
were, of course, the usual requisitions of food.
Some pillaging there naay have been when
houses were found deserted, but the German
newspapers stated quite candidly that in the
to\vns at least the Russians paid for what they
took, and one case is cited in which a Cossack
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
231
convicted of robbery was promptly shot as an
example. The Mayor of Insterburg, Herr von
Sachs, wrote an article in wliich he condemned
the senseless cowardice of the fugitives, and
went on to eulogise the " civility and con-
■iideration " of the Cossacks, the respectful
behaviour of the Russian troops generally
towards v/omen, summing up with a formal
statement that to his personal knowledge the
behaviour of the Cossacks towards the civil
population was " exemplary and irreproach-
able."' The panic, none the less, was general, and
even Berlin was soon called upon to pro\'ide
for many thousands of refugees, who arrived
from the occupied territory. So little secure
did the Germans feel, even on the lines of the
Vistula, that the sluices at Elbing were opened
and the country flooded. An almost pathetic
telegram from the Kaiser reflected the general
mood. It expressed his "deep sympathy"
with his " loyal provinces of East Prussia " on
the infliction of this invasion, and bade them
" steadfastly believe in the help of the living
God, who up to the present has rendered the
German nation such wonderful assistance in its
just cause and defence."
It was not until after the defeat at Guxn-
binnen that the Germans began to take the
danger to East Prussia seriously. They were
aljsorbed in their offensive in P'rance, and they
had left only five corps of the active army (the
1st, 20th, 17th, 5th, and 6th) to operate on the
entire Eastern Front. Of these the (ith
(Breslau) was sent to assist the Austrians in
Galicia, and only two (the 1st and 20th) were
at this moment available in East Prussia.
On Saturday, the 22nd, the General Staff
realized that serious measvires must be taken
to stop the Russian advance, and a telegram
from the Kaiser summoned General von
Hindenburg to conduct them. He was waiting
for the call, and on Sunday, the 23rd, he
reached his headquarters at Rlarienburg, a
fortress town near the mouth of the VistvUa, on
the extreme edge of the invaded province. He
arrived when the German fortunes were at
their lowest ebb, and the story of how within
a week he tvirned the tide and achieved one
of the few really decisive victories in this war
makes a brilliant page even in the rich military
history of Germany.
Paul von Hindenburg was, when the war broke
out, a well-preserved veteran of sixty-seven,
living in retirement at Hanover. He came of
a typical Prussian family, and for two centuries
his ancestors had served the State, as officers
and officials. Their estate was at Neudeck
in West Prussia, on the edge of the province
which he was called upon to save, a place rich
in memories of the Napoleonic wars — of a
COMMANDEERING.
232
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
GENERALS VON HINDENBURG (left) AND VON LUDENDORFF (right).
grandfather who had dealt face to face with the
Emperor, and of a woiinded French soldier
who had been nursed back to health after the
retreat from Moscow. The General's father
was a regimental officer who retired with the
rank of major, and he himself was born in the
garrison town of Posen. The traditions of the
family are described in an engaging and very
simple-minded biograjihy by the General's
younger brother. They were based on that
curious amalgam of piety, loyalty, and mili.
tarism which was the moral foundation of the
Prussian " Junker " class. Paul von Hinden-
burg entered the Service at the beginning of
Germany's period of military glory. He left
the military college to serve as a heutenant
in the Austrian campaign, and was slightly
Moimded and decorated for gallantry at his
first battle. He fought in the French war at
St. Privat, Sedan, and Paris. Thereafter, he
served on the staff of the 1st Army Corps at
Konigsberg. Here began the studies which
absorbed his mind for the rest of his military
career. He was fascinated by the problem
of turning the mazes of the Jlasiu-ian lakes and
sv\amps to account for the defence of East
Prussia. On duty and on holiday he tramped
every mile of the country, and knew to a nicetj'
what gravelly shore would bear the weight of
a field-gun, and which swamp would engulf
a battery. He lectvu-ed on this subject at the
StafT College in Berlin, and in later life success-
fully led the military opposition to a promising
scheme launched by an agricultural sjTidicate
for the drainage and cultivation of these in-
valuable marshes. His military career was one
TEl^' TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
233
of regular but not brilliant advancement,
and he retired in 1911 from the conimand
of an Army Corps. Of genius no one suspected
him, and his powerful, square-cut face suggests
rather resolution and method thaii inspiration.
How far his brilliant success in East Prussia
is proof of a military talent of the first order,
how far it was the outcome of very special
study and minute tojaographical knowledge,
it is not easy to decide. He soon became the idol
of Germany, but there were many who thought
that a greater soldier than Hindenburg was his
brilliant Chief of Staff, General von Ludendorff.
The strategical problem that confronted
Hindenburg was, with very limited forces,
and those largely composed of second-line
inaterial, to beat two armies which had nearly
united, each of them equal to his own in numbers
and possibly a little more than equal. Clearly
he must take them in detail, before they
supported each other. The essence of success
was rapidity of movement and promptitude
in assembling his forces. He set to work to
gather all the men he could muster, but so
siu-e was he of his stroke, that he did not wait
to secm-e more than a local superiority in
niunbers against one-half of the enemy's
forces. He resolved to deal first of all with
Samsonof5's army, and then, if that first stroke
should prosper, with Rennenkampf. His chief
strategical asset was the superb railway system
of Prussia. It worked night and day collecting
an army for him, and one German war-corre-
spondent described the congestion at the end,
when a solid and miinterrupted procession of
trains filed back and forward on the main line
from Thorn to Osterode. The available re-
sources in men were, however, very limited.
On the spot was the beaten 20th Corps and its
Landwehr supports. The next step was to
bring down von Francois' army from Konigs-
berg — the 1st Corps and its Reserve auxiliaries.
Some part of it was left in Konigsberg to
reinforce the garrison, but the equivalent of
two corps undoubtedly came down to join
in Hindenburg' s coup. A choice of railway
routes was open to it by Elbing and Marien-
burg. The sea was also open to Danzig. Tlie
garrisons of Graudenz, Thorn, and possibly of
Posen were laid under contribution. They
probably consisted mainly of Landwehr troops,
but they supplied what was at least as neces-
sary as men — heavy guns. The Russian
General Staff, according to the military critic
of the Russkoe Slovo, reckoned that by these
means Plindenburg was able to gather nine
divisions. That is a maximum estimate. Of
these, seven divisions had already been heavily
engaged, and must have been mucli weakened.
Two consisted of fresh troops from the for-
tresses. Of these nine divisions (if there were
so many), four only were first-line troops.
Hindenburg had, in short, the equivalent of
about four full army corps (at most 160:00C
men). Samsonoff liad five corps (over 200,000
men) under his command. They were some-
what scattered, and it is said that not more
than three and a half corps (seven divisions)
were actvxally engaged in the disastrous struggle
among the lakes which came to be known as t he
Battle of Tannenberg. Where precisely the
other corps and a half was posted (if it was
absent), it is not possible to say, nor why it
failed to come up to take part in the battle.
The Germans in their official accounts stated
emphatically that they had been dealing with a
superior force of five corps. The Russian
military critics were no less insistent that
Hindenbiu-g had much the larger force. It is
not possible to dogmatize on the point, though
one ixiay note that even if Hindenburg had
this not very large numerical superiority, it was
nothing more than a local and temporary
superiority, achieved at one point by his energy,
against an enemy who outnumbered him by
two to one. More than half his force, more-
over, was composed of Landwehr formations,
while the whole Rvissian Army was drawn
from the " active " first line. A theory grew
up that Hindenburg drew his army lai-gely
from the Western Front, and the estimates of
the number of corps which were sent to him
from Belgium rose steadily from one to five or
even seven. These corps were never named or
identified. The theory was based on the state-
ments definitely made and puhlishe-d at the
time that on Friday night, the 28th, German
troops were seen entraining in Belgium for the
East. At that moment Tannenberg was
virtually won. If these reinforcements (what-
ever their extent) were destined for East
Prussia, ratlirr than Galioia or Poland, thry
nuist have arrived at a later stage, wluii
the Germans had already crossiMi tiie Ru.ssian
frontier. The probabilities aie h.eavily against
this th(>ory.
Hindenburg handled his tactical pronlen\
as skilfully - as he had conceived Ins lun;id
strategical plan. The Knssians had iHi\;nieed
with \ery little forethiuiulit • t'nr then- ea.sy
284
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAB.
THE MASURIAN LAKE COUNTRY.
A German trench with barbed wire entanglements in front.
successes against an inferior enemy had led
them to suppose that they had nothing worse
to fear than a repetition of the same aimless
opposition. They learned, as the fight went
on, that they were dealing with larger masses of
the enemy than they had yet encountered, but
they realized too late that they were fighting
against a well -conceived idea. They had some
aviators, and an abimdance of cavalry, but
their intelligence department was clearly defec-
tive. Samsonoff's army was massed within
the triangle Soldau-AUenstein-Frankenau. No
attempt had been made to occupy the good
road which ran from Osterode through Gilgen-
burg to Soldau, still less the two railways which
fed Soldau from Eylau, Graudenz and Thorn.
Von Hindenburg's first step was to occupy this
road (much of it concealed by forest) and to
make himself master of Soldau junction. This
line was gained on Wednesday, the 26th, only
three days after Hindenburg had assumed
the command. It was a line easily defended,
for there were marshes before it and a good
road behind it. Above all, there were railways
at either end of it by which its flanks could be
reinforced. Samsonoff saw that the loss of
Soldau might be fatal to him, for it cut him off
from liis own main line of retreat and supply.
He tried on the 27th to concentrate his forces
to retake Soldau, but the tract within his
triangle was ill-supplied with roads, his forces
were scattered, and he could not convert his
total superiority in numbers into a superiority
at the threatened place. He dislocated his
forces to defend his left, only to be driven back-
wards to Neidenburg, and still further isolated.
The German line was also active on its left.
One of the hottest corners of the great battle
was at Hohenstein. In this pleasant village
of 3,000 inhabitants the Russians were in con-
siderable force, struggling to break Hinden-
burg's line by forcing a way to the north-west.
Their opponents were at first Landwehr troops,
and the fightmg lasted for three days (20th to
28th). It was decided partly by the arrival of
heavy artillery, which battered the place and
its outlying defences to pieces, partly by the
coming of reinforcements of first-line troops
from AUenstein. which the Russians had
evacuated. Two days after the battle a German
war-correspondent saw the streets still full of
dead Russians and dead horses. The village
was carried eventually by a bayonet charge.
Some of the Russian defenders hid in its cellars ;
many surrendered ; the remainder were driven
back upon the marshes and lakes behind it.
On the 27th and 28th Hindenburg developed
the more formidable part of his plan. He
had already taken the first step to surroimd
Samsonoff, by turning him with his right wing
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
235
at Neidenburg. He now gave his left wing an
enormous extension. The Russians had aban-
doned Allenstein more easily than Soldau,
failing to realize that it was the key to their
position. The Germans thus regained the us-e
of their trunk railway as far as Rothfliess, and
eventually of part of the branch line which
runs down to Passenheim and Ortelsburg.
They did not rely mainly on the railway, how-
ever. They had also the good main road
which runs beside it, and they used petrol to
give mobility to their infantry. From all the
towns within reach they had collected every
conceivable species of motor-vehicle. Omni-
buses, taxicabs, and tradesmen's lorries were
loaded with all the human burden they could
carry, to the number of many tens of thousands
of men, with a due complement of machine guns.
This novel motor-infantry swept round the
Russian right as far as distant Bischof sburg. It
took Wartenburg on the railway and then
moved down the road to Passenheim, which
was captured only after a bloody and deter-
mined struggle. The Germans now held three
good roads which ran round three sides of the
Russian position. They could move their heavy
guns upon them, and they flung their shells at
will iipon the Russian masses, congested and
bewildered in a nearly roadless area of swamps
and woods. It seems at first sight increcUble
that anything but a very superior armj'' could
surround another so effectually. The achieve-
ment is, however, by no means impossible in
these conditions even for a nimierically in-
ferior force. Hindenburg was able, as it were,
to multiply his forces, partly by his foresight
in providing motor transport, partly by his
skill in mancEuvring to secure the roads. His
minute knowledge of the topography of the
district enabled him, moreover, so to utilize the
swamps and lakes that, he need hold only the
solid intervals between them ; while the un-
lucky Russians, ignorant of the country, lost
entire batteries in the marshes, and were
drowned as often as they were shot. By the
30th whole battalions and even regiments were
laying down their arms, and the only question
was how many could escape by the only road
open to them, via Ortelsbui'g and Johannisburg.
On the 31st, in a last effort to rally his men
and organize the retreat, Samsonoff, who had
borne himself amid the disaster with steadfast
GERMAN SOLDIERS IN TANNENBERG.
2m
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
COSSACKS ENTERING LYCK. EAST PRUSSIA.
gallantry, rode with his whole Staff into a fire-
swept zone. " My place is with my men," was
his answer to remonstrances. He was. examin-
ing a map, when a shell burst in the midst of
his Staff. It killed him on the spot, and with
him General Pestitch, his Chief of Staff, and
several junior officers. His personal reputation
suffered nothing in this defeat, and Russian
opinion inclined rather to blame his colleague,
General Zhilinsky, for the disaster. A Corps -
commander. General Martos, was captured in
his motor-car as he sought to escape. The
Germans made in all about 90,000 unwounded
prisoners in this battle. The killed, wounded
and drowned must have numbered another
30,000 at least. One corps escaped intact
before Ortelsburg was taken and the way of
escape finally sealed, and with it about half of
another. Isolated fragments of other corps or
cavalry divisions are said to have broken
away south to the Russian frontier, or north
to join Rermenkampf.
Hindenburg had destroyed one of the two
armies with which he had to deal. He had
won the most complete victory which had
so far fallen to any commander in any single
battle of the war. His prisoners were as
numerous as those taken at Sedan. He now
turned with hardly a pause for rest or re-
organization to the other half of his task. He
advanced, as rapidly as the damaged railways
allowed, against the Army of the Niemen, north-
wards with a trend to the east. His aim was
to strike up past Nordenburg, Angerburg and
Goldap to Gumbinnen or Eydtkuhnen, in order
to intercept Rennenkampf's retreat. Tlie
manoeuvre failed in the sense that this Russian
army was not cut off. It succeeded in the sense
that the threat to its left and rear compelled it
to fall rapidly back on its bases and reserves
on the Niemen. The fighting nowhere amounted
to more than a rearguard action, but it cost the
Russians the loss of some 30,000 prisoners,
captured in bodies of 500 or 1,000 at a time in
isolated positions. It hurried their retreat so
that 150 guns and great quantities of warlike
material were abandoned on the roads.
On September 11 the Russians evacuated
Insterburg, and in a general order dated from
that town on the 15th, General von Hindenburg
was able to armounce that Prussia was free
from the last of the invaders, and that German
troops had penetrated Russia. A Reserve army
from Grodno, including a fresh corps from
Finland and a fine Siberian corps, had been
defeated with some difficulty at Lyck, and
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
237
again in a small affair at August owo. Suwalki,
the administrative centre of the Russian frontier
province, was occupied by the Germans, who
set up a permanent administration, and allowed
the wives of officers to join their husbands.
The signs of over-confidence may be read also
between the lines of General von Hindenburg's
orders. He had achieved a brilliant success,
which his under-estimation of the enemy was
soon to neutralize. The obscure, retired soldier
had become in a short three weeks the idol of
the German people, and the Kaiser confirmed
the popular verdict by making him a Field-
Marshal and entrusting him with the supreme
command of all the German forces in the
East.
The dashing Russian invasion of East Prussia
had failed, and had cost ovu- Ally the loss of an
army. It is easy to see, after the event, by
what altered dispositions the mischance might
have been averted. Samsonoff paid little atten-
tion to the enemy's communications, which he
neither occupied nor destroyed, and Rennen-
kampf lost time in making contact with the
Narew Army. The larger question is whether,
in spite of the disaster, this great enterprise had
a salutary effect on the Allied position as a
whole. It is probably a mistake to suppose
that it caused any direct and immediate trans-
ference of troops from France to East Prussia.
But without a doubt it did indirectly contribute
to relieve the pressure on the Western front.
It demonstrated the power of the Russians to
assume an early offensive, and forced the
Germans to provide against its renewal. It
led the Germans to regard the whole Eastern
front with a new anxiety and a new interest.
It was the starting-point in adventm-e after
adventure, in which they hiirled their forces
on Warsaw, wasting their resources in the
process. It was a shrewd blow from the left
against a boxer whose whole attention had been
directed to his right. It forced him at length
to direct his energies to both fronts, and to meet
the offensive by a counter-offensive. It was at
once a challenge and a temptation.
The sequel of Hindenburg's East Prussian
campaign was destined to tarnish its glory,
and restore the presti^ of the Russian armies.
They showed, as they often did in this war,
their> steadiness and imperturbabiUty imder
reverses, their ability without a sign of any
loss of nerve or confidence to resume the
offensive after a costly retreat, their skill in
taking advantage of the natural difficulties of
their country to repel an invader. Suwalki
was occupied by the Germans on September 1 5,
and von Hindenburg, ^^•ho believed that
Rennenkampf's big army had been " not merely
defeated, but shattered," left the actual conduct
of operations to General von Morgen, who had
served under hun at Tannenberg. The order
was given for a resolute pursuit, but it is
probable that the Germans aimed at something
more than this. If they could force a crossing
of the Niemen, they might hope to cut the Petro-
grad-Vilna-^^^arsaw railway, and even eventu-
ally to work southwards, so as to threaten
the great fortified camp of Brest-Litovsk. But
if that supremely imprudent idea was enter-
tained, it was soon abandoned. The Germans
had no forces to spare for such an operation.
Tliey had during the brief Campaign of the
Niemen at most four army corps at their dis-
posal, as the French General Staff stated in an
official communique, and these were largely
Landwehr and mixed formations. Rennen-
kampf had saved his army intact, and got it
safely across the Niemen by the 23rd. Here
he could refit, and fill up the gaps in its ranks
from his depots. To it we must add the corps
and a half which escaped from Tannenberg, a
corps from Finland, and a famous Siberian
Corps, both composed of fresh troops, together
with heavy artillery from the fortresses of
Kovno and Grodno, cavalry, and an unknown
number of reserve formations. It was a for-
midable force, acting in its own difficult coiuitry,
and it must have had a superiority of quite two
to one. It had, moreover, gained in leadership,
for General Ruszky, the victor of Lemberg, a
brilliant scientific soldier, had been detached to
conunand the defence. The Germans no longer
had their admirable systera of strategical rail-
ways at their disposal. They did indeed adapt
their own rolling stock to the gauge of the
Russian system, but of Russian lines there were
hardly any in this region. Their troops were
fatigued with hard marching, and when once
the frontier was crossed, they discovered that
only a few of the better main roads were
practicable for their heavy motor transport.
Most of the roads were nothing but beaten
tracks, which had never been macadamized, and
became in a wet autumn impassable sloughs of
heavy mud. The good causeways, as it ha})-
pened, were often narrow defiles between lakes
and swamps, where no army could deploy. To
add to the misfortunes of the invaders, it rained
238
THE TIMES H7ST0BY OF THE WAR.
LIEUTENANT-GENERAL VON MORGEN.
heavily for three days, from September 27-30,
the critical period of the fighting.
The Russian defences were formed primarily
by two rivers, the Niemen and the Bobr. The
latter is an inconsiderable stream, of no great
width, but it is 12 feet deep, and it runs
through a swampy valley of immense and
impassable mai'shes. Across these marshes
there is only one good passage, the high-road
and railway from Lyck through Grajewo to
Bialystok. The crossing is defended by the
little town of Osowiec, which ranks as a third-
class fortress. It has solid concrete forts, and
these were provided, after the outbreak of war,
with a new type of heavy gun, whose perform-
ances surprised the Gennans. They guessed
that naval guns had been brought up from the
fleet, but the weapon was in fact a new siege
gim, recently made at the Putiloff works. The
Germans made an effort to take Osowiec, but
it proved itself a more formidable obstacle than
Liege. A place with impassable marshes before
it cannot in the ordinary sense of the word be
V>esieged, and an assault along a single causeway
\\ ould be an almost impossibly costly operation.
The defenders further improved a naturally
strong position by opening the sluices of the
Bobr. The attack on this gaJlant little fortress
earned a singular distinction from the fact that,
while it was in progress, first the Kaiser and then
the Tsar visited the opposing camps. The
bombardment began on September 27, and
lasted for four days and nights without a
respite. It destroyed some outlying villages,
but did singularly little damage to the solid
and well-built forts. The 17-in. howitzers
made their appearance as usual in the
newspaper accounts of these operations, but the
probability is that the largest guns used were
the more generally serviceable Austrian pieces,
on motor carriages. The guns were pushed up
to within five miles of the fortress, and the
infantry lines were never nearer than four
miles. The last episode of the siege was a
brilliant sortie by the garrison. Bodies of
infantry, by following paths over the swamps
known only to the inhabitants, contrived to get
behind the advanced German lines, both from
left and right. Another body charged up the
causew ay, and before the Germans had recovered
from their surprise, contriv-ed to capture three of
the guns, while the rest went hurriedly north-
wards. It was the last event of the siege, and
a Russian communique announced its end on
October 1. It was abandoned not merely
because Osowiec had proved to be unexpectedly
obstinate, but also because the larger German
operations against the Niemen had meanwhile
failed even more hopelessly. A fortnight later
the Russians were themselves pursuing a pros-
perous offensive over the road by which the
Germans advanced, and were on German soil
engaged in an attack on Lyck.
By September 23, when Rennenkampf's
rearguard crossed the Niemen, the Germans
occupied all the chief strategic points
in the country between that river and their
own frontier. The struggle which went on
during the next week is generally known as the
Battle of Augustowo. The idea of the Germans
was to cross the Niemen, and presumably to
cut the railway at or about Grodno. The idea
of General Ruszky was not merely to repel them
from the Niemen, but to drive them back to
their own frontier, and to disorganize their
communications by seizing the little town of
x\ugustowo — a place of no intrinsic importance,
but vital because it is the point at which several
of the few good roads of this region cross. A
curious circular strategic railway runs from
Grodno to Augustowo, and thence through
Suwalki back to the Niemen at Olita. Neither
side could use it, for both had damaged it, and
1
THE TIMES -HISTORY- OF THE WAR.
239
the Germans had no rolling stock. The chief
physical feature of this region is the im-
mense forest, 30 miles long and 20 wide, on
whose western edge Augustowo is situated.
Intricate chains of lakes stretch on either side
of the road from Suwalki to Seiny, begin again
south-east of Seiny, and are found on either side
of the road from Surino to the Niemen. It is
not a country for rash adventures, and the
Germans were to learn in it the lesson which
the Russians learned amid the Masurian lakes.
Above all, the Niemen is itself a formidable
obstacle. It is more than 200 yards wide ; it
is too deep to ford, and bridges exist only at
Grodno and Olita, both of them fortified places.
The defence had a further advantage. The
right bank, which the Russians held, was high,
and in some places might alinost be called a
cliff. The left bank, on which the Germans
had to operate, was low, and, what was worse,
it was in most places swampy.
The attempt to cross the Niemen was made
simultaneously at two points. The more
northernly of these was Druskeniki, about 27
miles north of Grodno. Here on the morning
of September 25 the Germans constructed a
pontoon bridge. The Russians on the steep
right bank reserved their fire until a dense
column of men was already on the bridge.
Then from cleverly screened positions the
Russian field guns and machine guns fell to
work. The bridge was swept clean. The
German guns were then brought into action
and a long artillery duel followed. Thinking
that their artillery had at last silenced the
enemy's fire, the German infantry again
crowded over the bridge. They met the same
fate as their predecessors, and it is said that
thousands of German corpses- floated down the
river. A third attempt was made, after a
further artillery duel, towards sunset, and with
more determination and still heavier slaughter.
The Cossacks crossed at nightfall by the
German bridge, and pursued the Germans over
a distance of tnght miles. Two divisions were
engaged in this attempt, and they are thought
to hLve lost fully half their effectives.
The other attempt was made nearer to
Grodno, not far from the village of Sopotskinie,
where the Dul)issa enters the Niemen. Here
the Russian heavy guns were posted on the
cliffs of the right bank. The field guns were on
the sandy shore beloN\- them. Across the river
on the left bank was entrenched the Russian
infantry, doomed to destruction if its defence
should fail, and resolved at any cost to deny the
Germans access to the river. The artillery
began to fire on the afternoon of the 25th, and
all through the night the Germans repeated
their incessant efforts to take the Russian
trenches. Twice the soimd of a Russian cheer
mingled with the thimder of the guns, as the
defenders delivered coimter-attacks against the
Germans. The enemy retreated at dawn, and
the Russians as they pursued counted his dead
by thousands. *
The rest of the operations which made up
the " Battle of Augustowo " were little more
than 'a retreat by the Germans along the few
practicable roads, harassed by the fire of the
Russian big guns, and pursued as occasion
offered by the Russian cavahy. There was
some hand-to-hand fighting in the forest, in
which the Russians showed their usual
superiority with the bayonet and the grenade
at close quarters. The decisive action was
fought in the clear spaces round Augustowo.
The Germans had disposed themselves with
considerable skill on three sides of a square, so
that they commanded the exit from the forest
with cross fire. The Russians crossed the canal,
executed a wide turning movement by the
south, and eventually bombarded Augustowo
from the west and north-west with heavy guns.
The town was taken by the Russians on the
afternoon of October 1, and the infantry pressed
on by the roads to Raczky and Suwalki, clearing
the obstacles of barbed wire and felled trees as
they went. The possession of the roads that
GENERAL N. N. MARTOS.
240
THE' TIMES HISTOBY OF THE WAB.
converge on Augiistowo settled the " battle,"
if one can use that word to describe these
contests. Deprived of these roads, the Germans
could no longer keep touch with their forces
before O^owiec, and these at once retired. Nor
could they any longer supply themselves from
the strategic railway Lyck-Marggrabowa, which
runs parallel to their frontier within it.
Defeated at Augiistowo and Suwalki, their
scattered forces farther north, towards
Mariampol, were compelled on October 3
and 4 to fall back towards the frontier, with
the Russians pressing hard behind them. The
stroke at Augustowo was well planned, and the
whole series of operations was managed with a
skill worthy of the reputation which General
Ruszky had won in Galicia. A week of hard
fighting and hard marching sufficed to hurl the
invaders back to their own country, their glory
not a little diminished and their mxmbers
reduced by a heavy tale of casualties. Some
of the credit belongs to General Ruszky, some
of it to the swamps and forests of Lithuania,
but the real hero of this battle was the Russian
infantryman. First in renown was the famous
3rd Siberian Corps. Its men towered in height
above the European average. They had de-
veloped in their winters an endurance which
laughed at fatigue and exposure. Impertvu-b-
able under fire, they displayed an irresistible
impetus in the charge. Their crowning exploit
at Augustowo was a march of 30 miles, with a
bayonet charge at the end of it.
A pause of comparative inaction at this point
followed Tannenberg and Augustowo. Through-
out October and the early days of November
the Russians and the Germans faced each other
in entrenched positions, which followed approxi-
mately the line of the frontier. The Germans
dug themselves in elaborately, with all the
paraphernalia of wire entanglements, concealed
giui-pits and deep trenches. They attacked the
slighter Russian trenches every night by a sort
of habitual routine, with the aid of their search-
lights, but they evidently had no thought of
advancing. The real fighting on the Eastern
Front was now in Poland, and it is probable that
von Hindenburg had transferred thither most
of the first-line troops in East Prussia. Towards
the middle of November the German defence
weakened. The Russians were again attacking
at Lyck, while on their old road in the north
they had reached Stall upone.i (November 14).
Early in December they were slowly penetrating
the maze of the Masurian lakes, and the
Siberians were performing prodigies of courage
against the elaborate obstacles with which their
defiles were now defended. It was a war of
trenches, and by sapping slow progress was
made against the nearly impregnable German
positions. They were weakly held by recent
formations, and when the Russians took
prisoners they were often mere lads of seventeen.
Neither side could spare large forces on this
front, and it was a desultory advance which
wore down the resistance of a limited garrison.
The Germans had forbidden their fugitives to
return to the frontier regions of East Prussia,
and so long as the Russians did not advance
beyond GumbLnnen, Angerburg, Lotzen and
Johannisburg the Germans seemed to regard
their presence with equanimity. The Russians
held this area with some vicissitudes through-
out December, and no serious effort was made
to dislodge them. The fortunes of war in this
region were now fairly balanced. Von Hinden-
burg had indeed destroyed a Russian army in
a battle which was perhaps the most decisive
victory, as it was intellectually the most brilliant
performance, of the whole war. His error of
judgment in attacldng the lines of the Nieraen
went far to neutralize that fine exploit. The
soldiers' battle of Augustowo had wiped out
the memory of defeat, and at the end of the
year the Russians in this region could con-
gratulate themselves that they had cleared
their own soil and once more carried the war
into the enemy's country.
CHAPTER LVII
THE RUSSIAN CONQUEST OF
GALICIA.
Austro-German Misunderstanding of Russia — Plan of the Campaign — Crossing the
Frontier — Advance of Austrian Armies — Russian Counter-Movements — Battle of the
Gnita Lipa — Halicz — The Battle of Lemberg — Austrian Reinforcements — Russian
Offensive in the North — Retirement of Austrian First Army — The Battle of the Grodek
Line — Rawa-Ruska — The Crossing of the San — Jaroslau — Siege and Fall of Przemysl
— End of the Campaign — Behaviour of Russian Troops.
WHEN the Austrians began their
operations against Russia on the
Galician frontier they made cer-
tain vital miscalculations. They
grossly underestimated the quality of the enemy
with whom they went to cross swords. They
counted confidently on having the sjTnpathy
of the Polish people against their Russian
" oppressors " ; and they were quite unpre-
pared for the rapidity with which Russia
succeeded in massing her armies against them.
That Germany and Austria should have
failed to luiderstand at its true worth the
wonderful regeneration of the Russian Army
which had taken place since the Japanese War
is curious ; for, though events, especially recent
events in the Balkans, had subjected to con-
siderable strain that " wire to St. Petersburg,"
on the intricate working of which Prince
Bismarck set so much store, the German
General Staff had every opportimity of being
thoroughly informed on Russian military
affairs. Their failure to anticipate the enthu-
siastic loyalty to the Tsar with which all the
peoples of the Russian Empire threw them-
selves into the war was only symptomatic of
Vol. III.— Part 33 241
the incapacity which the Germans had shown
to grasp the psychology of any people but
themselves. They looked for a revolt of the
Poles against Tsardom precisely as they counted
upon revolution in Ireland and the blazing up
of sedition in India and in Egypt. In the case
of Poland the stupidity was, perhaps, a trifle
aggravated, because, whatever justification the
Poles' may have had for grievance against
Russia, Germany, as Sir \'alentine Chirol has
remarked, " had oppressed her own Poles not
less ruthlessly than Russia, but a great deal
more scientifically."*
In the third of the prime miscalculations
mentioned above — namely, as to the length of
time which Russia would take before she could
oppose any effective opposition to their plans—
the Avistrians had the excuse of the visible
inferiority for strategic purposes of the Russian
railway system as compared with their own.
On the Austrian side of the international
boiuidary two main lines of railway ran
practically parallel to the frontier at no great
distance away, well built, with abundant
• " Germany and the ' I'car of Russia,' " >l)y Si»
Valentine Cliirol (Oxford Pamphlets, No. 14).
24-2
THE TUIKS HISTORY OF THF WAR.
ARCHDUKE CHARLES FRANCIS JOSEPH
The Austrian Heir-Apparent.
coruiecting lilies to the interior of the Empire,
and with spurs running to the frontier itself at
half a dozen points. On the Russian side the
main line from Warsaw to Kieff via Lublin is
on an average between 50 and 60 miles from
the frontier, and only at three points do branch
lines project into that intermediate space
between Poland and the Bukowina. A spur
from Kovel runs to ^^itliin 20 miles of the
frontier at Vladimir- Volynsk ; and further east
a line from near Rovno runs to Lemberg,
passing the frontier at Brody, throwing off on
its way a small branch to the southward as far as
&emenez, wliile the main international Kieff -
Lemberg line crosses the frontier near Tarnopol,
Operating under Uke disadvantages, there is no
knowing how long the Austrians would have
taken to push any considerable armies into the
enemy's country. But the rapidity with wliich
the Russians, moving independently of rail-
ivays, covered long distances with great masses
of troops was one of the most remarkable
features of the war. The efficiency of their
seemingly irregular road transport was the
admiration of observers. The Russian peasant
soldier, too, was inured to hardsliip and scanty
fare. It seems, however incredible, to be a
well-established fact that a large part of the
UiLs.siaii .-Viiiiies, ttiat of General Riizsky,
in the campaign which we are now discu-sKing,
liaving outdistanced its coixmiissariat, lived
lor some six days of hard marching and stern
fighting entirely on apples which it stripped
from the orchards as it passed. At the end of
the six days it executed one of the most
arduous and most brilhant strokes of the war.
Such performances had been left quite out of
the reckoning of the Austrian General Staff.
The Austrians thus miscalculated the spirit
and capacity of the enemy opposed to them ;
and it is doubtful if the plan of invading
Russia at the beginning of hostilities originated
with or had the full sj-nipathy of the Austrian
General Staff. There is some evidence that
they would have preferred to wait witliin
their o^^■n territory and meet whatever troops
the Russians sent agauist them on ground of
tlieir own choosing. The plan adopted seems
to have been forced on her allj- by Germany.
The invasion was not intended as a blow at
the heart of Russia. The operation was of an
offensive -defensive character, havmg for its
chief object the detaining on this front of as
large a Russian force as possible, so as to
prevent it from cooperating in the resistance
to the German adv-ance in the north. The
cliief offensive was entrusted to the 1st Austrian
Army under General Dankl, consisting of some
seven army corps with various additional units,
or between 300,000 and 400,000 men. From
its base on Przemysl and Jaroslau its business
was to push upwards between the Vistula, on
the left hand, and the Bug, on the right, to
Lublin and lOiolm. Here it would cut and
hold the Warsaw-Kieff railway ; and the road
would lie open beyond towards Brest-Litovsk
and the main coimiiunications in the rear of
Warsaw.
A\'hile the 1st Army tlirust forward to this
position it would be protected from attack on
its right and rear from the east and south by
the 2nd Army under General von Auffenberg,
\^hich, advancing north-east from Lemberg,
would dominate Eastern Galicia from the Bug
to the Sereth and the Dniester. The constitu-
tion of von Auffenberg's Army at the opening
of the campaign is uncertain. It was stated
to contain no more than five army corps with
five divisions of cavalry. Probablj^ it then
amounted to about 300,000 men. Whatever
may have been its strength at first, however,
circumstances soon compelled a very large
increase in its numbers, and in the course of
THE TIME;^ HISTORY OF THE WAR.
•243
the fighting, as it developed, von Auffenberg
seems to have had under his command at least
six full army corps (the 3rd, 7th, 11th, 12th,
13th, and 14th), besides the five divisions of
cavalry and some last reserves ; and he was
reported to have no fewer than ten.
This increase was drawn in the first instance
from the 3rd or Reserve Army, in command of
the Archduke Joseph Ferdinand. This army,
as an independent \.mit, took an inconspicuous
part in the operations. While General Dankl
was advancing on Lublin, with von Aioffenberg
protecting his right flank, the Archduke's
Army seems to have been similarly pushed out
on the left. Crossing the Polish border, it
moved, without meeting serious resistance, as
far as Ivielce and towards Radom. That was
as far as it was destined or, perhaps, intended,
to go.
In these three armies Austria had immedi-
ately available about, or nearly, one million
men ; and it will be worth while to stop a
moment to consider the position which would
have resulted from the successful establishment
of these three armies in their respective
spheres.
When gathering their forces for the cam-
paign on the northern front, the Germans had
left troops at both Posen and Breslau, not less
than one army corps at the former place., and
apparently two, with some additional units.
at the latter. If their offensive on that front
had been successful and they had reduced or
penetrated beyond Warsaw, Poland would
have been at their mercy. While General
Dankl from the direction of Lublin was joining
hands with the main German Armies in tlie
rear of Warsaw, the Austrian Ai-niy of the
Archdulce, advancing from Kielce, woiild have
had the assistance of the Posen -Breslau corps
in taking care of any Russian force which
remained on the left bank of the Vistula. Any
Russian troops thus surrovuided in Poland must
either have surrendered or been annihilated.
With powerful armies on three sides of it,
Iwangorod could not have resisted long, and
Poland would have been a second Belgium.
By that time, also, it was hoped that the
" smashing " of France would be completed
and the two allies, with an unbroken front
on a straight line from the Baltic to the Car-
pathians, could have given their undivided
attention to proceeding against Russia, with
no fear of a flank attack. This they could not
do, either from the north or south, so long as
Warsaw, Iwangorod and Brest-Litovsk remained
as a base from which the Russians could strike
in either direction. This we know to have been
the views of the German General Staff. The
Austrian advance, thenj was part of, or auxili-
ary to, the German movement in the north.
"Ilie outbreak of ^^a^ had been received in
RUSSIAN ADVANCE GUARD IN KIELCE.
244
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
RUSSIAN GUNS IN THE TRENCHES.
Vienna with great enthusiasm. Those who
had any forebodings when it was kno\\n that
the enemy was to be sometliing so much more
formidable than " Httle Serbia " were laughed
at. Russia was huge but without coherence.
It was preposterous to suppose that the nation
wliich had failed against Japan would be able
to withstand Germany and Austria combined.
She was unready and woiild be beaten before
her great shadowy forces could be brought into
the field.
All analogy to the Japanese Wai', hou^ever,
was made fallacious, not only by the regenera-
tion of the Russian Army, which has already
been fully described, but, still more, by the
different spirit in which the new war was
accepted by the Russian jjeoples. After the
fighting on the Galician frontier had been in
progress for two weeks a Berlin newspaper
quoted Austrian officers as saying that " Rus-
sian troops are simply growing out of the earth,
without interruption." It was true. In a
nobler and more beautiful sense than either
the Austrian officers or the German jom-nalist
dreamed, the troops did in very truth gro\v out
of the earth. Whatever differences of race or
creed or politics may have separated various
sections of the Russian people, they were united
in one passionate sentiment of devotion to
Russia — the great spiritual entity, beyond and
above all creeds and governments, of which
the material symbol was the Russian soil. All
Russians loved the soil of Russia. It was the
violation of that soil by the tread of the invader
— the thought of its subjection to a brutal
enemy — which enraged the people and aroused
them to a unitj'^ of religious fervour as in a holy
cause. It was the soil which bade them go to
war. They " gi-ew out of the earth."
In a series of striking letters* to The Times
Mr. Stephen Graham described the extra-
ordinary spectacle of the stirring of the Rus-
sian peoples as he witnessed it in Cossack
Adllages on the Mongolian frontier when the
great news came and " a young man on a fine
horse came galloping down the village street,
a great red flag hanging from his shoulders and
flapping in the wind ; and as he went he called
out the news to each and every one — War !
War ! " From another angle another special
correspondent of The Times, Mr. Stanley
• Subsequently published in a volume under the title
of " Russia and the World " (Cassoll).
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
245
•Wafihbiirn', was at the same moment describing
what went on in Ht. Petersburg (as the town still
was) and comparing it with what occurred at
the opening of the war with Japan. In the
former war " tlie peasants had to be driven
almost at the point of the bayonet into box
cars for shipment to Manchuria." Now :
Before the Winter Palace, the great red house of the
Tsars, stretches an enormous semicircle, which forms
one of the greatest arenas in Europe. This is what
we see now : More than 100,000 people of all classes
and of all ranks standing for hoiu-s in the blazing sun
before the building within which is their monarch.
Quietly and orderly they wait, without hysteria and with
the patience so characteristic of their race. At last the
Tsar, moved by the magnitude of the demonstration,
appears upon the balcony overlooking the square.
Instantly the entire throng sinks upon its knees and with
absolute spontaneity sings the deep-throated Russian
anthem. For perhaps the first time since Napoleon's
invasion of Russia the people and their Tsar were one,
and the strength that unity spreads in a nation stirred
throughout the Empire, from the far fringes of the
i'acilio littoral to the German frontier.*
Of all this in those last days of July and the
beginning of August, 1914, the Austrians knew
nothing. They knew that Russia was a giixnt,
but attached no importance to any attribute
of that giant-hood except its imwieldiness and
supposed sloth. All the best Russian, troops
had, moreover, it was declared, already been
sent to the East Prussian theatre. It would be
* From the volume of Mr. Washburn's correspondence
to The Times as republished under the titlo of " Field
Notes from the Russian Front." (Andrew Melrose.)
long before she could marshal new armies to
. oppose an advance on the south. As a matter
of fact, by the end of August Russia had,
chiefly from the districts of Kieff and Odessa,
brought into the fighting line on the Galician
front about 1,200,000 men. Not only did
they outnumber the Austrian Armies brought
against them, but they excelled them in
fighting power, and, even more conspicuously,
they were better generalled.
The Grand Duke Nicholas and tlie Rassian
General Staff took accurate measure of the
Austrian advance from the outset, and the
operations with which they met it will stand
as a model for similar campaigns, even as it
produced, perhaps, the most gigantic and most
desperate fighting which up to that time the
world had seen.
Against the main Austrian advance of
General Dankl with 350,000 men (roughly) of
the 1st Army no serious resistance was imme-
diately offered. It was allowed to come on
almost to Lublin, to within 11 niiles of wliich
it at one tune penetrated. We have seen how
the 3rd or Reserve . Austrian Army had been
sent, on a quite futile errand, into Poland on
the left side of the Vistula to push towards
Kielce, while General Daniel went due nortli.
There is very little information as to incidents
on either of these marches, but that is im-
material. We know that Dankl's Army crossed
RUSSIANS MnTERINU A BURNiNU TOW.N IN EASTERN CMtlClA, «'
33—2
24G
TUK TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
the frontier, on a front al)out 11 miliss wide, to
the west of Tarnogrod, on August 10. TJie
frontier posts hardly stopped to have a brush
with the Austrian advance cavalry before
falling back. A second brush, but no more
than a sldrmish, occurred at Goraj, and some-
thing a little more serious at Krasnik. The
Austrians seem to have thought that those
wisps of troops \\ hich met them (even at Ivras-
nik, of which the authorities in Vienna made
much, there were only a few battahons) con-
stituted the real Russian resistance, and they
marched joyfully. They were going through
a beautiful country, it was superb weather, and
the enemy, after doing no more tlian delay
therrt for a day or two, fell away before them,
either behind the fortified position of Zamosc
(which the Austrians kept on their right) or
back towards LubUn and Kholm. Everything
tended to verify the expectations with which
they had set out. Russia, for all her vastness,
was unready ; and war was a fine thing.
Meanwhile, on the line from Lublin to
Kholm, Russia had been massing an army —
or two armies cooperating as one — under the
dual command of Generals Ewarts and Plelive,
though General Ivanoff seeuis to have beea
in supreme direction or the combined force.
Here the Russians had the railway beliind
them, to Wai-saw in one direction and to Kieft'
and Odessa in the other, and every day, as the
Austrians drew nearer, tlieir strengtii increased.
By the first days of S(!ptember the Russian
force here probably amounted to upwards of
400,000 men. The Aastrians were within 15
miles of Lublin before they met real resistance
and General Dankl became aware that he liad
a worthy opponent in front of him. ,But it wa.s
not in the Russian programme to strike on this
line — -not yet. The Austrians found them-
selves checked, and then definitely held up, by
forces at least as great as their ov\'n ; and the
Russians waited till news came that certain
things had happened further to the south-west.
There, it will be reinembered, was tlie
Austrian second army tmder General von
Auffenberg. This was not intended to be
inmiediately an army of invasion, ^'on Auften-
berg's task was to threaten, but probably not
push much beyond, the frontier in a direction
in which the fortresses of Dubno, Rovno and
l^utzk lay in the path of an advance, besides
RUSSIAN SOLDIERS KISSING AN IKON BEFORE GOING INTO BATTLE.
THE TIMES HISTOBY OF THE WAR.
247
L
A.:..^ML.
RUSSIAN TROOPS ADVANCING THROUGH A POLISH TOWN.
Vladimii'-Volyntk, a foi'tified position of con-
siderable importance. His chief object was
to detain in this quarter any Russian troops
which might come up from Odessa and the
east, and to protect General Dankl's right
flank and rear. He was la\'ishly provided with
cavalry, with which he proceeded at once to
harry and raid the frontier at various points.
Even before DankJ had reached Russian soil
spluttering hostilities had begun all along the
Volhynian border of Galicia. According to
reports received in St. Petersbiu-g the Austrians
commenced operations 12 hovii-s before the
declaration of war, on August 6, by firing on the
Russian frontier posts at W'oloczysk, ^\ herc^ the
Lemberg-Odessa railway line crosses the fron-
tier close to the border of Podolia. They also
blew up an arch of the railway bridge, but did
not cross the frontier. A few miles to the soutli
of that point on the same day, however, the
frontier seems to ha\-e been penetrated in botli
directions by raiding parties in the neigiibour-
hood of Tonioruda and Satanov. These
affairs, however, were mere fireworks. More
serious matters soon showed that the 2nd
Austrian Ai'my in tliis quarter was to find no
-sucli complaifsaut recejition as was being
accorded to the early advances of the 1st Army
further to the north.
On August 11 reports from Vienna spoke of
a Russian cavalry demonstration, backed by
machine guns, against Brody, a town on the
Lemberg-Kieff railway a couple of miles on the
Austrian side of the frontier. Two days later
more significant news came from St. Peters-
burg. An Austrian advance m some strength
had apparently been nneditated in the direction
of Vladimir-Volynsk, but before the Austrians
could cross the border the Russian cavalry
struck them, and struck unexpectedly hard,
at Sokal, the terminus of the railway line
fo Rawa-Ruska and Lemberg. Two Austrian
infantry battalions and three regiments of
cavalry are believed to have suffered here very
severely, and the Austrian force fell back
towards Lemberg in some confusion. The
news of the affair at Sokal caused great re-
joicing in Russia. In view of the number of
troops engaged, its importance seemed at the
time to be exaggerated. But these were early
days of tlio war. A success at this point,
moreover, on the flanks of both Austrian
Armies, had evident strategic value, tuid the
Sokal incident wtvs nuieli the most important
248
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAB.
'that had yet occurred on tliis front. The
'Russian success in it was smartly achieved and
excellently complete. It was then accepted
as of happy augury for Russia ; while to von
Auffenberg it showed, at least, that the enemy
was less unready than had been supposed.
Russia was very far from being unready.
Four days after the Sokal affair it was officially
announced from St. Petersburg that the general
advance of the Russian Armies against Austria
liad begun, as it also began against Germany in
the north, it being then the seventeenth day
after mobilization.
The chief command of the armies on this front
was in the hands of General Nikolas Ruzsky.
General Ruzsky had been Cliief of Staff to
General Kaulbars in the Japanese War and had
taken a conspicuous part in the reform of the
Russian military system which followed. What
%vas, perhaps, more important, he had been for
some time commander of the military district
of Kieff, where he had not only brought the
organization to a high degree of efficiency and
Was worshipped by his men, but he had made
it his business to render himself thoroughly
familiar with the topography of this southern
frontier country. He had here the advantage
which von Hindenburg possessed in East
Prussia. There was probably no highly-
placed oilicor on the Austrian side who knew the
configuration of Galicia to the last stream and
hill and by-road as it was known to the Russian
coimnander. General Ruzsky was already
known as one of Russia's most conscientious
and most scientific soldiers. He soon showed
that he was also pre-eminently a fighting
general, with a capacity for hard liitting and
vigorous initiative.
Cooperating with Ruzsky on his left was
General Alexis Brusiloff, a typical cavalry
officer, whose active service record dated back
to the war with Turkey in 1877.
The total Russian force under these com-
manders was probably not less than 6.50,000
men. There were certainly twelve and
apjjarently fourteen army corps, with several
divisions of cavalry. Ruzsky, under liis per-
sonal command, seems to have had eight
a.'my corps. Brusiloff had not less than five,
with at least three divisions of Cossack cavalry.
The practice of adding extra divisions to
regular army corps, alluded to in a former
chapter, makes it difficult to estimate the actual
number of men composing a Russian Army,
wliich, it may be added, is one of its objects.
But Ruzsky in the 2nd Russian Army (the
OIL-WELLS IN GALICIA.
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
249
RUSSIAN TROOPS IN THE HILLY COUNTRY
1st being that londer Ivanoff, with Ewarts and
Plehve, at Lublin) had probably over 400,000
men, and Brusiloff, in the 3rd Army, little if
any less than 300,000, composed of regiments
drawn chiefly irom Odessa and Southern
llussia. Combined they had, perhaps, double
the strength which at the outset von Auffen-
berg, with the 2nd Austrian Army, would have
been prepared to oppose to them. As soon as
von Auffenberg became aware of the strength
of the Russian Armies against him, however, he
drew on the 3rd, or Reserve Army (which, as
we have seen, had been pushed into Poland as
far as Kielce) for reinforcements. These troops,
<'ro.s-;ing the Vistula by means of bridges of
boats at Josefow, hurried to join him, and
when the battle wuh really joined the Archduke
Joseph Ferdinand's Army was operating in
close contact with that of von Auffenberg. In
the combined armies on both sides there were
engaged then, in the operations which followed,
not less than 1,200,000 men, some advantage
in numbers still remaining on the side of the
Russians.
The Russian offensive definitely began on
August 17. At the moment when General
Dankl to the north, with the 1st Austrian Army,
was finding himself held up in his progress
towards Lublin, General Ruzsky threw the
whole weight of his attack against von Auffen-
berg. The Russian plan of campaign was
simple but admirable. With his superiority
in numbers, Ruzsky could afford to aim at
enveloping the enemy on both flanks. With
the 2nd, and larger, of the two armies he flung
himself, advancing along the railway from
Dubno, at the Austrian left and centre, cross-
ing the frontier on August 22 and occupying
Brodj' with only trifhng opposition on the
following day. On the 22nd also Brusiloff,
on his left, had crossed the frontier at
VVoloczysk, the frontier station on the Lem-
berg-Odessa railway. As the railway line
changed gauge at the frontier, the Russian
locomotives and carriages were of no service
beyond it, and the Austrians, on the enemy's
approach, had rushed away as much of their
own rolling stock as they could towards Lemberg
and destroj'ed what they could not take away.
As has been explained in a former chapter,
however, the Ru.ssians were perforce less
accustomed to rely on railwajs than were tlieir
opponents, and as soon as they were away from
railways they much exceeded the Austrians
in mobility and speed of movement. A good
wagon road ran parallel to the railway towards
I^emberg, pushing along which Brusiloff's
advance cavalry on tiie 23rd hustled tin-
I'ctreating Austrians, after some three hours'
fighting, out of Tarnopol. Tlie Austrians
260
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAB.
M. KRAVGHENKO, THE WELL-KNOWN RUSSIAN ARTIST, SKETCHING A SUSPECT.
then fell back on the line of the Ztota Lipa,
an affluent of the Dniester, which runs almost
due southward, and on the 25th and 26th there
was heavy fighting along this stream, especially
around Brzezany.
Up to tliis point Brusiloff's Army had
encountered only the resistance of small
detachments of the enemy, frontier posts and
bodies of skirmishers thrown out to delay its
advance. Xo considerable force of Austrians
seems to have penetrated here much beyond
the Ztota Lipa, on the eastern side of which
there runs a line of small hills, which offered
an excellent defensive position. Here the
Austrians had set themselves hurriedly to make
field works, and they were still at work on the
trenches when the Cossack cavalry came
driving the screen of Austrian skirmishers
before them. The position was too formidable
for the cavalry to handle alone, and they
waited for the main body of the army to come
up. Even then the Austrians offered an un-
expectedly stubborn resistance, and it took
two days of sharp fighting before the position,
which extended some 20 mUes from north to
south, was finally carried by direct assault,
and the Austrians fell back, seemingly at
moderate speed and in good order, in the
direction of Halicz at the confluence of the
Gnita Lipa with the Dniester.
While Brusiloff was thus beginning to press
von Auffenberg's right, Ruzsky was hammering
his left and centre. Of tlie details of the
fightmg there we know little or notliing. After
crossing the frontier at and between Brody and
Sokal, Ruzsky's Army spread out on a wide
front, the centre pushing straight for Busk and
Krasne in the direct line towards Lemberg,
while the right, advancing almost due west,
aimed at driving a wedge in between the army
of von Auffenberg and that of Dankl to the
north, and pressed with all its weight on von
Auffenberg's left. Meanwhile Ruzsky's own
left felt its way southward towards a junction
with Brusiloff. The Austrians were forced
back in all directions, but slowly and resisting
gallantly. On Ruzsky's right and centre,
especially, it is known that the fighting was
sustained and severe and accompam"ed by
very hea\'y losses on both sides. In liis army
were some of the ^•ery best of the Russian first
line troops, and narratives of those who took
j3art in the operations showed that the Russians
attacked every kind of position with the same
recklessness, and the AnstriaiLs. though con-
tinually overpowered, fought desperately. The
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
2.31
attention of the Western world was at this time
engrossed in the stirring events which were
occurring in France and Belgium, and so little
v>'as recorded of the operations in Galicia
beyond the mere statement of the successive
steps in the Russian advance that the impres-
sion was created that that advance was an
easy one. This is far from being the truth.
General Ruzsky had a week of such stern
fighting as would at another time have fired
the world's imagination before he had succeeded
in forcing his way through on the line from
Sokal to Tomaszow on the right, and had
driven the enemy's centre back to the Bug at
Krasne and across the railway at Zlocow. By
that time Brusiloff had carried the position on
the Ztota Lipa, and his right came in touch
u ith Ruzsky 's left. With this juncture closed
v\ hat may be considered the preliminary stage
of the Lemberg campaign.
Von Auffenberg's Army as yet not only was
not beaten, but it was hardly shaken. It fell
back into the strong and carefully prepared
line of defences in front of Lemberg, stretching
over a front of some 70 or 80 miles, from near
Busk in the north to HaUcz on the Dniester in
the south. Along the greater part of its length
this line ran through a broken region of vol-
canic hills, in places very irregular and con-
taining extinct craters, ending to the south in
a ridge roughly parallel to the course of the
Gnita Lipa as far as the Dniester. The rail-
way running due east of Lemberg skirted the
northern end of this broken country. North
of the railway the Austrian left rested on the
river Bug and the lake district about Krasne.
It was a line of great natural strength, and mile
after naile of trenches with extensive barbed
wire entanglements, and here and there strong
fortifications of steel and concrete, made it a
most formidable position to take by assault at
any point. After the jimcture of Ruzsky and
Brusiloff, on August 26-27, the Russians lost no
time in opening the attack along the entire front.
Knowledge of incidents of the terrific fighting
which filled the following days is almost
entirely lacking. Wliat is known is that the
Russians attacked with fury and with a dis-
regard for life which undoubtedly cost them
very dearly. Again and again bayonet charges
were pushed home, and individual positions
were taken and retaken. At the end of two
days the Austrian front was still unbroken,
but the battle was decided.
RESERVISTS IN VIENNA.
25-2
THE TIMES HISTORY. 'OF THE WAIL
To General Brusiloff and liis corps com-
mander, General Radko Dmitrieff (the Bul-
garian hero of Lule Burgas and Kirk Kilisse),
belong the lionoui- of the crucial and brilliant
operation which detennined the fate of the
battle. After forcing the crossing of the
Ztota Lipa on August 26, while his right wing
niade connexion with Ruzsky in the north,
BrusilofT's left swung wide to the south as far
as the valley of the Dniester itself. It niu.-t
have been an extraordinary- inarch. 'J'lie
country is rough, and not only devoid of rail-
ways, but almost innocent of roads. On
August 30 the main bod\r of this flanking force
had arrived before Halicz, and on the following
day -the assault began. During that day more
guns came up, and a furious and, as it proved,
irresistible attack was concentrated on a point
on the enen-iy's position near the little village
of Botszonce. The Austrians fought courage-
ously, and the condition of the field afterwards,
the ground everywhere ploughed up with shell
fire, and almost every yard strewn with frag-
ments of projectiles and tattered equipment,
showed how desperate the struggle had been.
The Russian 9th and 57th infantry seem to
have carried through the final assault with the
bayonet under co\er of a \ ery tf)rrent of shell
fire. Their losses were terrible, but b\- night-
fall of August 31 a breach some kilometres
wide had been made in the Austrian position.
Once the line had been pierced the entire
Austrian right gave way. A last despairing
stand seems to have been made in the village
of Botszonce itself, but the Russian guns,
pushing forward, imlimbered on ihe very hills
on which the enemy had fought so stubb irnly,
and the centre of tlie little town was qui kly
reduced to a heap of ruins. The I'ctreat of the
Austrians at this point then became a headlong
flight. As the Russian offic al statement
worded it: "The Austrian Army temporarily
lost all fighting value." The road, strewn
with abandoned guns, transport, and all the
flotsam and jetsam of a routed army, showed
abundant evidences of a panic-stricken stam-
pede for safety. On the scene of the fighting
around Botszonce and Halicz the Russians
buried 4,800 Avistrian dead, and they captured
32 guns, some of which had been moiuited in
positions from which they never came into use.
At Halicz a fine steel bridge spanned the
river Dniester, and the only thought of the
extreme right of the broken Austrian Army
HUNGARIAN LANDWEHR STARTING FOR THE FRONT.
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WJR.
253
■>" - ^ -.•/ " - .i^-#Wf< -V-
SUSPENSION BRIDGE CONSTRUCTED BY AUSTRIAN ENGINEEKS.
seems to have been to get across this bridge.
But the Russian cavalry was pressing close
on the heels of the fugitives, and in such haste
were the Austrian engineers to destroy the
structure and stop pursuit that, it is said,
one party blew up the bridge while another
party was still at work mining one of the piers,
with the result that all the latter were destroyed
with the bridge The only other bridge in this
part of the Dniester, at Chodorow, was also
destroyed, and the pursuit southward was
checked until the Russian engineers could throw
pontoons across the stream. This they suc-
ceeded in doing on the following day, when
Cossack cavalry to the strength, it is said, of
three divisions, crossed the river and caught
up with the rear of the retreating enemy.
Not much behind the cavalry followed some
divisions of Brusiloff's infantry, which, without
giving the enemy time to take breath, pushed
on across the south of Lemberg towards Stryj.
Once the extreme right of the Austrian line
was shattered, the whole line disintegrated
rapidly ; the more so as at the other extreme
Ruzsky had also definitely attained the mastery.
There also, while every mile of the Austrian
front was being pitilessly pounded, a wid(^
flanking movement was being executed, en-
veloping the Austrian left from the direction of
Kamionka. While one end of the Austrian
line was broken, the other was being bent
back. On the shortening front the triumphant
Russians redoubled the fury of their attack,
and soon the whole Austrian Army was in
flight, and the great city of Lemberg was in
possession of the Russians.
At many points the retreat of von
Auffenberg's Army became a panic-stricken
and disorderly rout, the misery of which was
intensified by a succession of storms and
drenching rains, by which much of the country
wa.s flooded. The Russians had suffered
tremendous losses in the two days, diuring which
they had flung themselves in a continuous
succession of reckless charges against the
Atistrian positions. But those los.ses were
nothing (ujrnpared to what they now inflicted
on the enemy. On September 2 the GrantI
Duke Niciiolas was able to telegraph to the Tsar:
I uin liappy to gladiloii your Majesty witli (lie news
of tho victory won by tlic Army of General Hu/.sky under
Lwow (F^omherfi) after seven days' uninterrupted (indit-
ing. The Austriiins are retreating in eomploto ilisorder,
in some places running awav. abandoning guns, riQes.
artillery parks, and baggage trains. '
o — o
254
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAB
GENERAL DANKL.
The victorious Russians pressed, almost
literally, upon their heels. There seems to have
been, in the first moment of defeat, no attempt
at any systematic retreat or delaying rear-
guard action, though it is said that the Austrians
adopted the rather crude device of placing
their Slav regiments in the rear. When the
Russian pursuers discovered the ruse, they are
reported to have endeavoured to meet it by
using a high-angle fire with their artillery, so as
to reach the Austrian troops beyond. If this is
true, it would in a measure explain the enormous
number of prisoners that were taken ; and
there seems no doubt that considerable bodies
of the retreating troops did svu-render very
willingly. Austrians afterwards made com-
plaint that they had been betrayed by their
Slav comrades, just as, in the disasters which
were to follow, Germans made similar accusa-
tions against the Austrians. The Russians
appear to have taken no less than 64,000
prisoners, and the lowest estimate of the total
Austrian losses (including Idlled, wounded, and
prisoners) was 130,000, and some authorities
placed them at nearly double that niunber.
They were certainly very heavy.
There was at the time much criticism of the
Austrian commander for failing to rally at, and
liold, the city of Lemberg itself. The criticism
is unjustifiable. Thougli it is true tliat th«
position which had been so stubbornly de-
fended was over 10 miles east of Lemberg,
after the line was once broken the city was
indefensible. We have seen how Brusiloff's
pursuing army swept to the west of the city.
Ruzsky was already closing on the place from
the north. The iimer defences were not sucli
as to enable the city to resist for any length
of time. To have attempted to hold it would
only have been to surrender it to the horrors of
bombardment, and to sacrifice whatever troops
were left to defend it. It could not have
interposed any material obstacle to the Russian
advance.
Lemberg or Lwow or Lowenburg was
originally Leopolis, and was founded in 1259
by the Ruthenian prince Daniel for liis son
Leo. It had had a chequered and stormy
history, having been captured by Casimir the
Great in 1340, besieged by the Cossacks in
1648 and 1655, and by the Tiu-ks in 1672,
captured by Charles XII. of Sweden in 1704,
and bombarded in 1848. Capital of the crown-
land of Galicia, it had grown to be a beautiful
city of parks and wide boulevards, with three
cathedrals, many churches, and important
public monuments. It was the seat of a
University, and contained a most valuable
library of boolcs and manuscripts, and many
treasures of antiquarian and liistoric interest.
After its evacuation in September, 1914, the
Austrians explained that it was in order to
save all these treasvires from destruction that
the place had not been defended. That may
have been taken into consideration. Certainly,
the civil population was strongly opposed to its
being defended. That population was extra-
ordinarily cosmopolitan, and contained many
elements — a minority probably, but a very
strong minority — whose sympathy was with
Russia, and who welcomed the Russians with
enthusiasm. What was more important, how-
ever, was that from a miUtarj' point of view
the attempt to hold it would have been futile.
Apart from the moral effect of its capture,
the actual strategical value to the Russians of
the possession of Lemberg was of the greatest.
From it railwaj'^ lines radiated m all directions,
giving the captors direct communication, subject
onlj'^ to the inconvenience of the change of gauge
at the frontier, with Kiefi and Odessa, with their
fortified positions at Dubno and Rovno and
thence with Petrograd (the nauie of which had
now been changed from St. Petersburg), with
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAB.
255
THH AUSTRIAN FAILURE: IN GALICIA.
1. Distributing bread to the poor of Vienna. 2. Types of Austrian prisoners. 3. Refugees in Calicin.
4. Austrian guns captured at I eniherg. 5. Austrian prisoners from I.embcrg.
250
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
Brpst-Litovsk and Warsaw. Immediatoly after
crossing the frontier the Russians had begun to
change a number of raUway engines and car-
riages to fit the Austrian gauge, but not least
welcome among the trophies which awaited
them in Lemberg were thirty locomotives and
an immense number of railway vehicles of all
kinds. Tl^ie Russians are said to have rushed
the station with such rapidity that they caught
trains loaded with war materials ready to steam
out. The ability of the Russian Armies to
operate and move about without the help of
railways has already been referred to. Through-
out this campaign hitherto the transport both of
ammunition and commissariat had been con-
ducted by road, independently of any railways,
chiefly in carts diawn by the tough little
Siberian horses. Few more remarkable inci-
dents were produced by the war than the
achievement, inentioned above, of Ruzsky's
column, which for five or six days " lived on
the country " in the form of the fruit of the
orchards, or the feat of Brusiloff in striking
at Halicz with the rapidity with whicR he did.
Not only was no defence of Lemberg
attempted, but very few of the retreating
Austrian troops passed through the city.
Various stories crept into contemporary reports
of hand-to-hand fighting in the streets. These
seem to have been wholly imaginative. On
September 3 the Russians entered the citj-
without a shot being fired and vnthout any sort
of disturbance or any excesses on the part of
the victorious troops. The results of the
great \-ictory were communicated to the pub-
lic in the following brief official announcement :
6even days of the most stubborn fighting m Ea<tern
Galicia have resulted in a complete victory for the
Russians. Five Austrian Corps were completely
routed, and are retreating in disordu-r westward, abandon-
ing their arms and baggage.
Besides an enormous number of killed, the Austrians
lost not less than 40,000 prisoners, inclu.ling many
generals. The roads of retreat of the Austrians are so
encumbered with carts, guns, and impedimenta that the
pursuing troops are unable to use the roads.
Panic is spreading among the Austrian troops. During
the seven days the Russians have taken over 200 guns,
■several colours, and about 70,000 prisoners. Lwow
(Lemberg) is in our hands.
The news of the victory was received in
Russia with almost frenzied jubilation. Grand
Dulce Nicholas conveyed the information of
the occupation of Lemberg to the Tsar " with
extreme joy and thanking God." General
Ruzsky received the Fourth Class of the Order
of St. George for " liis services in the preceding
battles " and the Third Class for the capture
of Lemberg. General Brusiloff received the
Fourth Class of the same Order. Thanks-
giving services were held throughout the
Russian Empire to celebrate " the reunion
with Galicia " and General Count Bobrinsky
was appointed Governor-General of the pro-
vince. Everywhere it was felt that the imoor-
UFFICERS' QUARTERS IN AN AUSTRIAN TRENCH.
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
257
AN ABANDONED AUSTRIAN REDOUBT NEAR LEMBERG.
tance of the indirect effects of tliis victory,
in the disconcerting of all the German plans
on both fronts, could hardly be exaggerated.
It is now necessary to turn to the theatre
ot operations further to the north. Here, it
will be remembered, was the scene of the chief
Austrian offensive, by the 1st Army under
General Dankl, who was believed to have mider
his command between 300,000 and 400,000 men.
We left him, in the middle of August, hung up
by the armies of Generals Ewarts and Plehve,
which barred his way towards Lublin and
Kholm. For the moment the Russians were
content merely to bar his way. They were
gathering strength, and waited their time to
strike until Danld's Army was safely cut off
from reinforcements and until their advance
would synchronize with the fruition of the ad-
vance of Ruzsky and Brusiloff on Lemberg.
It was not until September 6 that a characteris-
tically simple official announcement was made
in Petrograd :
Our armies on September i assumed the offensive
along a front between the Vistula and the Bug.
The announcement was received by the Rus-
sian people, flushed and rejoicing over the
victory of Lemberg, with immense enthusiasm.
It will be remembered that in the advance of
Ruzsky's formidable army, part of the Austrian
Reserve Army, under Archduke Joseph Ferdi-
nand, had been hastily withdrawn from its
position in Poland on the left of the Vistula,
across the rear of Dankl's Army, to help General
von Auffenberg. The Austrian General Staff,
in a communique published on September 3,
referred to this movement as an " advance."
It seems undoubted that even at that early
date some German troops were also being
brought up on the same errand. Part of the
Austrian reinforcements were absorbed into
the army of von Auffenberg and had shared
his catastrophe. Part remained to screen
Dankl's right flank. From this time onward,
however, it is extremely difficult to trace the
organization of the Austrian Armies, the fact
being that, under stress of the emergency, that
organization was continually changing. The
plans of the campaign had been drawn up on
the assumption of a successful and victorious
advance. As soon as things went wrong,
their weakness appeared. When Auffenberg' a
Army began to get into difficulties and ita
advance was checked, the gap betAveen its left
and Dankl's right and rear grew uncomfort-
ably wide. The hurrying of the troops from
the left bank of the Vistula was an effort to
fill that gap. Then, as the Russian strength
grew daily more apparent, an entire new
Austrian Army was hastily fonned, composed,
apparently, of parts of the Archduke Joseph
Ferdinand's (3rd or Reserve) Army, increased
by two corps withdrawn from the Serbian fron-
tier and some indeterminate number of German
troops. This 4th Army, which appears to have
been under the command of the Arclidiike,
was hereafter spoken of in the Russian official
annovmcements as the " Toniaszow Army."
German troops from Breslau were also brought
up to strengthen Dankl's left, whicli lay upt)u
the Vistula at Opolie.
258
THE TIMES hislOEY OF THE WAPx.
BATTERY OF HEAVY HOWITZERS.
During the last days of August and the first
few days of September there was a good deal
of confused fighting between detached forces on
either side in the frontier region between
Zamosc and Sokal. From Berlin and Vienna
official claims were made to some minor suc-
cesses, which a semi-official statement from
Petrograd immediately declared to be " wilful
falsehoods." Out of the mass of reports and
contradictions, clamis and counter-claims, all
that emerges clearly is that the Russian wedge
was successfully driven through to Tomaszow,
where the Austrians suffere'd a severe and
definite defeat, contemporary reports asserting
that among their slain were two generals.
From here the Austrians seem to have fallen
back to the swampy eovmtry about Bilgoraj
and upon Tarnogrod. These Russian suc-
cesses put a final barrier between the two great
sections of the Austrian forces. All interest
now centred in the fate of Dankl's 1st Army.
The fighting on the Lublin-Kholiu front,
entirely defensive at first on the j^art of the
Russians, had grown sterner day by day until
it became one continuous battle along the
whole line. With the defeat of von Auffeii-
berg, and the threat to its right and rear, the
situation of the northern army became so
evidently critical that it was necessary for
General Danlil to force a decision. Either he
must break tlirough the Russian defence or
fall back. A last desperate effort to pierce
the wall of resistance between Lublin and
Ivliolm was made on September 2. when the
10th Austrian Army Corps led the attack
against the weaker portioii of the Russian line,
and it appears to have reached to within 11
miles of Lublin. There it was beaten back
with heavy losses. In the retirement 5,000
prisoners were left in Russian hands. With
this effort the Aastrian offensive spent itself,
and the game passed into the enemy's hands.
The Russian offensive definitely began, we
have seen, on September 4 ; and it began aits-
piciously. " The enemy's centre, lying in the
region west of Ivi-asuostaw," said the imper-
turbable Russian official announcement two
days later (Krasnostaw being almost due
north of Zamosc, about lialf-way to the centre
of a line drawn from Lublin to Kholm). " wa.*;
particularly disorganized. The 45th Austrian
Regiment was surrounded and surrendered,
including the colonel, 44 officers, and 1,600
men." The same annoiuicement contained
the interesting information that " a (German
Division, coming to the relief of the Austrians,
was attacked on the left bank of the Vistula."
Tlie Russian troops there must presvunably
have come from Iwan'_'orod. But Russian
armies were indeed "growing out of the
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
•259
(>urth " ; and nothing is more strilcing in the
whole of this Gahcian campaign than the
accuracy with which the Russian General
Staff took the measure of their enemy's
strategy at every point, and the promptitude
with which it met and countered each move.
When once the Austrian 1st Army had
started to retreat it was given no rest, and it is
impossible to regard this phase of the opera-
tions in Gahcia without profound sympathy
with Dankl's Army and some admiration for it.
In some ways it might be compared to the
falling back of the British Army from Mons.
There was not, however, on any part of the
Austrian front the same terrible pressure from
a hopelessly overwhelming force. There is
good evidence indeed that over much of the
front — the Austrian right-centre — the Russians
were in a numerical inferiority. That was im-
material, however, retreat being necessary to
the Austrians as the only alternative to being
left isolated and ultimately destroyed. As in
France, the movement was strategically obli-
gatory in conformity with the movement of
another army, which army was also falling back
from the right. And the spectacle of tlir
Austrian retreat is uiade the more dreadful
by the mere size of the army. The front on
which the army of something over 300,000
men lay extended was approximately 80 miles.
As it fell back, the left wing hemmed in by tlie
river Vistula and the right subject to con-
tinuovis pressure from the Russian forces to the
east, where swampy country, moreover, barred
a direct retreat, this front was continually con-
tracting. By the time the army reached the San,
the crossing of which, so far as the bulk of the
force was concerned, had to be made by some
four or five bridges at different points, the
front had contracted to less than 40 miles.
That such a movement might easily have
degenerated into a panic, accompanied by
awful slaughter, until the whole army had
either been obliterated or had surrendered is
evident. In Russia some such termination to
the incident was looked forward to with some-
thing like confidence, and it was evident that
in other countries also the fate of the Austrian
1st Army was regarded as practically sealed.
General Dankl deserves full credit for, at
least, escaping this final catastrophe, however
serious his losses were.
AUSTRIAN CHIEF OF STAFF.
260
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
DlBartSj
jihof
j<urS2any
Ponev'S
o
oWobOlniki
■^x
Preh
¥
Ponewesct'i
XUtziarii
Ounaburg
■V5z'/e^
IXTiK
■0:
\,
'^\ ^srieRiun
<o n i t z i^ ' oManenwerder
1
"'/arnisni]
Lebedef/
SAloc
uRAuOENZ^
Ortelsburg
Ipikfiphr^ ^ Lbtzen i ASuwa/ki ^ ,
^llenstein ^^ /\-^^» rv>^^ ^v
Nikolaiev
Dere
vno
^J"
y/isk
9RN
Biezui
Lipno
Plocl?\
oSi
erpe
Drobii
" Oioneie
3iva
ROZHANi;
DSTROLENKA
PULTUS^
3ial_ystok'''^
Kurnik
'Pleicnfen
>l:?^^r
jBRYTf PULTUS
SIER^K )
urrtomcvfCi/ '
hchaczen
Lowicz
. .oGeo^cievsk __
^"^ 'Siedlce
S:teny
'Beresha
<srtushka
<BrestUtovski
DW
Kalisch
\
R
Lod2
U/
'SkTerniewjce
Lukom
I
.Nevei
/'
■Ratno
Gorodno
'V^iodom
Piotrkowi
bTiesuu-''"''"^..'^^'^'-
Opocino
Radom
A///zy
Lishnevka
PNovo Radomsk]
/CzestDchow3/
.ubiin
/ T^^ — ■-^.'.'^•|,.-r-^^^.!_ ^ .(-""^^yi-^^i "N^'T'/ogAa droay^ '^Krementz
^■/ ~i'-'^y I'" \ (""oremobawa ■, -^ , ^f- /-^
r
MuShOlo)
j:rlau
iHjneg^tia
jBUDAf'ES^
Scale 01' Miles
0 10 20 3C <«) 50 6C 70 80 90 100
\}<
iOebrec
haMaramaros Sz^gef^^"^ . ^••.■.'^:. • ,. ^A* ^1 {2J
;o V,-^-'^Dorn3mtra
Karoog
Dees^
BORG
Bistrit'z
MAP ILLUSTRATING THR GALICIAN CAMPAIGN.
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAB.
261
The high -water-mark of the Austrian advance
on this front would be represented by a Uno
drawn from Opolie on the Vistula, through
Krasnostaw to Grabiowiec, whence the line
curved southward in the direction of Tyszowce,
in the region of which place it was that the
Austrian General Staff had claimed one of the
successes which Petrograd had so promptly
denied. We have seen how the Russian
advance against this front, from the direction
of Lublin and Kholm, had begun with the
" disorganization " of the Austrian centre at
Krasnostaw. The next blow was delivered
at the Austrian left, beginning at Opolie and
thence developing all along the line to Tm-obin.
With sound strategy it was on this wing of the
Russian Army that the chief strength had been
concentrated, leaving other parts of the line,
as has already been said, comparatively weak.
All new troops that came up had been hurried
over to the right wing, on the reasoning that,
even if the Austrians succeeded in brealdng
through the front where it was weaker, near
K^holm, it would only make their being ulti-
mately surrounded the more certain.
The Russian attack on this Opolie-Turobin
section of the line seems to have been irresis-
tible, the enemy being driven southward,
parallel to the course of the Vistula, in con-
fusion. Many of the fugitives threw away their
arms in panic, and for nineteen miles the Russian
cavalry was busy with the demoralized rear-
guard of the flying enemy. From here on,
it was a continual rimning fight, the Russians
never cea-«ing to press, the Austrians defending
their rear as well as they could while making
all speed to get away, and they were now
traversing again imder vastly different cir-
cumstances the coimtry over which they had
advanced so easily and so triumphantly two
or three weeks before. There seems to have
been particularly desperate fighting at
Suchodola and again at Krasnik, where two
German D visions appear to have been engaged,
the officers of which afterwards declared that
the Austrians broke and deserted them. At
Frampol there is record of a brilliant Russian
cavalry charge. Thence the Austrian left was
forced back into the morasses about Bilgoraj,
while the right and centre were crowded
together as they neared the river San. By
this time 10,000 prisoners had been sent back
to Lublin At Frampol one Cossack regiment
is said to have captured 17 Austrian officers,
445 men, and many horses belonging to a trans-
COUNT BOBRINSKY.
Russian Governor-General of Ga.icia.
port train. At a point below Zamosc one
Russian infantry regiment took 700 prisoners,
including many officers. One Russian subal-
tern with three orderlies is said to have taken
80 prisoners, and a spectator spoke of the
Austrians as " siirrendering in companies and
battalions." Among the booty taken here-
abouts was the treasure chest of the 17th
Regiment of the Landwehr, containing 140.000
crowns. Such details give an idea of the char-
acter of the retreat, on which the Austrians
are said to have suffered badly from dysentery,
as was shown by the nuraber of patients in
the hospitals in towns which were occupied
by the Russians.
It is necessary to stop here for a while in the
narrative, because contemporary writers on
this phase of the campaign developed a theory
of what was known as " the battle of tho
Grodek line." It was declared that somewhere
about Bilgoraj Dankl's retreating' army got
in touch with von Auffenberg's left and,
uniting with it, rallied and took its place in
the northern section of a carefully prepared
line of defence which reached, from somewhere
about this point, through Rawa-Raska to
Grodek at the extreme soutli. It was asserted
that on this line both the shattered Austrian
Ai'mies pulled themselves together and again
262
THE I'lMKS HISTORY OF THE WAR.
A RUSSIAN SEARCHLIGHT.
offered a firm and united front to the enemy.
Against them, it was said, the whole combined
Russian Armies also fell into line, so that about
2,500,000 men confronted each other and
then joined battle along their entire .front.
This is only very partially true.
While von AufTenberg's Army had been hold-
ing the position before Lemberg, there htul,
indeed, been prepared a new line of defence in
its rear, which ran from Grodek to Rawn-
Ruska, and thence, apparently, along tiie rail-
way line towards Xarol. It was a fine achiexc-
ment on the part of an army which had been
handled as rouglil\- as tliis had been to pull
itself together at once after a precipitate fiiglit
and resolutelj'^ take up this new position.
Very probably, also, as the Russian wedge
driven in bet\\ een the two armies at Tomaszow
had not as yet, apparently, penetrated as far
as Tarnogrod, the extreme left of von Auft'en-
berg's forces, or those of the Archduke, which
prolonged von Auffenberg's front at this point,
may well at some time have been in momentary
touch with tiie fringe of Dankl's Anny on its
way to the San. But there w as at no time an\
definite and combined stand. The gi'eat mass
of Dankl's Anny fell back without pavise,
anxious only to get across the river. None tiie
less, the "battle of the Grodek line,"' even
though IJankl's Army must be excluded from
any iJarticipation in it (as also must the pm--
suing Ru.s.sian Army), was one of the gieat
episodes of the campaign.
We do not know the extent of the reinforce-
ments which had been sent up from Au-stria
or what the "stiffening" of German troops
amounted to. According to . some accounts,
von Auffenberg had no fewer than ten armv
corps under him around Lemberg. The total
losses to the Austrian Armies by this time must
have exceeded 200,000 men. But it was
jilso said that additional troops, both German
and Austrian, from Przemysl, had been hurried
up after the fall of Lemberg into the position
at Grodek, and that the troops which the
Russians met there were largely new regiments
w hich had not gone tiirough the disheartening
experiences of the campaign. It may well be
tliat from Grodek to Rawa-Ruska and beyond
there were engaged on this line in the combined
armies on both sides over 1,250,000 men. The
length of the line was about 60 miles, but over
much of this distance the fighting was unimpor-
tant, as the struggle concentrated more and
more on certain crucial points. The two most
critical of these points were Grodek on the ex-
treme south, where the Austrians occupied
a position of great strength, and Rawa-Ruska.
The Austrians had the advantage of occu-
pying positions which, if hastily, had been
efficiently prepared since, and, perhaps, in
anticipation of a retreat, before the battle of
Lemberg. Their right at Grodek was protected
by Nature against a turning movement, and
they had good railway commimications in their
rear. On the other hand, they had alreatly
in the mass, if not all regiments individually,
been defeated, Axhile the Russians were con-
fident and flushed with victory. On the whole
front the Russians also appear to have had a
numerical superiority. They attacked at all
points with the same conquering impetuosity
as thej^ had shown since the beginning of the
war.
The battle was joined fii-st round the positions
at Grodek, into which the Austrians had
retreated, or been di-iven, immediately after
the captvu"e of Lemberg. It was the extreme
north of the line, however, which first began
to gi\e %\ay. The Austrians were unable to
make any prolonged stand here, where the
enemy, besides attacking furiously from in
front, proceeded to envelop their left. The
fighting here went on confusedly over a wide
area. Of it we have only fi'aginentary glimpsi^
of scattered units strngglinc in a broken and
THE TIMES HISTOBY OF THE WAR.
263
uiarshj' country, ^^'e know that at several
places considerable numbers of Austrian
prisoners were taken, and, long afterwards,
the Russians were finding Austrian guns and
batteries entangled in the swamps. In the
result, this upper part of the AiLstrian line was
steadily forced back, fighting desperately as it
went, until the whole line became doubled back
on itself at an acute angle from Rawa-Ruska.
At this point the fighting was of a truly terrific
character.
The town of Rawa-Ruska was a typical small
Galician city, chiefly populated by Jews. Most
of the town was very old, but a modern settle-
ment had grown up near the railway station,
for Rawa-Ruska was one of the important
railway centres of this portion of Galicia. Two
lines here crossed one another, one running
north-westerly from Lemberg to the Polish
frontier at Narol, the other a branch of the
main line to Cracow, from a point near Jaroslau
to the frontier at Sokal. Big railway works
and round houses, besides extensive sidings
and storage yards, made it an important
centre of communication. To the east of the
town a number of low-lying ridges commanded
the approach from every direction except the
west. Both for its strategic importance and its
defensibility, it was evidently marked out as a
place to be held if possible, and as the northern
wing of the Austrians was forced back, the
fighting here became more and more acute.
It is not often that on the vast, extended front
of modern battlefields one can put one's finger
on any point and say : " Here the battle was
decided." But in this battle of the Grodek line
Rawa-Ruska was such a point. One can even
pick out one bit of land, only ten acres, which was
the key to the entire position. As the whole
huge battle began to develop, the importance
of this small area became accentuated, and it is
probable that in the whole war there was no
more bitter and furious fighting waged in such
a small area as occurred around Rawa-Ruska,
and especially on these bloody ten acres.
The defences on the point of the angle of the
Austrian line, just behind which nestled the
little Galician city, probably did not have a
front exceeding six or, at most, eight miles.
Yet we are told that for eight days between
250,000 and 300,000 men fought here con-
tinuously both night and day. After two days
the Russians concentrated on the angle, the
very apex of the whole, which had its point on
AUSTRIAN TRENGHhS, SHOWING COVERED SHELTERS AND TRAVERSES.
2G4
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
tlie bluffs at the edge of the ten acres. What
happened there was hardly less to the credit of
the Austrians than it was to that of their
victorious enemy In view of the rapidity and
comprehensiveness of the Russian successes in
Galicia, there had been a tendency everywhere
to decry the valour of the Austrian soldiery.
The Germans seem to have shared this view.
As a matter of fact, whatever shortcomings
there may have been in the organization or the
strategy of the Austrian Army, there was
abundant evidence from a score of battlefields
in Galicia that the men fought gallantly.
Nowhere was the evidence more convincing than
here in this angle at Rawa-Ruska. A special
correspondent of The Times inspected the battle-
field very shortly afterwards, and described
it in detail.
For eight whole days the Rvissian infantry
assaulted and stormed against the heights that
defended this angle. The Austrians in a single
mile made stands at no fewer than eight distinct
points. Some of these were taken and retaken
several times before being evacuated, and their
evacuation then spelled only a retreat of a few
hundred yards and a more determined resist-
ance. There is one incredible position which the
enemy held in a stubble field for hours, while a
better position was being dug a few himdred
yards behind in a small dip in the ground.
For a mile or more across this field one could
trace where the Austrian line had lain, for there
was not a yard unmarked by bloody bandages,
relics of equipment, and exploded shell frag-
ments, while so thick had been the rain of
shrapnel that from almost every clod of earth
broken in the hand it was possible to sift out a
few of the little leaden balls. The reputation
of soldiers who could Ue in that hideous place
needs no defending.
Two or three hundred yards behind this line,
just over a small swell in the ground, is another
line, this time of fairly deep trenches, and here
the Austrians held on for several days. At one
time the Russians took the trench, but were not
strong enough for the moment to push beyond
it, so they dug themselves in on their side,
only to be dislodged again on the next day by
the Austrians. So one saw the curious sight of
a ridge of earth with a trench on each side, the
one filled with Russian relics and the other
with Austrian.
Once it became evident, however, that this
was the strategic centre of the whole conflict,
the Russians were not to be denied, and so, day
after day and inch by inch, they drove back
the Austrians until at last they had them in a
deep trench on the slope of the crest of the final
ridge of hills defending the town itself. Just
over the ridge were concentrated the Austrian
SHELLPROOF TRENCH.
THE TIMES HISTOBY OF THE WAR.
265
LEMBERG MARKET.
batteries. Standing on the gun positions one
could, with a pair of field glasses, pick out
distinctly the eight lines of defence which the
Austrians tried to hold and the Russians had
taken. But with their recoil the resistance of
the blue-clad soldiers became more and more
desperately stubborn. The last trench was not
above 400 yards in front of their own guns,
and the Russians seem to have been quite
unable to make any headway against it until
they brought up and massed a number of
batteries of their heavy field howitzers. Then,
deliberately, in a patient and painstaking way,
they proceeded slowly but surely to destroy
with their big shells the entire front of the
Austrian position. It was possible to read the
evidence of this operation afterwards, not in
the trenches, for it was hard to see where they
were, but in the unbroken line of shell holes,
each 10 feet across and 5 feet deep, which
extended for hundreds of yards along the
former Austrian line. A man could walk for
nearly half a mile stepping from one crater to
another, while the ground in and between and
all around was strewn with shreds and patches
of blue uniform, with fragments of equipment
and relics of humanity. Here a clenched hand,
there a foot sticking out of a boot, and, again.
a soldier's overcoat ripped into ribbons, told
what sort of execution the Russians howitzers
did when once they came into action.
Yet, in spite of it all, it seems that the
Austrians stayed on here for above a day,
when at last, at the point of the bayonet, the
Russians carried the whole crest of the hill
and captured the few gims which had not
already been put oiit of action. This wiis the
decisive moment in the whole great confiict on
the Grodek line, and when the grey-clad
soldiers of the Tsar swept over this ridge tlio
issue of the day was settled. From the centre,
in those bloody ten acres, now strewn with
dead and wounded men and mangled horses
(for an effort had been made to support the
position with mounted infantry), the Russian
wedge spread north and south, and by nightfall
the Austrian centre was broken and the Rus-
sians were dropping shells into the outsldrts
of Rawa-Ruska. Behind the shells cauxe the
ardent Russian soldiers with such promptness
as to make any attempt to rally and hold the
town itself impossible. According to the
Russian official statement, the booty captured
at Rawa-Rviska included 30gims, 8,000 prisonei-s,
and " enormous stores of ammunition and
food."
m\
THE TIMES HISTOBY OF THE WAR.
A RUSSIAN PATROL.
Even had the Austrians been able to hold
Rawa-Ruska against the direct Russian attack.
however, it could not long have delayed the
inevitable issue of the great battle. Alreadx-
events were shaping themselves on the southern
end of the line in such a way that the position
of Rawa-Ruska would have been enveloped
on the rear, and its defenders must have been
surrounded and either annihilated or captured.
On September 8 the Russian official covi-
miinique announced that " our armies attacked
strongly fortified positions at Grodek."
Apparently these attacks began as early as
September 6, when the Russian northern army
was engaged in driving the enemy back from
Frampol to Bilgoraj. The defences of Grodek,
including the position at Sadowa-Wisznia,
were reported to be very strong, being pro-
tected by a series of six connecting lakes and
much marshy ground cut up by dykes. The
Russians were under General Brusiloff, who
repeated here the tactics of massed and con-
tinuous assault with which he had overcome
the Austrian resistance at Halicz. The Aus-
trian position was on a cluster of wooded hills,
to reach which the Russians had to cross a
plain some three miles wide in a series of
parallels under machine gun and rifle fire. It
was only after five days' fighting that they
succeedea in attaining a position from which
their guns could effectively reach the Austrian
trenches. These, when finally cleared witli
the bayonet, were found to be almost choktd
with dead bodies. Austrian prisoners declared
that they had had no regular supplies for four
days, but had lived on wild pears and raw
potatoes while they fought from the trenches,
the living lying alongside decaying corpses,
for the Russians had given them no time, night
or day, in which to bury their dead. These are
all the details which we have of what must
have been truly terrible fighting, the successful
issue of which was communicated to the world
on Septeinber 14 in one of the simply-worded
and restrained annovmcements in which the
Russian Headquarters Staff habitually con-
veyed the news of most momentovas events :
The army of General Brusiloff, againi^t whom the
Austrians made their last desperate onslaught, has on
taking the offensive captured many guns, prisoners,
and artillery parks, the numbers of which are now being
reckoned. General Brusiloff testifies that his troops
displayed the highest energy, stanchness, and gallantry.
The corps commanders calmly and resolutely directed
their troops and frequently wrested the victory at
critical moments. General Brusiloff specially mentions
the distinguished services of General Radko Dmitrieff."
From the references to the " desperate
onslaughts " of the enemy and to " critical
moments " we can gather something of the
stubbornness of the fighting of the eight days
since the attack on Grodek began. In a
campaign on a less gigantic scale, less crowded
with dreadful and sanguinary incidents, the
carrying of the defences of Grodek would have
stood out as an event of the first importance. It
THE TIMES HISTOBY OF THE WAR.
267
will come to be recognized as one of the bril-
liant and critical episodes of the war. At the
time, on the day following the vmassnming
communication quoted above, the Grand
Duke Nicholas merely announced that, " The
Russians, after occupying Grodek, reached
Mocziska, and are now within one march of
Przemysl."
At the same time, while Brusiloff's centre
was "reaching Mocziska" (about 40 miles
west of Lemberg), his left was pushing south-
westerly along the railway line to Sambor, arid
on to ChjTow, wliich latter place, however, was
not occupied ixntil September 24, thus isolating
the fortress of Przemysl from the south.
Brusiloff's men, when Grodek fell, had been
fighting and marching continuously for more
than three weeks. They had already performed
extraordinary feats of endurance, but they
hunted the flying Austrians from Grodek with
the same pitiless impetuosity as they had dis-
played in hunting them from HaUcz.
Meanwliile, further north, as we have seen,
Rawa-Ruska had fallen. Ruzsky was not, any
more than BrusUoff, the type of commander to
give a beaten enemy any rest, and while the
latter was driving the Austrian right from
Grodek to Chyrow on the south of Przemysl,
Ruzsky, with equal vigour, was following up
his success and sweeping the shattered remnants
of the army which had opposed him along the
railway towards Sieniawa, wliich was occupied
on the same day, September 18, as Brusiloff
captured Sambor, and Jaroslau, which latter
place was carried ]:)y assault on September 21.
On the \A"aj- there was heavy fighting aroimd
Javorow, 15 miles east of Przemysl, when the
Russians claimed to have captiu-ed 5,000
prisoners and 30 gims. Thus Przemysl was
cut off on the east, north, and south, and behind
its defences the remnants of von Auffenberg's
Army took refuge.
Events no less momentous, and equally
disastrous to the Austrian arms, had also been
going on where Danld's Army had been falling
back before Generals Ewarts and Plehve.
We have seen that the continuity of the Aus-
trian line of defence had not been made good
in the region north-west of Rawa-Ruska,
though it extended beyond the frontier between
Tomaszow and Tarnogrod. After the battle
at Tomaszow the line of the Archduke Joseph
Ferdinand above Rawa-Ruska to that point
had been bent back on to the Rawa-Ruska-
Jaroslau railway, while the main body of
Dankl's Army was falling back to the line of the
San. The Russian pressure on its rear never
relaxed. That pressure was particularly severe
from the Russian right, which, after clearing
the Opolie-Turobin district, had fought the
battle of Krasnik. The greater part of the
AUSTRIAN TEI.EGKAPH CORPS.
268
THE TIMES HISTOBY OF THE WAR.
LOADING A RUSSIAN GUN.
Austrian troops crossed the San close to its
junction with the Vistula, and they must have
hoped that while they, on the other side, would
be in touch with the Austrian railways, the
river behind them would form a barrier against
their piirsviers. But the operation of crossing
was to cost them dearly.
Foreseeing the necessity of falling back
across the San, General Dankl had, it seems,
been sending his transport back in advance
of his retreat almost since the retirement began.
Some of the transport trains had been seen and
shelled from the left bank of the Vistula as
early as September 9. It was not until Septem-
ber 12 that the army itself reached the banks
of the San. While the main body and the
baggage were getting across, two strong rear-
guards, to north and east, were left to hold
back the pursuing Russians. One of these rear-
guards had its left protected by the Vistula,
the other's right was protected by the San ;
the two forming a bow or arch between the two
streams. Attack on their front was made
difficult by marshy ground. They seem to
have been quite unable, however, to withstand
the Russian assault, which pierced the screen
long before the crossing of the river was com-
pleted. An immense number of prisoners,
said to have been 30,000, fell into the Russian
hands, and there was terrible loss of life as the
Russian artillery came up and shelled the
bridges over which the Austrians were pressing
in solid masses. Besides those killed by shell
fire, many are said to have been forced into
the river and drowned.
Nor did the Austrians find any rest on the
further side of the river. In theory, the
forcing of the passage of the San by an army
invading Austria should have been an almost
impossible task. The Austrians had spent
immense sums of money in the endeavour to
make it so. The upper, or southern, part of
its course was protected by the immensely
strong position of Przemysl and by Jaroslau.
Thence a light railway, built purely for strategic
purposes, ran parallel and close to it.s left bank
almost to its confluence with the Vistula. At
various places, as the Austrians fell back, they
destroyed the bridges behind them. Had they
destroyed them all, the 1st Army would have
had at least a few days' rest. But the Russians
in their advance were too swift. By a brilliant
stroke they rushed, captured and made good
their hold on the bridge at Krzeszov, on the
frontier a few miles west of Tarnogrod. In
the words of an official communique from
Petrograd " the Russian soldiers leaped across
the river on the very shoulders of the retreating
enemy."
This victory on the San, with the crossing of
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
i>
the river, stands out as one of the conspicuous
achievements of the campaign. What the
Austrian losses were, in addition to the 30,000
prisoners taken, there is no \\ ay of estimating,
but they were very heavy. What Avas more
important was tliat the barrier wliich the
Austrians had hoped to interpose between
themselves and their ruthless enemies had failed
them. Except that they were now in touch with
their railways and within reach of safetj'. at
least for the moment, under the shelter of
C'racow, there was no more respite for the
Austrians within the "riverine triangle"
formed by the Vistula and the San than there
liad been above it. Within that triangle the
Riissians seized a prodigious amount of war
material, supplies, and booty of all kinds.
With the dash on Krzeszov, moreover, the last
of the Austrian armies of invasion had been
driven off Russian soil in this quarter. There
was no longer an enemy left in the i'ro\inces
of VolhjTiia or Podolia.
Nor was this all. ^Mention has been made
above of the fact that Russian troops, based on
Iwangorod, had intercepted German reinforce-
ments on the left side of the Vistula as the\^
hurried across Poland to the lielp of Austria.
From that side of the river Russian gims liad
also shelled Austrian transports retreating along
the right bank. As the Russian right pressed
on the retiring Austrians, it had been able to
spare a considerable body of troops, which it had
thrown across the Vistula at Josefow. These
troops, reinforcing the Russian force already on
that side of the river, had s\Aept southward
parallel to the advance of the main army on tlie
right bank, brushing aside any enemy forces
which they met, effectually preventing any help
from reaching the Austrians from that quarter,
and, finally, at the same time when their com-
rades on the right bank were delivering the final
blow to the Austrians at the crossing of the San,
tliey, on the opposite side of the Vistula, drove a
strong Austrian force out of, and occupied, the
important place of Sandomierz. Near San-
domierz the Russians are said to have en-
countered and defeated the German 2nd
Landwelir Corps under General Woirsch. In
and around the town tliej- appear to have
taken 3,000 prisoners and 10 guns.
This advance down tiie left banlc of the
\'istula, with the occupation of Sandomierz, is a
final detail illustrating the comprehensiveness
of the Russian strategy and the precision with
ADVANCE COSSACK PATROL.
27C
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAB.
VIEW FROM OBSERVATION STATION ABOVE HALIGZ.
which their movements worked in unison.
It will be well to stop for a moment in the
narrative to survey the course of events during
this fateful month.
It naust be remembered that Russia, more
or less incompletely i^repared, found herself
invaded over a wide front by armies operating
in three different directions, and aggi'egating
in the neighbourhood of one million n:ien.
Her soldiers immediately saw and seized upon
the weak point in the enemy's plans. The
farther two invading armies operating on
divergent lines penetrate into an enemy's
covintry the wider must they become separated,
and the more difficult it be for them to co-
operate or for either to act as a shield to the
other's flanks. The Russians were content,
then, to allow the northern 1st Austrian Army
to press on, almost unresisted, to within
artillery range of its first main objective —
LubUn and the railway line to Iwangorod and
Warsaw. They then struck, and struck with
decisive force, at the weak place between the
two armies in the neighbourhood^of Tomaszow.
To meet this tlirust the Austrians were com-
pelled to withdraw their reserve troops from
the extreme left across the rear of the 1st Army.
When they proved insufficient, a new army was
hastily organized and thrown into the gap. It
might have served its purpose if it had been
pushed forward at first simviltaneously with the
other two armies, but such improvizations
rarely J prosper when a campaign is already
well advanced. The Russians had gathered
strengtli, and, having once driven their wedge
in at Tomaszow, they kept it there, and suc-
ceeded in widening it by the subsequent opera-
tions about Bilgoraj and the forcing back of the
Austrian line above Rawa-Ruska. The 1st
Austrian Army was thus left, at tlie extreme of
its advance, suspended in the air.
Meanwhile, Brusiloff's finely conceived and
admirably executed turning movement along
the Dniester on the extreme south, culminating
in the blow on Halicz, while Ruzsky, with his
main force, battered at the Austrian front and
left, penned in von Auffenberg's Army on a con-
tinually contracting front, and threw it back
on its successive lines of defence in the Ztota
Lipa, before Lemberg, and from Grodek to
Rawa-Ruska. Hurled from eacli of these in
turn, with the Cossack cavalry ranging wide
over Southern Galicia on their right, the
Austrians had no choice but to fall back,
guarding their rear as best they might, west-
ward towards Cracow.
As soon as von Auffenberg's Army was
definitely in difficulties, and occupied entirely
with considerations of its own safety, the
Russians could afford to give attention to
Dankl's Army in the north. No help could now
reach it, and it was already exhausted with
futile efforts to break the rigid barrier which had
been thrown across its path. The Russians
THE TIMES HISTOBY OF THE WAR.
•271
rightly massed their chief strength against this
aiTQy's left, for if that wing was broken, the
whole army, heiTimed in on both sides, must
fall back or submit to being surrounded.
Driven from Opolie along the Vistula, pitilessly
hammered along its whole front, threatened and
harried on its right flank from Tomaszow and
Tarnogrod, we have seen how Dankl'sArmy
was hustled down to and across the San, to
And no rest on the further side.
Every chief movement on the Russian side
was executed with the same certainty of touch,
and th^ operations of all the armies synchro-
nized to perfection. By September 23 Ewarts
and Plehve had driven Dankl's Army back to
the line of the Wisloka. Riizsky had taken
Jaroslau on September 21. Brusiloff was in
Chyrow on September 24.
It had been on August 22 that Ruzsky had
crossed the frontier and occupied Brody, while
on the same day Brusiloff had also entered
Galicia at Woloczysk. Beyond doubt the
world has never seen a month of such gigantic
fighting as had taken place since then. The
end of the month saw all the Austrian Armies,
beaten and broken, driven in from north, north-
east, east, and south, all herded into the con-
fined region west of Przemysl, like sheep driven
from all corners of a field into one narrow pen,
with only a single opening — the railway leading
to Cracow. The whole scope of the campaign
can be clearly followed on the map which is
given on page 260. A map covering the
A COSSACK SCOUT REPORTING TO
HIS COMMANDING OFFICER.
larger theatre, including Berlin and Vienna,
has been published on page 220,
As early as September 17 a Russian official
statement put the Austrian losses, since the
taking of Lemberg, at 250,000 killed and
wounded, and 100,000 prisoners, with 400 gims,
many colours, and a " vast quantity of stores."
Again, we hear that the rifles captured num
BRIDGE OVER THE DNIESTER DESTROYED BY THE AUSTRIANS
DURING THEIR RETREAT.
27:2
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
THE ARCHDUKE JOSEPH FERDINAND.
bered nearly half a million. What the total
losses on the Austrian side were in the whole
campaign there is no way of Icnowing. In ail
they probably put into the field, including the
later reinforcements, both Austrian and Ger-
man, about 1,100,000 to 1,200,000 men. It is
difhcult to believe that they lost, in killed,
wounded, and prisoners, less than 500,000 of
these. Official Russian estimates placed the
enemy's total losses at from 35 to 50 per cent,
of liis total forces. The Russian losses were
heavy at times, but it is believed that in the
whole campaign they did not reach 50,000.
And the Russians were now masters of all
Eastern Galicia, in possession of Lemberg and
Jaroslau, of Brody, Busk, Grodek, Tarnopol,
Sambor, Brzezany, and many other towns of
importance, with all the railway system operat-
ing between them. They controlled the GaU-
cian oil-fields, of great importance to the
enemy at such a time, and aU the agricultural
output of the rich Galician plains. Russian
cavalry was already feeling at the approach to
the Carpathians, from the Dulila Pass to the
Bukowina. Przeniysl alone held out.
This war was an extraordinary solvent of the
reputations of fortresses. In this campaign
we have seen how naturally strong positions,
with effective defensive works, like Grodek and
Rawa-Ruska, held out gallantly for some time,
and were then carried by assault. Lemberg
had been reputed to be strong. As a matter of
fact, tlie defences of the city itself were insig-
nificant, and when the army shielding it «as
l)rok(>n. no attempt was made to hold it. But
the fall of Jaro-ilau has never been explained.
Jaroslau was reputed to be stronger than eitlier
Liege or Namur. It had been confidently ex-
pected to offer a i)rolongcd and stubborn resist-
ance. The whole defences of the San were very
strong. They collapsed with hardly any de-
fence, and Jaroslau itself only witlistood attack
for two days. When the Russians brought
their hea\ier guns to bear on the fortifications,
it seems that the garrison simply deserted their
posts and fled, showing how demoralized tlie
Austrian Armies had become under tlieir suc-
cessive catastrophes. Przemysl alone of tlie
Austrian fortified places justified its reputation.
Besides its strength as a fortress, Przemysl
was a beautiful town, a veritable garden city,
set around with orchards and flower gardens.
It had a stormy history reaching back into the
mists of the tenth century. In the town and
its environs in 191-4 there was a civil popula-
tion of about 50,000, chiefly Poles and Ruthenes,
who lived together m great amity and with
perfect religious toleration. In September of
that year, when the victorious Russian advance
swept all resistance before it, there was said, in
official reports from Vienna, to be an army of
80,000 men based on Przemysl. under com-
mand of General Boveerig. He, with a large
part of this army, seems to have moved to tlie
line of the Wisloka to help Dankl's demoralized
forces to make their stand on that stream.
Probably many of von Auf^enberg's troops, as
they retreated, were used to form the garrison
of the fortress^; which was vmderstood at the
beginning of the investment to contain about
100,000 men, the defence being in the hands
of General Kusmanek. Later, this garrison
appears to have been increased.
We have already seen how the railwaj^ com-
munication with Przemysl had been severed on
the south and east by the Russian advance
after the fall of Grodek and the occupation of
]\Iocziska and Chyrow. The fall of Jaroslau and
the occupation of Rad>^nno, a town on the
main Cracow railway, on the left bank of the
San, some eight miles east of Jaroslau. and
15 miles north of Przemysl, completed the
isolation of the fortress. The stream of flight
and pursuit flowed past, lapping round
Przemysl on all sides, leaving it an islet in the
middle of a flood. So it stood, except for one
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
273
short interval, when the tide was torced back,
and for a while Przemysl was again in com-
munication with Cracow, throughout the
following winter until spring, for more than
half a year.
In those intoxicating days of September, 1914,
the Russians took it for granted that the lonely
stronghold must soon fall to them. The news-
papers, not of Russia, but of all the Allies, told
the world that its fate was sealed. But stores
of aU kinds had been poured into it, and all pre-
parations made for a long resistance. It was
announced that it had provisions enough to
last until May, 1915, and in General Kusn\anek
it had a commander who had no inclination to
surrender. The first investment was made
complete by September 2G or 27, 1914. The
Russians immediately called on the fortress to
surrender. General Kusmanek replied that he
would not even discuss surrender until all the
powers of resistance had been exhausted. An
effort was made to carry the place by storm,
but it was a costly experiment, and the Russians
gave up the attempt and settled down to a
regular investment until such time as heavy
siege grnis could be brougiit up and tlie way
prepared for an assault.
In the following month, as will be shown in
'a later chajDter, the renewed Austro-German
offensive on this front forced the Russians back
to a point where, it the pressure on the fortress
was not entirely removed, the western forts were
disengaged, and there was unrestricted com-
munication with Cracow. It is probable that
at this time extra forces were thrown into the
RUSSIAN SHELTERS IN THE
TRENCHES.
fortress. The Austro-German tide again re-
ceded towards the end of November, 1914, and
from that time onwards the investment of the
fortress was complete and more stringent than
before. The besieging force was in command
of General Ivanoff. The heavy siege guns,
however, were not brought up for some time.
They are said to have been ready at the be-
^^inning of the New Year, but determined
attempts were then being made to relieve the
fortress from the direction of the Carpathians,
I
PRZEMYSL.
274
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAH.
GENERAL VON KJjSMANEK,
In command of the fortress of Przemysl.
and it was decided to \\ ait until the danger had
passed, lest the gunji and siege material, diffi-
cult of transport, should be captured. Real
bombardment, then, did not begin until early
in March, 1915.
During the progress of the siege the garrison
made many gallant sorties, but without
material results. Towards tlie middle of March
the heights dominating the eastern sector of
the position fell into Russian hands, and on
the night of the 13th the important positions
at Mackiowice on tlie north were carried by
an assault in the darkness. There followed a
desperate sortie, led by General Kusmanek him-
self, at the head gf the 23rd division of the
Honved, wliich was beaten back with a loss of
over 4,000 prisoners, and many killed and
wounded, and the forts on the western side fell
into Russian liands. This was the end ; for
it seems that the garrison and civil population
alike were on the verge of starvation.
It was stated that the defenders in these last
days deliberately used up all their ammunition l)y
reckless firing. They destroyed their guns and
had already eaten all the horses. A final
but fruitless sortie had been made on March 20
in the direction of Oikovice. Early on the
following morning loud explosions were heard
from different parts of the fortress, where
the Austrians were blowing up the work.s
preparatory to surrender. At six o'clock that
morning, INIarch 21, 1915, the place was sur-
rendered tmconditionally. According to the
official lists furnished to the victors by General
Kusmanek, the girrison captiu-ed with the
fortress included 9 Generals, 93 superior
officers, 2,500 subalterns and officials, and
117,000 rank and file. The town of Przemysl
was not injured, all the damage being confined
to the fortifications and the outskirts.
ARCHDUKE CHARLES FRANCIS JOSEPH (in the centre) VISITING THE
FORTRESS OF PRZEMYSL.
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAE.
275
AUSTRIAN OFFICERS IN BESIEGED PRZEMYSL
The event was celebrated l)y a grand Te
Deum at the headquarters of the Russian
Commander-in-chief, at which the Tsar and
the Grand Duke Nicholas were present. The
Second Class of the Order of St. George was con-
ferred upon the Grand Duke, and the Third
Class upon General Ivanoff. The tenacity with
which the Russians had clung to the siege
through all the fluctuating fortunes of the war
during the long winter, though reports from
German sources declared that it had cost them
70,000 men previous to the beginning of the
bombardment, and the frequent and deter-
mined efforts made by the Austrians and
Germans to relieve the fortress, showed how
much importance was attached to its possession
by both sides. Its fall seems to have come as a
shock to Germany. A day or two before, the
German Press had been loudly proclaiming its
invincibility. In Russia the news was received
with great rejoicing, and everywhere it was
recognized that the captiu"o of the fortress
profoundly modified the whole situation.
This narrative of the fate of Przemj'sl, how-
ever, takes us far ahead of the general course of
events. The first Galician campaign may bo
said to have ended with the complete and
disastrous failure of the Austrian invasion.
Przemysl was still holding out, but all Eastern
Galicia — Sanak, Sambor, Stryj, Stanislau — wtus
in the hands of the Russians. The Austrian
field armies had all fallen behind the line of the
Wisloka, where von Auf^enberg had his base at
Tarlow, with Dankl and the remnants of hia
broken army on his left. At this moment
German aeroplanes were scattering proclama-
tions along the East Prussian frontier whicli
said :
Soldiers ! On the Austrian frontier the Russian
Army lias been routed and is retreating;. Many Russian
soldiers have been lett on the battlefield. In Poland
there is sedition, and in Moscow and Odessa there is
revolution which will speedily extend to the whole of
Russia. In order to prevent you from surrendering,
your authorities tell you that we torture Russian
prisoners. Do not believe this calumny, for where
would be found executioners to kill tiio hundred thousand
army of Russian prisoners ? Your prisoners arc now
peacefully living within oiu- country, together with
French, Belgians, and English. They are very content.
It is not worth while to die for a lost cause. Live for
your wives and children, your native land, and a new and
liappy Russia.
But in Vienna other tales were circulated.
There it was stated that one Austrian General
had been tried by court-martial and shot, and
another had been removed from the command
of a cavalry division which had been almost
annihilated, and had shot himself.
The immediate importance of (ho Hiissiuii
victories was, perhaps, at first overostiiuattxl.
There was talk in the Press of tiio imiurdiate
•276
TBE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAll.
capture of Cracow and overleaping of the Car-
pathians, of the roads to Berhn and Vienna
being now open, of the elimination of Austria
as a serious factor in the war, and the proba-
bility of her concluding a separate peace.
None the less, the results of the campaign
were of the utmost value. In itself it was on
such a scale — not less than 2,500,000 fighting
men being engaged in it from first to last — and
its battles were so gigantic and accompanied
with such terrible slaughter that the campaign,
judged by any standards in liistor3% ought to
raiik as one of the greatest of wars of all time.
In comparison with the battles of Lemberg,
Grodek, Rawa-Ruska, Tomaszow, and others,
most of the famous battles of liistory were
trifling things. And the Russian success was
brilliant and overwhelming. If Austria was
not, indeed, eliminated, she had received a
staggering blow, and worse than the blow to
Austria was the blow to the whole Austro-
Gennan theory of the war. It showed, as was
being shown also on the East Prussian front,
that the Russian military power was a real
and terrible thing. It showed how complete
the miscalculations as to Russia's uiu-eadiness
and unwieldiness had been. It showed the
folly of all the German expectations of risings
in Poland, or of any other form of dissension
among the Russian peoples. It showed that,
besides her fighting milhons, Riissia had
generals of first-class strategic ability. It
showed that all hope of a speedy " smashing "
of Russia with one hand was as illusory as the
same hope had proved in regard to France on
the western front. We have seen that Germany
had already been giving some actual support
in men, albeit a useless one, to the Austrian
Armies in their difficulties. From now on, liow-
ever, she became much more the predominant
partner in the alliance than had heretofore
been the case. It will be sliown in another
chapter how Germany assumed the direct
control, not only of the joint operations,
but of the individual Austrian and Hungarian
forces, to the bitter humiliation of the pride
of the Austro -Hungarian peoples.
Certain aspects of the campaign and the
inferences therefrom deserve especial treat-
ment, especialh- the light which it tlirew on
the quality and characteristics of the Russian
soldier. The history of the Russian Army, tl:e
story of its reorganization, and an account of its
composition at the outbreak of the war ha\ e
been given in detaU in Chapters XXVIII. and
XXIX. of this History. Accompanying those
chapters will be found many illustrations, in-
cluding portraits of Russian Generals, wiiich it
\\ ill be profitable to look at again in connexion
with the narrative of the events with which we
have just been dealing. ^lention has also been
made of the miscalculations which Germany
and Austria made in regard to Russia's readi-
ness for war. Their misunderstanding of the
RUSSIAN ARTILLERY.
The new field gun.
THE TIMES HISTORY OE THE WAE.-
'Ill
A STREET SCENE IN PHZEMYSL.
Russian soldier was no less remarkable : it was
on a par with the view of Sir John French's
" contemptible little army."
The outbreak of the war produced no more
remarkable phenomenon in any country than
the conversion, as it were overnight, of the
entire Russian people into a nation of total
abstainers. The day after war was declared,
■every vodka shop in the Empire was closed by
Imperial Decree during the time of mobilization.
Subsequently the prohibition was extended for
the whole diu-ation of the war. In Russia's cold
•climate the use of strong drinlis by all classes
of the people had generally been regarded as
more or less a matter of necessity. In one day
its use was stopped, and the whole population
accepted the decision without complaint. It
was only one manifestation of the extraordinary
spirit of earnestness, almost of consecration,
with which the Russian peoples entered upon
the war.
The Russian peoples had been known to be
possessed of inunense patience and powers of
endurance. In the mass they were inured to
hard living and accustomed to scanty fare.
They are fundamentally by temperament a pro
foundly religious people. But the fashionable
view of them throughout Germany and Austria,
encouraged by many who must have known
better, was that they were uncivilized bar-
barians, heavy-witted and incapable of dis-
cipline, and of ferocious and savage passion.
The word Cossack, in particvilar, was a thing
to frighten babies with. The contrast of all
this with the actual behaviour of the Russian
Armies in the field was absurd.
The abstention from liquor probably con-
tributed not a little to the powers of endiu-ance
of the Russian troops. Certainly they were
remarkable. Very seldom have soldiers had to
endiu-e harder and more continuous work than
was called for from the soldiers of the Tsar in
the course of those four terrible weeks. Eye-
witnesses testified to the fortitude which they
displayed under all conditions of the campaign
and when wounded, and to the uncomplaining
cheerfulness with which they confronted every
task. On the day after a desperate engagement .
in which it had lost a large proportion of its
numbers, a regiment would bo singing as it
marched along the road. Nor up to tlie last
did the troops lose their dash. Fresh men of
278
■THE TIMES HISTOBY OF THE WAR.
any army could not have attacked with more
impetuosity than did Bru.silort".s at Halicz
after an advance of the most arduous descrip-
tion, Ruzsky's at Rawa-Ruska, or the men of
the northern army at the crossing of the San.
The Cossacks, especially, enjoyed before the
war a n^ost evil rejjutation. It has been men-
tioned in a former chapter that, in the cam-
paign in East Prussia, the testimony of German
authorities was that in towns which they cap-
tured, the behaviour of the Cossacks v\as
" exemplary and irreproachable." The evi-
dence from Galicia is to the same effect. Those
who know the Cossack will, indeed, know that
he is, as a rule, if high-spirited, very childish
and- essentiall}'' good-natured. At Halicz, if
ever, the fighting spirit of the Russians rnust
surely have been aroused, and we have testi-
mony from independent sotirces of what
happened there. The Russian van which,
after the Austrian defeat, pushed first through
Halicz and across the river in ptirsuit of the
enemy, was apparently composed of three
divisions of Cossack cavalry. Here v\as an
occasion, then, when one might have expected
the worst, when, after a bloody action, the
victorious troops swept tlirough a defenceless
country full of Jews, and offering every tempta-
tion to excesses. The valle-s' itself is a garden
(illed to overIl(n\i)ig with all the good things
that a rich and fertile agricultural country
affords. So far from its having been pltuidered
or devastated after the Russian advance had
passed on, the fields were full of shocks of grain,
in every garden there were chickens and ducks
and huge white geese, and fat swine wandered
about the streets of the town. On the outskirts
of the town every acre seemed to be the grazing
groiuid of happy and contented cattle. In
the town itself there was not a single destroyed
house, while at the settlement aroimd the rail-
road station only a few buildings, such as ware-
houses, had been demolished by the Russian
artillery in the effort to keep the retiring enemy
on the move.
Still more significant was an incident which
occiuTed at the neighbouring town of Botzonce.
It has been told how the retiring Austrians
attempted here to make a stand, and were
shelled out by the Russian guns which pressed
after them. The whole centre of the town
was reduced to ruins, except tliree buildings.
The two churches and the Town Hall, which
had a chiu'ch-like spire, and was evidently
mistaken by the Russians for a third place of
worship, stood alone undamaged among the
wreckage. It was impossible to believe that
this had been the result of chance. The Russian
BOHEMIAN DRAGOONS.
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAB.
279
THE VICTORY OF LEMBERG— CELEBRATIONS IN PETROGRAD.
gunners had obviously endeavoured to spare the
religions bmldings, and to confine their fire to
the streets and buildings of which the military
necessity of the moment demanded the destruc-
tion. Similarly, in other towns which the
Russians were compelled to shell, it was always
the region of warehouses, depots, station-build-
ings and the like which was attacked, while the
himibler sections occupied by the poorer
classes were spared.
It was, of course, not to the interest of the
Russians to Ul-use the people of Galicia. They
came not to oppress or spoU, but as deliverers.
At the beginning of the operations, when
Russia first assumed a general offensive on
August 17, the Grand Duke Nicholas had
issued the following appeal to the Russian
inhabitants of Galicia :
Brothers. — A judgment of God is being wrought.
With Christian patience and self-annihilation the Russian
people of Galicia languished for centuries under a foreign
yoke, but neither flattery nor persecutions could break
in it the hope of liberty. As the tempestuous torrent
breaks the rocks to join the sea, so there exists no force
which can arrest the Russian people in its onrush towards
unification. Let there be no longer a subjugated
Russia. Let the country which forms the heritage
of Saint Vladimir throw off the foreign yoke and raise
the banner of united Russia, an iiidivisihlr- land. May
the providence of God who has blessed the work of the
great uniters of the Russian lands be made manifest.
May God aid His anointed, the Emperor Nicholas of
All the Russias, to complete the work begun by the
Grand Duke Ivan Kalita.
Rise, fraternal Galician Russia, who have suffered so
much, to meet the Russian Army for you and your
brethren, who will be delivered. Room will be fovind
for you in the bosom of our mother Russia withovit
offending peaceable people of whatever nationality.
Raise your sword against the enemy and your hearts
towards God with a prayer for Russia and the Russian
Tsar!
It is impossible that a conquering army can
pass through a vanquished country without
the perpetration of some individual excesses.
But there can be no doubt that throughout the
Galician campaign the behaviour of tiie Russian
troops was extraordinarily good.
Nor did the Austrians make am- attempt
to emulate the examples of the doctrine of
" frightfulness " given by their allies in Bel-
gium. In Galicia, of course, thej- v.ere in
their own comitry. As they penetrated
north into Russia, being in happy mood and
meeting with little opposition, tliey seem to
have done small wanton damage. On its retreat,
however, Daniel's Army laid waste a large jiart
of the province of Volhynia, ravaginy tlic
country and burning villages and farnvsleads
280
THl'J TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
AUSTRIAN MOTOR CYCLISTS.
as they pii.^sed. In a measure this was doubt-
less dictated by supposed miUtary considerations,
in the hope of delaying the enemy in his pur-
suit. When a soldiery, however, is started on
the work of destruction in an enemy's country,
it is inevitable that many things should be
done which neither military exigency nor any-
thing else can excuse. It can only have been,
also, a complete relaxation of discipline in the-
beaten and demoralized Austrian Armies whic l>
pennitted the pillaging which went on in some
of the larger towns, even in Galicia, as Sieni-
awa. As a whole, however, the campaign
appears, on both sides, to have been con-
ducted towards the civilian population witl>
moderation and humanity.
CHAPTER LVIII.
THE PROBLEM OF EGYPT:
A NEW REGIME.
The British Occupation — Defensive Measures of the Egyptian Government — Factors of
Discontent — The Khedive and the Extrejie Nationalists — German and Turkish
Intrigues — Remedial Measures, Econojuc, Political, and Military — Measures against
Enemy Subjects and Shipping — War with Turkey — jNIartial Law in Egypt — British
Protectorate Proclaimed — Abbas Hilmi Deposed — Sultan Hussein of Egypt — Character
and Accession — The Sudan — Naval Operations in the Red Sea till the End of 1914 —
The Action at Bir en Nuss.
IT is in the pages of Lord Cromer's " Modern
Egypt " and Lord Milner's " England in
Egypt " that the fascinating but complex
history of the British occupation of Egypt
can best be studied. To describe it and the
events that led up to it in brief were an impos-
sible task. It is, however, necessary to preface
this account of recent events in Egypt by a
short sketch of the principal features of the
history of the country since 1882. Only thus is
it possible to understand the relations between
tlie British and Egyptian Govermnents which
had a vital bearing on the developments in
Egj'pt after the outbreak of the Great "\^"ar.
Great Britain had been opposed to the con-
struction of the Suez Canal, ^hich opened a new
and shorter route to India to tlie Mediterranean
Powers. Its completion made the fate of Egypt
largely dependent on the will of tlie leading
Sea Power. In 1875 Lord Beaconsfield pur-
chased 176,602 original founders' shares in the
Suez Canal from the embarrassed Khedive, or
Prince, of EgjqDt, Lsinail Pasha. England thus
acquired a definite stake in tiie country and
was bound to intervene both in the management
of the Canal and in tlie organization of Egyptian
Vol. III.— Part 34.
finance. Ismail Pasha was deposed by his
Suzerain, the Sultan of Turkey, in 1879. He
left an empty Treasury and an insubordinate
army behind him. Anarchy ensued under his
successor Tewfik, culminating in a military
mutiny, inspired partly by real grievances
against foreign usurers and corrupt officials,
partly by fanaticism, and largely by the native
Egyptian officers' jealousy of their Turkish and
Circassian superiors. Great Britain intervened
on behalf of the Khedive and restored order at
Tel-el-Kebir in 1882. Owing to the national
dislilcc for the responsibilities which such action
would have involved she did not proclaim a
protectorate over Egypt, There were, indeed,
several occasions on which her statesmen con-
templated the withdrawal of the Army of
Occupation, but after the failure of the Anglo-
Tiurkish negotiations of 1886-1887 it was
recognized that this could only be effected, if
at all, after many years.
In spite of the jealousy of France, whose
jioliticians had allowed themselves to be
mananivred into an attitude of hostility
towards England by Germany, the hostilitj'
of reactionarv elements and of the Khodive
281
9R2
TIIJ': riMFS HISTOHY OF THE WAR.
[From a paintinS by the Hon, John Collier,
SIR HENRY MCMAHON,
High Commissioner for Egypt.
Abbas II., who succeeded his father Tewftk in
1892, the financial bondage in which Egypt
Avas held by international jealoiisies, the abuse
of the Capitulations, and the fact that none of
the Great Powers had definitely recognized our
special position and interests in Egj'pt, our
influence increased and Egypt prospered more
and more under the masterful hand ' of Lord
Cromer, British Agent and Consul-General at
Cairo. In 1898 the Sudan, which had rebelled
under a religious impostor in 1882 and had been
for sixteen years a prey to bloodshed and
anarchy, was reconquered by an Anglo -Egyptian
Army under Lord (then Sir Herbert) Kitchener
and placed under an Anglo -Egyi^tian condo-
minium. A French attempt to effect a lodgment
on the Upper Nile failed. Six years later came
the Anglo -French agreement of happy augury,
by which France, in return for concessions in
Morocco and elsewhere, recognized England's
special interests in Egj-pt, while England
iindertook to make no change in the political
status of the country. The other European
Powers, except, of course, Turkey, some sooner,
some later, recognized the occupation.
Henceforth, instead of France, more or less
energetically supported by Russia, it was
Turkey, encouraged later by the German Em-
piic, that challenged Great Britain's political
predominance in Egypt. The Porto had not
recognized the occupation, had protested
against the declaration of an Anglo -Egyptian
condoininium over the Sudan, and had since
1887 maintained a "Special ^Mission" at Cairo,
which was never recognized by the Britisli
authorities, who held that the Sultan's official
representative in Egypt was the Khedive, but
was. nevertheless, able at times to exert its
influence unfavourably to us.
Egypt, it must be remembered, A^a.s a part of
the Ottoman Empire. By the Firman of 1879
the Khedive possessed certain essential attri-
butes of sovereignty, subject to the pajnuent of
a tribute of abo\it £075,000. The Khediviate
was hereditary in the House of IVIohamed Ali
according to the law of primogeniture. But
the same Firman debarred the Khedive from
the right of raising loans without the consent
of the Sultan and of keeping up an army of over
18.000 men in time of peace, nor could he
conclude any treaty beyond certain commercial
conventions with any foreign Power. At the
Sublime Porte Egypt was regarded as an
autonomous Ottoman province ruled by an
hereditary Governor -General appointed by the
Sultan, though possessed of greater indepen-
dence than other Ottoman " Valis."
In 1906 the Tm-ks, who had taken care never
to agree to the usual defimtion of the frontiers
of Egypt, attempted to occupy certain points
in the Sinai Peninsula, from Avhich tliey only
retired when the British Ambassador had
presented an ultimatiun to the Porte. The
eastern frontier between Egypt and Turkey
was then delimited, but the frontier convention
between the two countries was never ratified
by the Porte. In 1907 Lord Cromer retii-ed,
owing to ill-health, from the post of British
Diplomatic Agent and Consul-General, which
he had held with honour since 1883. He
had found Egypt banknipt ; he left it solvent.
He found the Egyptian fellaheen, as the
peasantry are called, oppressed and poor ; he
left them prosperous and secured against the
gi'osser forms of injustice. His name will be
for ever linked with the history of the revival
of Egyptian prosperity and civilization. His
departure took place at a time when the
excitement aroused by the frontier dispute
with Turkey had not died down, and the
lOiedive and the Nationalists of the extreme
party were violently hostile.
THE TIMES HISTORY OE THE WAR.
•28B
Before j^roceeding with this narrative it is
necessary to say a few words concerning tlie
relations between the British Government and
the Khedive and his Ministers.
" I hardly need point out," wrote Lord
Granville in 1884, " that in important questions
where the administration and safety of Egypt
are at stake, it is indispensable that Her
Majesty's Government should, so long as the
provisional occupation of the country by
English troops continues, be assured that the
advice which, after full consideration of the
views of the Egyptian Government, .they may
feel it their duty to tender to the Khedive
should be followed. It should be made clear
to the Egyptian Ministers and Governors of
Provinces that the responsibility which for the
time rests on England obliges Her Majesty's
Government to insist on the adoption of the
policy which they recommend, and that it will
be necessary that those Ministers and Governors
who do not follow this course should cease to
hold their offices." Since 1895 the relations
between Ministers and their British advisers
had grown steadily more cordial, but complete
harmony between the British and Egyptian
sides of the Administration had been frequently
prevented by the action of the Khedive, who,
though unwilling, after a couple of severe
lessons, to place himself in open opposition to
Gre^it Britain, never ceased for long to intrigue
against the British and to undermine the
authority of his own Ministers. Sir Eldon
Gorst, succeeding Lord Cromer in 1907, doubt-
less with instructions to avoid friction and
" incidents," attempted a policy of conciliation
which did not meet with the success which it
deserved. He nevertheless was able tempo-
rarily to detach the Khedive from the extremist
Nationalist Party and to cvirb the license of
the extremist Press. Dm-ing his tenure of
office the Christian Premier, Butros Pasha
Ghali, was assassinated by an extremist
student, who would seem to have been in touch
with the Committee of Union and Progress.
After the sadly prematvire death of Sir Eldon
Gorst, Lord Kitchener was appointed in his
stead. His prestige as a stern soldier and his
knowledge of Egypt enabled him rapidly to
calm the local agitation of which the mvu-der
of Butros Pasha had been a sign. The ex-
tremist Nationalists lost ground or fled to
Turkey, but the KJiedive and the Ottoman
Special Mission continued their intrigues.
Sedition was, however, scotched, though not
killed, and Lord Kitchener by his lavish
expenditvu-e on improvements and by legisla-
tion on behalf of the fellaheen acqviired great
popularity.*
When war broke out in Europe Egypt was
therefore quiet. The Moslem peasants, who
* A full account of Lord Kitchener's work in Egypt
has been given in Chapter XIX., together with portraits
of Lords Kitchener and Cromer and Sir R. Wingate.
THE OLD WORLD AND THE NEW.
Australian Imperial Force near the Sphinx and Pyramids.
284
THE TIMK!^ HTSiTORY OF THE WAB.
SIR GEORGE REID ADDRESSING AUSTRALIAN
formed the enormous majority of the popula-
tion, appreciated the benefits of the occupation,
and had no knowledge of and less liking for
Germans, while their memories of Turkish rule
were unpleasant. But they lacked initiative,
and were largely imeducated, so that whatever
support they were disposed to give the British
authorities in times of trouble was likely, to be
platonic. Among the better educated classes
in the towns there was little love for the Khe-
dive and little fanaticism against Europeans,
though Syrian and Coptic Christians were
generally disliked. On the other hand, the
numerically small but vocal extremist party,
which comprised not a few students of law and
theology and some of the Turco-Egyptians,
who formed a sort of aristocracy since the days
of Mohamed Ali, was hostile and had become
more reactionary in its tendencies since it had
begun to look to Turkey for support rather than
to France. The great majority of officials,
merchants, and landowners supported the
occupation, which was, of course, anathema
to the much less numerous entourage of the
Khedive. The excitability, credulity, and
fickleness of the urban lower classes, failings
which extended to many of the half-educated
intelligenzia, made them imreliable as sup-
porters of any Government. The Arabic
proverb, " The Egyptian has. fears, but has no
respect," is too often true of this element.
Religion was the side on which this town
population was most easily approached by
intriguers, and it is noteworthy that the
connexion between Egj-pt and Turkey was
popular among them and among some of the
fellaheen for reUgious reasons. The Turkish
Sultanate meant nothing to them, but to be.
if only nominally, " under the protection of the
Khalifate " flattered their amour-propre and
was, so to speak, a sort of guarantee of religious
orthodoxy.
On August 2 the Council of Ministers declared
the notes of the National Bank of Egj-pt
obligatory legal tender. On the same day it
prohibited the exportation of foodstuffs. On
August 3 the Egyptian Government, in view of
the outbreak of war between Austria-Hungary
and Serbia and between Russia and Germany,
i isued instructions similar to those issued
during the Russo-Japanese War, to its authori-
ties on the Suez Canal and its ports of access
and at other Egyptian ports. But witliin
forty-eight hours the situation had entii'ely
changed owing to the entry of Great Britain
into the war. On August 5 the Council of
Ministers met and arrived at an important
" decision tending to ensure the defence of
Egypt in the war between Germany and Great
Britain." The preamble ran :
Considering that war has unhappily been declared
between His Majesty the King of Great Britain and
Ireland and of the British Dependencies oxer Seas,
Emperor of India, and the German Emperor ; that the
presence in Egypt of the Army of Occupation of His
Britannic Majesty rentiers the country liable to attack
by His Majesty's enemies ; that in consequence of this
state of affairs it is necessary that all measures be taken
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAB.
285
TROOPS AT MENA CAMP.
to defend the country against tlie risk of such attack —
all whom it concerns are therefore informed that at a
meeting of the Council of Ministers held on August 5,
1914 under the presidency of H.E. the Regent, the
following decisions were taken.
The first four articles of the Egyptian
Goveriunent's decision forbade any person
residing in or passing through Egypt (1) to
make any contract or agreement whatever with
the German Government or any of its agents ;
(2) to contribute to or participate in the issue
of any loan to the German Government or make
any loan thereto ; (3) to conclude any policy or
contract of insurance with or for the benefit of any
person residing in or passing through the German
Empire, or effect any paJ^nent on the basis of
any existing policy or contract of insurance on
account of any loss due to warlike acts by the
forcjes of His Britannic Majesty or of his Allies ;
(4) to conclude any new contract or enter into
any new commercial, financial or other obliga-
tion with or for the benefit of any person as
defined in (3). Article 5 prohibited any Egyptian
vessel from entering into or conmiunicating
with any German port. Article 6 forbade the
export of arms and munitions of war, military
equipment and vehicles, petrol, benzine, air-
craft, coal-sacks, coal and briquettes. The
next two articles forbade the export of any mer-
chandize from any Egyptian to any German
port and the transhipment in any Egyptian port
of any merchandii(;e for the above destination,
and prohibited the departure from any Egyptian
port of vessels which had not been specially
authorized to sail. Articles 9 to 11 dealt with
contraband. By their terms any neutral vessel
which was in itself contraband of war in accord-
ance with the definition of contraband adopted
by the British Government, or carried contra-
band or rendered any services contrary to
neutrality " to the enemy," would be prevented
from leaving Egj-ptian jjorts ; any neutral vessel
embarking contraband of war in any Egyptian
port would be liable to capture, and any neutral
vessel on which contraband had been embarked
before the date of the Eg5'ptian Govermnent's
decision must unload the contraband cargo, if
still in an Egyptian port. Article 12 forbade
the discharging in any Egyptian port of any
article or merchandize taken on board in a
German port subsequently to the Egyptian
Government's decision. The next four articles
are given in full :
Article 13. — The Naval and Military forces of Hifl
Britannic Majesty may exercise all the rights of war in
Egyptian ports and in Egyptian territory, and war-
vessels, merchant vessels or merchandize captured in
Egyptian ports or territory may be brought before the
judgment of a British Prize Court.
Article 14. — Under the strict observation of the pro-
ceding clauses any German vessel which was in an
JOgyptian port at the date of the opening of hostilities or
which, having quitted its last port before that date, haa
entered or shall enter an Egyptian port without know-
lodge of the outbreak of war, will bo authorized until
sunset on August 14, 1914, to load or unload and to
leave port on giving such written engagements as may
be required by the British naval authorities in con-
formity with tlie dispositions of Chapter 3 of iho Conven-
tion of 1907 relative to certain restrictions in the exercise
of the right of capture in naval warfare.
Article 15. — German merchant vessels which have left
34—2
28G
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
".jeam-
«C-.
HELIOPOLIS GAMP.
their last port before the declaration of war, and which
put in witliout knowledge of the declaration of war to
an Egyptian port after sunset on August 14, 1914, and
are authorized to enter port, may be required to leave
immediately, or after the delay deemed necessary by
the port authorities for the discharging of such part of
their cargo as they may be required or specially authorized
to effect, in each case giving in advance the written
engagements referred to in the preceding article.
Article 16. — A ship liable to the operation of any of
the preceding articles, having cargo on board which,
according to the rules applied by the British Prize Courts,
constitutes enemy cargo, or which the British naval or
military authorities wish to requisition subject to
compensation (moyennant compensation) for the needs
of the war, shall not leave port till this cargo shall have
been discharged.
Under Article 17 cable ships, ocean oil -tank
vessels, ships of over 5,000 tons displacement and
14 knots speed, or merchantmen obviously con-
structed with a view to their use as ships of war
were expressly deprived of any of the benefits
referred to in Clauses 14 and 15.
Article 18 ran: — "All persons whom tliis
concerns shall render the assistance which may
te required of them to the naval and military
forces of His Britannic Majesty." Article 19
Extended the operation of the Goverimient's
•decisions to companies, associations, etc., having
a' legal or de facto existence. Article 20 dealt
as follows with the Canal ports :
As regards the ports of access to the Suez Canal, the
present decision shall be applied with the following
modifications :
■■■ (a) Merchant vessels which have traversed or wish
to. traverse the Canal, whatever their nationality or
cargo, shall have full liberty to enter or leave the
ports of access or to pass through the Canal without
risk of capture or detention, provided that the passage
of the Canal and departure from the port of access arc
" Effected normally and without unjustifiable delay.
(6) These ships may receive such provisions, in-
cluding coal, as shall be reasonably necessary for the
voyage on which they are bound.
(c) Merchandize of all sorts which has passed the
Canal may be transhipped at the port of departure.
(d) Article 13 of the present decision shall be inter-
preted in accordance with the Suez Canal Convention
of 1888.
On August 13 the above decisions were
extended to Austria -Hungary, then at wa* with
Great Britain, the date of August 22, 1914,
being substituted for that of Augtist 14 in the
application of Articles 14 and 15 to Austro-
Hungarian merchant vessels.
These decisions had been prepared before-
hand, in view of the possible outbreak of a
European war, by Mr. W. E. Briuiyate, C.]\I.G.,
Legal Adviser to the Egyptian Government,
under the ausjaices of the Imperial Defence
Committee. They could not be described as a
declaration of neutrality. They formed, indeed,
something resembling a Treaty of Alliance of
local and limited application between Egyjjt
and Great Britain and her Allies. Egypt, being
in the military occupation of the British Forces,
was exposed to attack by the enemies of tliose
forces, and, therefore, took the necessary
nteasures against such attack. Against the
argument that Egypt as a vassal State of
Turkey had no right to take any such steps the
Egyptian Government could urge the plea of
military justification, the naore so as her action
harmed no neutral State whatsoever.
Thanks to the Allies' command of the
Mediterranean, Egypt had nothing to fear
from naval raiders as soon as the Goeben and
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAE.
287
Breslau had disappeared into the Dardanelles.
But the attitude of Turkey now became
provocative, while the Germans resident in the
country, the supporters of the Khedive, and the
pro-Turk party required watching. Had the
war caused Egypt no economic distress, their
efforts to excite popular feeling against the
occupation need have aroused no uneasiness.
Unfortunately Egypt suffered severely from
the war. The country lived on its cotton
crop. The larger landowners, some of whom
had already been hard hit by the financial
crisis of 1907, the consequence of over-specula-
tion in land, the effects of which were still felt,
were not as a rule thrifty. They were in the
habit of obtaining annually large advances
against the coming cotton crop from the banks,
and of spending these advances lavishly. The
great mass of small landowners, if thriftier,
were still too fond of spending sums they could
ill afford on marriage feasts and similar festivi-
ties. ]Many of them were more or less heavily
in debt, while those who hoarded would only
part with their money at the last extremity.
To the landowners in general the war was a
heavy blow ; all means of financing the culti-
vators to enable them to lift and pick the crop
were checked, the banks being unable to make
the usual advances on cotton, and the general
indebtedness of the native population conse-
quently increased. The landowners had been
looking forward to a big cotton crop and hoping
to realize it at satisfactory prices. The crop,
as a matter of fact, was, generally speaking,
inferior in quality to the last, and the quantity
was less than had been expected, owing to the
ravages of the latest Egyptian insect pest, the
" pink boll-worm." Owing to the absence of
facilities for financing the cultivators, the ripe
crop was often left unpicked for so long that
the first, second, and third pickings were taken
together, to the detriment of yield and quality.
There were cases, too, in which the disheartened
tenant farmers refused to pick, knowing that
as soon as they had gathered in the crop it
would be seized by the landlord for rent. In
the early months of the war, therefore, the
anxiety and depression of the peasantry were
great.
Trade natm-ally suffered. At the beginning
of the war there was a short spurt in certain
branches owing to the sudden replenishment of
stocks. Complete stagnation followed for some
time. Native industries suffered the most,
and unemployment increased. The Public
Works Ministry was compelled from motives
of economy to cease work on all its various
projects, except where it was necessary im-
BRITISH SENTRIES ON DU lY AT THE CITADEL. CAIRO.
In the background Is the Musque of Mohamed All.
288
THE TIMES HISTOBY OF THE WAR.
-TT^»^C* .
^i-^^c^-V/- --ffi^.
K
V
«. fir
'ti^
TROOPS AT RIFLE PRACTICE ON THE DESERT SANDS.
mediately to spend money to conserve work
that had already been done.
The departm-e of a large nmnber of European
residents — Frencli, German, and Austro-Hun-
garian — called out for military service, affected
the shopkeeping class and don:iestic servants,
as did the general reduction of private expen-
diture all round. The retiu-ns of imports and
exports up to December 14 were eloquent of
the economic loss sustained by the country' :
Value of imports into Egypt
from 1.8.13 to 31.10.13 ... £E. 7, 338.000
Ditto from 1.S.14 to 31.10.14... 3,357,000
Value of exports from 1.8.13 to
31.10.13 7,106,000
Ditto from 1.8.14 to 31.10.14 ... 1,583.000
Previous crises had merely affected a section of
t lie population — stockbrokers, speculators, and
owners of certain urban or suburban proper-
ties for the most part. The present crisis
affected all classes, and caused a very general
rnalaise, more especially among the very poor.
The risk that sedition-mongers would attempt
to stir up trouble among the ignorant and
needy had to be taken into account. Hostile
intrigue from four different quarters — the
Kliedive and his supporters, the extremist
Nationalists, German agents, and Tiu'lcish
agitators — had never entirely ceased, and was
the more to be feared now that economic
conditions were imsatisfactory.
The Khedive was unpopular, but an Oriental
ruler can generally rely on some support as
long as he is on the tnrone, and Abbas Hilmi»
as the lawful sovereign of Egj^pt, had his
followers and even his admirers. Lord Cromer's
" Abbas II." contains an interesting sketeh of
his earlier struggles with the yoimg ruler of
Egypt, who, fresh from the narrow training of
the Teresianum at Vienna, ignorant of Egj-ptian
conditions, and impulsive, made a series of
rash " frontal attacks " on the British Occu-
pation, and was repulsed with considerable
loss to his prestige. Thereafter the Khedive
waged a war of intrigue against Great Britain
in Egj'pt. He did much to create the ex-
tremist Nationalist party, wliich he financed
from the proceeds of the sale of grades and
decorations, often to eminently mideserving
persons. His entourage was a stronghold of
anti-British feeling. Officers and officials who
had misconducted themselves and had been
dismissed from Govermnent emplojinent often
fotuid an asylum in liis service. Corrupt
ex-officials of tlie Ministry of Finance were
particularly eligible. For long he held the
Wakfs (Pious Fotmdations) Admim'stration
in liis hands, and added to liis private fortime
therefrom. His ambition was, .as Lord
Cromer has written, '" to enrich himself
by every possible means in his power."
His principal interest and amusement was
political and financial intrigue. Lord Cromer
has compared him to the Virgilian Dares,
" seditione potens " — mighty in sedition. To
such of his Ministers \\ho displeased liim or
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
289
pleased the British he could on occasion show
the maximum of discourtesy.
After Lord Cromer's retirement came a brief
reconciliation between the occupation, in the
person of Sir Eldon Gorst, and Abbas Hilmi.
The Khedive did not, it was true, abandon liis
sale of decorations or his hunt for " Naboth's
vineyards," but liis intrigues against the
occupation became temporarily less energetic.
His friendship for the new British Agent was
undoubtedly sincere, and his visit to Sir Eldon
Gorst's death-bed should be remembered by
Englishmen in his favour. It must also be
admitted that, violent as his dislike for England
was, he was invariably coiurteous to her repre-
sentatives in Egypt.
Sir Eldon Gorst undoubtedly broke the
alliance between the Khedive and the
Nationalists of the extreme faction. This
alhance was not renewed till 1913, when Abbas
Hilmi, who had large estates in Turkej^ and
regularly visited Constantinople, fearing for his
interests, made terms with some of the ex-
tremists. Others remained hostile, and the
Committee Government, with which he \\as
frequently on bad terms, and against which he
undoubtedly intrigued, supported theni. On
July 24, 1914, a half -insane Egyptian student
fired at and wounded the Khedive, then on a
visit to Constantinople, as he drove past the
Sublime Porte. The ruler's injimes were not
severe : the would-be assassin was shot, stabbed,
and sabred with much promptitude by the Otto-
man escort, who. in their inopportune or prudent
zeal, woimded several passers-by, and by dis-
patching the culprit rendered further police
researches fruitless. The Committee Goverrunent
was prodigal of kind attentions to the previously
detested '" Vali of Egypt." Ere Abbas Hilmi
had fully recovered from his wounds, the Great
War had broken out. He asked the British
Government for help to retiu-n to Egypt. The
request was most embarrassing. The Army of
Occupation had not yet been reinforced, the
population was already disttu:"bed by tlie
economic crisis, and the return of a riiler who
had sho\\n such capacity for intrigue and such
skill in rendering the position of his Ministers
impossible would have added to the difliculties.
He was recommended to remain at Constanti-
nople. The Austro-Hungarian and German
Ambassadors promptly made full vise of theij*
opportunity and, thanks to their efforts,
the Austrophile or Anglophobe sentiments of
Abbas and the assun:ied friendliness of the
Turkish Government were speedily able to
reconcile hiui with the all-powerful Committee
of Union and Progress. Within a month of the
outbreak of war he was discussing the invasion of
Egypt by the Turks with INIinisters and Generals,
while his agents at Cairo and Alexandria were
spreading alarming reports concerning his
intentions. The British Ambassador suggested
that he should withdraw for a while to Italy.
It was Abbas Hilmi's last chance. He refused
to entertain the suggestion and thus signed his
BRITISH SOLDIERS DIGGING TRENCHES IN THE DESERT.
290
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
EGYPT AND THE NILE.
1. Grfat Pyramid of Gizeh. 2. A street in Cairo. 3. Blrds-eye view of Cairo. 4. The Nile bridge,
Cairo. 5. Assuan.
THE TIMES HISTOBY OF THE WAR.
■29 J
own political dpath-warrant. His alliance with
the Turkish Government grew closer. The
Egyptian police was constantly coming across
the tracks of his agents. A few weeks after the
outbreak of war with Turkey none who knew
his historj' and that of his relations with the
Committee were much astonished to hear that
the Talaats and Envers, after flattering his
vanity and informing the Moslem world that
he would lead the " Holy Warriors " to Cairo,
had suddenly turned upon their dupe, accused
him of playing a double game, and sent him
packing. It was left to the Egyptian Govern-
ment, in deference to a request from Sir John
Maxwell, to appoint a sequestrator of his
private properties " in the interests both of His
Highness and of His Highness's creditors."
The extremist Nationalist group, kno^Ti as
the " Hisb el Watani " (Patriotic Party), was in
an evil plight when tlie Great War broke out.
This party in its tendencies somewhat resembled
the extreme wing of the Committee of Union
R.nd Progress, which its brightest ornaments
eventually joined. There had been " National-
ism " enough in Egypt before it, largely owing
to the great uncertainty that prevailed as to
our intentions, but many so-called " Nation-
alists " were simply trimmers, who, seeing the
Khedive and certain magnates hostile to the
British — who might one day leave the country
— thought it safer to follow the lead of Abdin.
After the Fashoda incident, and still more after
the Anglo-French Agreement of 1904, many of
these waverers rallied to the British Occupation.
The extremist party owed its existence to
Abbas II., who assisted its leader, Mustafa
Kamil Pasha, and his group with subventions
which enabled them to foimd a violent but well-
edited journal, called Al Lewa {The Standard).
Mustafa was a Turco -Egyptian demagogue,
whose pleasant manners and French veneer
found him some influential friends at Paris,
while his genuine eloquence inflamed the
enthusiasm of the student class. After a while
he showed independent tendencies which greatly
annoyed the Khedive, who cut off supplies, and,
after making use of him against Lord Cromer,
gave him the cold shoulder when Sir Eldon
Gorst was British Agent. Whether Mustafa
could have stood on his own feet after tlie
Khedive had disowned him is not certain. Ho
died rather suddenly in the winter of 1907-1 90S,
and the examination of his affairs revealed a
deplorable confusion, from which his journal and
supporters never completely recovered. After
SHEIKH SHAWISH.
[Lekeiian.
his death the Francophile veneer of his party,
which had already shown signs of scaling off,
disappeared entirely, and it became frankly
reactionary', Turcophile, and anti-European —
save where Germany was concerned. Its leaders
were Mohamcd Bey Farid, a rather unimportant
agitator, and Slieikh Abdul Aziz Shawish, a
fiery Tunisian who had learnt English admirably
when Assistant Professor of Arabic at Oxford,
spoke well, and thoiifjh known when a law
student as " Ahmak ed Dawla " (the State Fool),
appealed to the fnnatical through his knowledge
of the Koran and tlie Traditions. The murder
of Butros Paslia Ohali, already referred to,
by a student named Wardani was credited
by pnpulnr report to the promptings of
Shawisli and his friends, but no proof of
this was discovered, and the crime may
equally well have been inspired by Wardani's
friends among the revolutionaries of Constanti-
nople, who had sent emissaries to Egypt in
1009. After Lord Kitchener's arrival in Egypt
the relations between the extremists and the
Khcdiv<e, who had a terror of assassination,
were fitfully resumed, but neither trusted the
other, and Abbas Hilmi was probably rather
relieved when Shawish and Farid fled the
country, to avoid trial on charges of abetting
re ipon, and took refuge at Constantinople.
With their less dangerous local successors he
was on better terms, but the flight of Shawish
took the sting out of the extremist group, which
had never been really dangerous, except as a
292
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
TROOPS DISEMBARKING IN EGYPT.
weapon in the hands of the Khedive and of
Turkish fishers in troubled waters. Shawish
became a leading member of the Committee of
Union and Progress and counsellor to Talaat
and Enver. Another Egyptian Nationalist,
Dr. Ahmed Fuad, was appointed to the Intelli-
gence Department of the Turkish Foreign
Office. The leaders left in Egypt indulged in a
certain amovuit of pro -German and pro -Turkish
talk in bars and cafes, but no single Egyptian
was induced thereby to risk his skin in derailing
a train or blowing up a bridge. The censorship
checked anj' jom-nalistic manifestations on
their part, and when war broke ovxt with
Turkey some of them, who had been allowed
to continue to edit their newspapers, re-
quested to be allowed to go to Italy, and
their request was granted.
A far inore dangerous group, the " Servants
of the Kaaba " (the Holy Stone at Mecca), was
scarcely represented in Egypt before the war.
Sheikh Shawish was one of its leading lights,
but its chiefs were usually Indian, Afghan, and
Turkish Moslems. Some of its emissaries, who
were sent to Egypt to incite the Indian Moslem
troops against their officers, were caught and
expelled from the country. They were Afghans
or Indians.
For several years before the ovitbreak of the
Great War German dijalomatists, as the French
^'l'llow Book related, had sough* to make
Egypt, as tlie intellectual centre of the Arab
world, a base for their propaganda, which was
directed against England, France, and to some
extent Italy. By posing as tlie friends of
Turkey they won to their side the pro -Turkish
elements among the Arabs. By flattering the
extremist Egyptian Nationahsts they main-
tained friendly relations with the Hisb el Watani,
and their relations with the Ottoman High
Commissariat and with the Khedive were
friendly. Baron Max von Oppenheim, Coun-
cillor with Ministerial r^nk to the German
Agency at Cairo from 1904 to 1909, an energetic
but somewhat theatrical intriguer, showed
much pro-Turkish activity in 1906, the year of
the Akaba incident and of the Conference of
Algeciras. In the same year a branch of the
Deutsch-Orient Bank, the advanced guard of
German political and financial penetration in
the Near East, was founded at Cairo. Its
methods included house-to-house touting,
appeals to the nationalist sentiment against
Coptic moneylenders and British '" Ijlood-
suckers," the offer of credit on insufficient
security, and the bait of heavy interest,
amounting in some cases to 4 per cent.,
on deposits. Rival banlcs were loud in their
denunciations of the unprofessional methods
employed by the German and Austrian Jews
who controlled and managed the Egyptian
branch, but when the Germans burnt their
fingers by losing unsecured advances to un-
trustworthy, if Gennanophile, notables, anger
gave way to mirth. The Deutsch-Orient
Bank eventually brought its policy into line
with that of other Egj^ptian banks, but had
none the less temporarily to suspend payment
after the outbreak of war, to the huge indigna-
tion of its Egj'ptian clientele.
More important than these politico-financial
experiments were the intrigues carried on by
members of the staff of the German Agencw
Baron von Oppenheim, though he corresponded
with the Kaiser over the indignant heads of
his official chiefs, and was even invited to a
" lunch intune " at Potsdam to which his then
chief was not invited, was not a persona grata
either with Herr Ruecker-Jenisch, A\ho dis-
liked subterranean politics, or with Count
Bernstorff. who preferred more open warfare.
He was, however, on good terms with Prince
Hatzfeldt, who succeeded Bernstorff, and from
1908 onwards lost no chance of establishing
close relations with Nationahst or Turkish
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
•293
intriguers. After the Baron's departure tlie
threads of German intrigue in Egypt were
confided to Dr. Pruefer, a retiring httle man,
but a fme Arabic scholar, who had travelled
Huich in Syria and visited the Egyptian
extremist leaders and certain reputed Pan-
Islamic agents in Oriental disguise. In 1911 the
leaders of the Hisb el Watani, Sheikh Shawish
and Mohamed Bey Farid, entered into an
agreement with Prince Hatzfeldt whereby they
pledged themselves to use all their influence
with the Union and Progress leaders at Constan-
tinople, to oppose any attempt to bring about
a rapprochement between Great Britain and
Turkey and to obtain jNIoslem support for the
Deutsch-Orient Bank. In return they re-
ceived " postal facilities " — i.e., the use of the
German official valise for the forwarding of
compromising documei.ts to Constantinople —
and monetarj^ subventioiis. When the ex-
tremists fell on evil days and Shawish and
Farid had to fly to Constantinople, the German
Acting Diploniatic Agent in Egypt, Baron
Richthofen, had the effrontery to propose
Dr. Pruefer as the German official candidate for
the post of Director of tlie Khedivial Library,
in which he \\ould have had abundant oppor-
tunities of influencing Moslem students and
divines. The scheme failed owing to the wari-
ness of Hishmet Pasha, then Minister of
Education, who refused to be " rushed,"
and the subsequent opposition of the British
Agency. Meanwhile the German Agency
maintained close and friendly relations with
Abdin Palace and with the Ottoman High
Commissariat, and attempted to open direct
relations with the Sheikh es Senussi, while the
German Embassy at <."onstantinople kept in
touch with Shawish and other exiled extrenaists.
Dr. Pruefer left Egypt early in 1914, and was
next heard of in comiexion with the ^lors
affair, which will Ije described later. He and
liis chiefs, together with certain German resi-
dents, had undoubtedly succeeded in infecting
a limited nmiiber of Egyptians and P^gypto-
Turks with Germanophile ideas, but this \\ as
the limit of their success. More timid and
more practical than the Turks, their Egyptian
friends confined themselves, even when the
( Jerman armies were near Paris, to harmless
demonstrations of sympathy, which became
more discreet as each fresh British reinforce-
ment reached Egypt.
Abdul Hamid had organized Pan-Islam ism
0iemt^BSs^ ■ "■■■
SUDANESE SOLDIERS.
34
294
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
!^ ■ ¥ r^
AN EGYPTIAN DRINK.
for defensive purposes. Having given the \\ iider
Moslem elements of his Empire a free hand to
plunder, and at times massacre, non-Moslems,
he sought to exalt the prestige of the Turkish
Kaliphate among Moslems subject to non-
Moslem rule or administration, so that pressure
exercised by Eiu-opean States on behalf of
Ottoman Christians might be met by counter-
pressure apphed by their Moslem subjects on
behalf of an unjustly hmniliated Kaliph. In
Eg5q:)t, as Lord Cromer confessed in 1906, he
met with some success : tlie sympathies of a
large number of Egjqjtians were on the Turkish
side dvuing the Akaba dispute. After his fall
the Committee of Union and Progress continued
liis Pan-IslaiTiic policy, which in their hands
gradually took an aggi-essive form, and though
at first hampered in Egypt by the Khedive's
change of front, tlie death of Mustafa Kamil,
and the indignation aroused among Moslem
Conservatives by the manner in which Abdul
Hamid was deposed, its agents gradually
regained ground. They \\ere helped in this by
the general sympathy for Turkey felt through-
out the Near East when Italy attacked the
Ottoman Empire and by the long-successful
resistance of the Turco -Arabs of Cyrenaica
luider Enver Bey and Aziz el Masri, while
Ismail Hakki, the real head of the Ottoman
High (Commissariat at Cairo, was in close touch
with the Nationalist extremists and lost no
cliance of flattering wealthy Egyptian.s who
were likely to subscribe to Turkish political
or patriotic funds. When Sheikh Shawish and
Mohamed Farid Bej- left Egypt to avoid
arrest, the former edited a subventioned
journal within a few doors of the Porte.
Egyptian students of extremist views had
already had a friendly reception at Constanti-
nople ; Wardani, the murderer of Butros Pasha,
had visited Constantinople in 1909 and had
been photographed in the contpany of prominent
members of the Committee. After the return
of the Committee Government to power at
Constantinople over the corpse of Nazim Pasha,
Pan-Islamism of a most mihtant and aggressive
description was openly preached by the Turkish
Press and by members of the " Executive
Committee," to which Sheikh Shawish and his
imitator. Sheikh Salih et-Tunisi, Enver Pasha's
Arabic tutor, belonged. Enver founded an
" Arab bureau," which entered into close
relations with Egyptian malcontents, and imder
the auspices of Ismail Hakki Alexandria and
Cairo became centres of political espionage and
pro -Turkish propaganda. The plot against
Aziz el Masri, if due in the first instance
to the jealotisy of Enver Pasha, was worked up
by Shawish, Sheikh Salih et-Tunisi, and certain
Egyptian jotu:nalists and Beduins, though the
better elements in the covmtry were disgusted
by the persecution of this brave Egj'ptian.
Many of the Turkish Ulema and students of
Al-Azhar worked in the interests of the Com-
mittee among the religious. Certain Beduin
notables were also approached by Turkish
agents, but it is an interesting fact that no
attempt was made to win over the " fellaheen."
The relations between the Ottoman Special
Mission and Abdin grew closer, and in ]\Iay and
Jume, 1914, Ismail Hakki caused alms to be
distributed in certain mosques in the name of
" Es-Sultan illi gaih " — the Sultan who is
coming — a performance Mhicli would suggest
that some at least of the Turkish extremists
were well aware that 1914 would be a year of
tension, if not of \\ ar, and had determined to
profit from any trouble that ensued in Egypt.
I<ate in June Ismail Hakki left Egypt. The
outbreak of war in August seemed to the adven-
turers of Constantinople and Salonika a heaven-
sent opportunitj'- for the carrying out of then*
Pan-Islamic schemes at the expense of the Triple
Entente. To what lengths they were prepared
to go long before the outbreak of war with
Turkey was shown by the fact that Shukri Bey,
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
295
Acting Ottoman High Commissioner, received
orders as soon as war broke out in Europe to
prepare public opinion in Egypt for a Turkish
invasion, and by the disclosures of the Mors
trial. A German, Lieut. R. C. Mors, of the
Egyptian police, was arrested in Alexandria on
arriving from Constantinople in September,
He had explosives and compromising papers in
his possession. He confessed under exan^ination
that he had been introduced by Dr. Pruefer
to Enver Pasha, who spoke of military opera-
tions in Egypt. He had a long conversation with
Omar Fauzi Bey, of the Ottoman General Staff,
on September 6. This officer had planned a
scheme for the creation of disturbances in
Egypt by bands of malefactors under Turkish
officers and for an attack on the Canal by
Beduins. Enver afterwards discussed this
subject with Mors, who was finally given
explosives to hand over to Turkish agents or
sympathizers in Egypt. He was condemned to
death, but his sentence, owing, no doubt, to his
interesting confession, was afterwards com-
muted.
Though more fitful, Turkish intrigue in Egypt
was more formidable than that of the Germans,
owing first to the religious ties that xmited
Egypt and Turkey, and secondly to the quite
undeserved prestige of the Turkish Army and
Govemraent in Egypt. This prestige was mainly
due to the fact that the Turkish rulers of Egypt
had seldom lost an opportunity of beating,
squeezing, or otherwise terrorizing the Egyp»
tians, who had not yet got over their nervous
respect for their former masters, and still felt
flattered if they could marry Turkish wives.
Nevertheless, it failed, as other intrigues failed,
because the great mass of the Egyptians had
no great economic grievances to complain of,
and because the Turks, as usual, mistaking their
own desires for realities, behoved that persons
who from time to time invoked curses on the
infidel and blessings on the Sultan were ready
to sacrifice themselves for the Talaats and
Envers. Lord Cromer, in his book " Abbas IL,"
describes how an old Anglophile Sheikh replied
to those who asked him why he put his name to
a petition to the Sultan begging him to save the
country from the " abhorred presence " of the
Enghsh. "It is all empty words," he replied,
" I often say to my camel or to my horse if in
some trifUng way he tries my patience, ' Curses
on you. May Allah strike you dead, oh, son of
a pig,' and if I thought it would really happen
I should be silent ; but I know that the beast
will remain unlianned. So also I know that tljo
English will stay here, whether I sign a petition
or not. What does it matter, then ? I please our
Lord, the Khedive ; the English remain all the
same and look after my interests and every one
is happy all round."
The economic meas\ires taken by the Govern-
NEW ZEALANUERS AT ZEITOUN.
29G
77-//'; TUiE^ HISTORY OF THE WAR.
[Zoli.
MOHAMED BEY FARID.
ment iniiiiediateiy after the outbreak of war
in Eiiroi^e may now be described. The bank-
notes issued by the National Bank of Egyp^.
were made compulsory legal tender ; and the
stock and share exchanges and the cotton and
cotton seed futiire markets were closed. The
latter markets were eventually re-opehed on
December 7. The Government also issued (in
connexion with the payment of debts) various
moratoria, the last of which disappeared on
January 31, 1915, and appointed Commissions
in each Governorate and Province to fix the
maximum prices of articles of first necessity.
The exportation of foodstuffs was forbidden.
This prohibition was afterwards modified in
the case of beans, maize, and millet, the export
of limited quantities of wliich was allowed
after October 28. These measures, thougii
useful enough, failed to improve the situation
of the landowners, and especially of the smaller
owners, who saw the price of cotton falling
steadily and fast. In late August a cotton
Commission, comj^osed of Mr. H. Higgs, C.B.,
Inspector- General to the JMinistry of Finance,
'Mi. Dickson, Sub-Governor at the Alexandria
Branch of the Nitional Bank of Egj^-j^t, and
Mr. Critchley, head of the Alexandria Branch
of the Imperial Ottoman Bank, was appointed
by the Minihtry of F. nance to take measures in
England to meet the situation. Its members,
who between them could claim an unrivalled
knowledge of Egyptian economics and offic'al
I i nance, held repeated consultations witli expert
authorities on currency, finance, banking, and
cotton in London and l^ancashire. They came
to the following conchi.'iions :
Owing to diflicultics of finance and otlwr
considerations a fresh trade dt-mand for cotton
was improbable before December. Consump-
tion, for obvioas reasons, was likely to be le-r"?
than usual, whereas the supply seemed much
greater. There were classes of people interested
in cotton who would be prepared to buy as a
speculative investment, provided a minimum
price were fixed. Banks would be prepared
to finance such 2'>urchases subject to this con-
dition. There were administrative difficulties
in the way of making individual advances
against cotton to landowners or to village
vmits.
Taking these factors into account, the
Commission recommended :
(1) That the novenimeiit should forthwith aniiaiinco
its intention to buy and hold — if necessary till Ortober,
1915 — the estimated surplus production of cotton, fixing
minimum rates for the purchase of first and second pick.
ings as hii;;h as prudence allowed, and giving preference
to small cultivators. It was the Commission's opinion
that the mere knowledge of this decision, coupled with
(2), would stiffen prices and stimulate demand with.out
involving Government in heavy purchases.
(2) That the acreas^e to be planted in cotton for next
crop should be reduced by Decree to an amount roughly
equivalent to the estimated carry forward from the
season. (It appeared desirable to lose no time in
artificially curtailing the price of a commoditv which
was likely to be sold at a loss and stimulate the produc-
tion of foodstuffs which were likely to become increasin;,'ly
remunerative.)
(3) That any Government piu-chases be financed by
the issue of National Bank notes with the specific
guarantee of the Eg3rptian Government.
(4) That a Commissio'i should be appointed to
authorise further issues of similar notes to exporters
against approved forward sales.
(o) That similar notes be issued as required for sound
business by approved Bunks.
(6) That in order to avoid an excessive note issue all
emergency currency was to pay a penalty based on Bank
of England rate. With this safeguard it was anticioated
that a comparatively' small gold reserve would suffice t<?
steady exchange.
These proposals w-ere telegraphed towards
the middle of September to the Egyptian
^Ministry of Finance, which maj^ or may not
have discovered better expert advice in the
interim, but in any case rejected some of them.
On September 22 the Government decided to
reduce the acreage under cotton to a million
feddans (1,100,000 acres), and Umit the area
under cotton in each holding to 25 per cent, of
that holding. This gave rise to complaints
from the tenants who paid rent on the basis of
the area under cotton. Finally, on Octohei- .'JO,
THE TIMES HISTOBY OF THE WAF.
•297
♦♦
7 Vij'^i-
'^"yj^i.-r^y
>i^'>-l-
8
THE EGYPTIAN MINISTRY AT THE OUTBREAK OF WAR. [Phoiograpiisby /oia
1. Yusuf Wahba Pasha, Finance. 2. Hussein Ruchdi Paslia, Premier and Minister of Interior. 3. Ismail
Sirri Pasha, Public Works. 4. Mohamed Moheb Pasha, Wakfs (Pious Foundations). 5. Ahmed Hilmi
Fasha, Education. 6. Adli Yeghen Pasha, Foreign Affairs. 7. Abdul Khalik Sarwat Pasha, Justice.
8. Ismail Sidki Pasha, Agriculture.
208
THK TIMES TII.^TOjRY OF THE WAB.
CAVALRY IN THE DESERT.
the Goveniinent modified its decree of Sep-
tember 22, and limited the proportion of any
one holding under cotton to one -third instead
of a quarter. Little had been done to prevent
the breaking of the market, whether owing to
the existence of the other claims on the attention
of the British Treasury or not, it is uncertain.
At the beginning of October the Government
issued the following communique :
The Egj'ptian Government will shortly issue Treasvii j-
bonds to the value of £E. 8,000,000, .£E. 5,000,000 of
which will be guaranteed h\- the British Government
and the balance by the Egyptian Government's reserve.
The bonds will be redeemable from a period of three to
six months, the latter being the maximum date, but are
renewable if necessary. They will be issued in London
and Cairo, preference being given to which of the two
places is the more favourable, but as far as possilije the
decision of the Council of Ministers to issue £E. 5,000,000
in London and £E. 3, 000,000 in Cairo will be carried out.
In no case will the unit of £E. 8,000,000 be exceeded.
The bonds issued in Cairo will be paid by the Govern-
ment in National Bank notes, printed specially for the
purpose ; those issued in London will be paid in gold
or in notes of the same value.
These arrangements ha^"ing failed to assist
the needy section of cultivators effectively, the
Government at length fell in to some extent
with the recommendation of the Cotton Com-
mission, and commissioned four of the principal
fiitns at Alexandria to buj- the cotton belonging
to the smallest cultivators as soon as possible
at reasonable prices to a limit of £1,000,000,
and at the same time made arrangements
for the guaranteeing of certain advances
against cotton by the National Bank of Egypt.
These measures produced a good effect, and
the amovmt of cotton which the Government
needed to purchase was small. The market
improved immediately, but in the opinion ot"
good judges earUer action would have saved
the commimity very considerable losses and
abated discontent more rapidly than did the
somewhat tardy steps above referred to.
But if the Ministry of Finance did not,
perhaps, quite rise to the situation during the
period that followed the outbreak of war with
the German and Austro-Hungarian Empires
and preceded the rupture with Turkey, the
^linistry of Interior did admirable work. Its
handling of the problem presented by the
presence of large numbers of enemy subjects iii
Egj'pt and the measures it took against Turkish
and native . suspects when Turkey had joined
our enemies will be described later. It may be
noted here that, with the exception of a law-
increasing the penalties for breaches of the
peace committed by assemblies of more than
four persons, no new legislation was required
to meet the situation. The police did their work
well, and both British and Egyptian Inspectors
of Interior kept a vigilant ej^e on all possible
agitators, while vagabonds were sent back
whenever possible to their own provinces and
bidden to stay there. The direction of the
various administrative measures for the main-
tenance of order during the first three months
of the war was in the hands of the Adviser to
the Interior, Jlr. (now Sir) R. Graham. After
the proclamation of martial law the General
Officer Conunanding the Army of Occupation
was ultimately respon-sible for public tran-
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
299
quillity, but the measures taken ad- hoc were
still carried out under the orders of the Adviser,
who throughout this -difficult period deserved
right well of his country and of Egypt.
The military measures taken at the outset
cannot be described in detail here. In August
the garrison was reduced through the departure
of units belonging to the Army of Occupation,
but in September Indian troops, detached from
the Indian Expeditionary Force, landed in
Egypt and were marched through Cairo, where
they made an excellent impression. The Sirhind
Brigade remained for some time with other
Indian units near the Suez Canal, where all the
Indian forces m Egypt were eventually posted,
and was finally sent to France, its place and that
of other Indian regiments which left for Europe
being taken by fresh forces from Hindustan,
including Imperial Service troops. In Septem-
ber the East Lancashire Territorial Division and
a brigade of Yeomanry arrived in Egypt. Once
they had settled down, these troops trained on in
admirable fashion, and though inferior in phy-
sique to the Australian troops, who arrived later,
were superior to them in discipline, shooting and
manoeuvring power. Their relations with the
native population were really admirable. At
the end of November and the beginning of
December the Australian and New Zealant
Expeditionary Force arrived. Both contained
admiraljle military material, and the New
Zealanders, it may be noted, gave much less
trouble to the military police.
On the dejiarture of General Sir J. Byng in
September, Lieut. -General Sir John Maxwell
was appointed Commander-in-Chief of the
British Forces in Egypt. Sir John Maxwell,
who at the outbreak of war was fifty-five years
of age, joined the Army in 1879. He had
spent the greater part of his military career in
Egypt. He was with the Black Watch in the
Egjqitian War of 1882, and was present at the
Battle of Tel-el-Kebir. He was a Staff Captain
in the Hill Expedition of 1884-85, and then
served as Aide-de-Camp to Major General
Grenfell with the Egyptian Frontier Field
Force. He was promoted Brevet Lieut. -
Colonel for his services at Dongola in 1896, and
commanded the second Egyptian Brigade at the
Battle of Omdufman. In the South African
War be commanded a Brigade, and was after-
wards appointed Military Governor of Pre-
toria. In 1908 he was given the command of
the forces in Egypt, and he held this appoint-
ment ixntil two years before the Great War. His
great popularity with the native population of
all degrees and his remarkable knowledge of
1 the country were \ aluable assets to the British
SUDANESE TRIBESMEN.
300
thl: times jijstol'Y of the war.
Occuptition throughout this period, and when
martial law was declared he imposed it witii the
nunimum of necessary severity and with
practically no interference whatever witli the
normal life of the country.
There were obvious difficulties in dealing with
German and to some extent with Turkish
propaganda as long as tlie German and Austro-
Hungarian Governments were diplomatically
represented in Egj^^Jt, and Herr von Pannwitz,
Acting German Diplomatic Agent in the place
of Prince Hatzfeldt's successor, Herr von
jNliquel, received a bi-weekly foreign office
" bag ■' from Berlin by way of Constantinople
and Beirut. At the end of August it was decided
to expel those Gennan and Austro-Hungarian
subjects, including Diplomatic and Consular
representatives, whose presence was considered
undesirable. An intimation to this effect was
therefore conveyed to Dr. von Pannwitz and
Count Louis Szechenja by General Sir .T. BjTig's
aide-de-camp. The aggrieved diplomatists
protested to the Egjptian Government, which
retiu-ned no an-\\er to their protest. Article 13
of its decision of August 5 dispensed it from that
formality. On Septeniber 10 both left Alex-
andria for Italy by the s.s. Catania, and the
American and Italian Diplomatic Agents took
over the protection of their nationals in Egj^Dt.
Four (Jerman Consular officials were left under
the charge of the American Agency and t\\"o
Austro-Hungarian Consular officials vinder that
of the Italian Agency. The German Govern-
ment and that of the Dual ilonarchy did their
utmost to make capital out of this incident,
more especially at Constantinople. But the
measiu"e was pvu^ely a military one, and abso-
Ivitely defensible on military grounds. As long
as a British army occupied Eg^^pt the Com-
mander of that army had the right in war time
to take all necessary measures for the protection
of the troops under liis orders, including the
expulsion of enemy subjects, whatever their
rank, wliose presence \vas inconvenient or
dangerous. Till the end of August no steps had
been taken either to register enemj* subjects
resident in Egypt or to prevent Austrian and
German reservists from leaving the country.
Many of them did so ; those who were unable
to make their way to Italy taldng passages for
SjTian ports. In September, first unmarried
and later married enemy reservists were
prevented from leaving the coiuitr}-, and on
October 1, 1914, a proclamation was issued by
the General Officer Commanding the Army of
Occupation callinc on all German and Austro-
Hungarian subjects to register themselves,
failing which they would render themselves
liable to arrest b\' the military authorities.
The registration form showed age, profession,
length of residence in Egypt, family, and liability
for military service. It was only retiu-ned, in
the case of male enemy residents, to persons
over 48 years of age, for whom it served as a
licence to reside and carry on business in Egj-pt.
The authorities, having thus obtained a list of
enemy subjects liable to service, sent all un-
married reservists to Alexandria, whence they
were dispatched to Malta on November 1.
^Vith them v\ere deported the crews of enemy
ships taken as prizes and lying in Egyptian
ports. The papers of the remaining German and
Austro-Hungarian subjects of from 18 to 45
years of age were then examined, and all who
could not furnish proof of their exemption from
military service were dispatched to Malta with
a munber of married reservists and some more
crews of prize ships on November 28. Between
November 1 and December 17, 1,651 enc^my
subjects were thub deported. After the pro-
clamation of the British Protectorate and the
development of Turkish military preparations
in SjTia, it became necessary to take more
sweeping measiu-es towards German and Austro-
Hungarian subjects, many of ^^hom continued
to indoctrinate ignorant Egyptians with a belief
in the ultimate success of the Central Powers.
iMalta being now overcrowded with deportees,
including many Turks, a concentration camp
to holii about 150 persons was formed at
Alexandria. There were sent to it : (o) Germans
and Austro-Hungarians who wished to go there ;
(6) those who had no means of leaving the
country or whose health would have suffered
from a European winter ; and (c) persons who
for special reasons had not previously been
deported. Early in 1915 all Germans, of what-
ever age, were requested to leave the comitry,
and exceptions were only made in cases of age
or infirmity, or where thoroughly satisfactory
guarantees of good behaviour were forthcoming
No male German or Austro-Hiuigarian subjects
were allowed to land in Eg\pt, and no women
without permission of the General Officer
Commanding.
These measures were strict, but they were
by no means harshly applied. No Triestines,
Dalmatians, Is;trians, or Austro-Hungarian
Slavs were deported unless there were par-
ticular reasons necessitating their expulsion.
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
301
EGYPT AND THE TURKISH EMPIRE.
302
THE TIMES HISTOBY OF THE WAB.
No women were deported or sent to concen-
tration camps, and it was only found necessary
to request three to leave the country. In cases
where the head of a family had been deported
and the fanaily hud no means of getting to
Europe tiir cost ot the passage was borne by
the Government. All petitions from Germans
and Austrians were submitted to the General
Officer Commanding, whose decision in their
case was final. All denunciations of individuals
were investigated liy the Ministrj' of the
Interior through the police, and the decision of
the General Officer Commanding was taken on
the result. Enemy subjects who were in the
service of the Egyptian Government on the
outbreak of war were recjuired to sign a declara-
tion in which they gave their name, rank,
ftmctions, and nationality, and declared that
the present war would in no way affect the
proper discharge of their duties as Egyptian
officials, and that during the war they would
do notliing to injiu-e the arms or interests of
Great Britain or her Allies. On November 25
Sir John Maxwell decided that no Austro-
Hungarians or Germans could be allowed to
remain in Government service, except such as
could either obtain neutral or allied citizenship
or a certificate from a neutral or allied Con-sulate
that they had taken all steps in their power to
renounce their old and to acquire a new nation-
alitj'. On December '.i all enemy subjects in
Government service were dismi.ssed, and the
reinstatement of such as had been able to accept
th(! above offer was begun. Those who were
dismissed were treated as if their posts had
been suppressed, and their rights to pension.s
and indemnities liquidated. Ten mincjr
Government emploj^ees were deported with
other enemy subjects, and one only sent to
England on parole at his own request. Through-
out Sir John ]Maxwell used the administrative
machinery of the Egyptian Govemment up to
the point where enemy subjects were handed
o\er to the military' authorities. That this
machinery was in good hands was proved by the
rarity of complaints, even on the part of tho.se
^s■ho suffered from its activity.
Meanwhile a number of enemy merchantmen,
mostly under the German flag, had been lying
in the Canal, and had in many cas«s refused to
take advantage of the provisions of Article 20
of the Egyptian Government's decision of
AugiLst .'5, whereby they were permitted to
pass through the Canal and quit it,« ports of
NATIVES BRING FOOD TO BRITISH SOLDIERS.
THE TIMES HISTOnr OE THE WAR.
803
AUSTRALIAN GAMP AT THE PYRAMIDS.
access without danger of capture or detention
(in Egyptian waters), provided that their
passage of the Canal and departure from its
ports of access were effected without undue
delay.
The danger ot a block in the Canal was
thus greatly increased. In one or two instances
attempts to sink ships in the Canal were only
just foiled in time by the vigilance of the
British and Egyptian authorities. The growing
tension between Great Britain and Turkey
made it necessary to remove this source of
danger, and on October 14 the Egyptian
Government, which had every reason to com-
plain of the refusal of the captains of the
vessels in question to respect its decision, took
drastic measures against them. On that and
succeeding days Egyptian troops arriving at
the Canal ports boarded the ships in question,
22 in number, and occupied them with the
object of preventing disturbances. Crews were
then put on board which took the ships to sea,
and at the three-mile limit handed them over
to the British Naval authorities, who took
them over. All reached Alexandria by October
20. Meanwhile the British Government issued
a communication to neutrals and allied Powers
which had been parties to the Suez Canal
Convention. It pointed out that since the
outbreak of war certain ships belonging to
enemy countries had been detained by the
Egyptian Government, some on account of
hostile acts, others through fear that such acts
were contemplated by their captains, while
other vessels had declined to leave the Suez
Canal though furnished with passes, thus
proving that they wished to use the Canal
ports merely as ports of refuge. The British
Government could not admit such an interpre-
tation of the rights of free access and use of
Canal ports. To admit it would imply its
consent to the early blocking of the Canal. It
was obvious, therefore, that the Egyptian
Government was justified in removing enemy
ships which had remained long enough in the
Canal porta to show that they meant to stay
there till the end of the war.
Three days after the arrival of the last of
these ships at Alexandria the Supreme British
Court sitting in Egypt gave notice that it had
instituted actions in its capacity as a Prize
Court against the owners and parties interested
in the ships in question, " the said ships having
been taken as prizes by H.M. Ships of War,
and for the condemnation thereof."
Meanwhile the Turkish Government was
pushing on its preparations for a campaign
against Egypt. The Sublime Porte assured the
British Ambassador at Constantinople that
these measures were piurely defensive and had
304
THE TIMES HLSTUUY OF THE WAR.
SIR MILNE CHEETHAM.
been taken only in consequence of the general
mobilization of the Ottoman Army. But
British Consular reports spoke not only of the
mobilization of the Damascus Army Corps, but
of the formation of reserve regiments in Syria, of
the dispatch to Aleppo of troops belonging to the
Xllth (Mosul) Army Corps, and of an active pro-
paganda among the Arab tribes of the districts on
the borders of the Sinai Peninsula. The officially
inspired or controlled Arabic newspapers of
Syria and Palestine were encouraged to publish
violent articles against the Entente Powers.
In September the entire Ottoman Press began
to raise the Egyptian question, and to demand
by what right the British military authorities
whose occupation of Egypt the Porte had never
recognized, had ordered the German and
Austrian Agents to leave the country, though
they received their exequaturs from the Porte.
False accusations of a sort calculated to arouse
Moslem fanaticism were also made, and wild
and mythical tales of " massacres " of " harm-
less Moslems " spread abroad. At a later date
parties of " fedais " — the political desperadoes
and agitators whom the Committee of Union
and Progress eniployed for political assassina-
tions, the persecution of minorities, and the
promotion of revolutionary movements in the
Caucasus and the Balkans — began to drift into
Syria and incite the popnlatioTi against lOngland.
At Alcj)po a local tailor was coiiinii.s.sioned t<»
make " a variety of Indian costumes and
measurements " on designs .supplied by German
officers, it being the object of some of tlie
" fedais " to enter Eg^pt in Indiaii disguise and
stir up the population, i^argc quantities of arms
were meantime being distributed among the
Syrian Beduins with money subventions.
Beh.:;-ed-din Shakir, a prominent member ot
the Committee, had made an agreeimuit on
behalf of the Government in September uitli
the Slieikh of the Howeytat tribe, and large;
bodies of Beduins were collected near Gaza.
Finally, on October 26, the long-ex2)ected raid
took place, and 2,000 armed Beduins crossed the
Egyptian frontier and watered their camels at
Magdaba wells, 20 miles ^\ithin the ICgypiian
border. Before the Grand Vizier had received
official news of this aggi-essive movement a
Turkish destroyer flotilla had raided Odessa
and sunk a Russian gimboat. On October ;}0
the British, French, and Russian Ambassadors
asked for their passports, and on Noveml)er 5
Great Britain was at war with Turkey.
The British authorities in Egypt were not
caught unprepared. No sooner had the news of
the attack on Odessa and the rupture of
diplomatic relations with the Porte reached
Cairo than a large number of suspected Turks,
among whom were several officers, sent on
enigmatic missions to Egypt, were arrested,
together with certain Egyptians whose relations
with the Ottoman Special Mission were suspect
or who were notorious sedition-mongers. Sir
John Maxwell's plan of campaign had been
skilfully arranged. The British officials of the
Ministry of Interior were promptly invested
with what amounted to military powers to deal
with sedition, under the command of Sir
Ronald Graham, the Adviser to the Minister
of Interior, who for the time being acted £S
Chief of Staff to the General Officer Conunanding
in all matters connected \^itli the maintenance
of order. Orders for deportation or imprison-
ment were signed by the Adviser until the
situation was regularized by the proclamation
of the British Protectorate. What amounted to
a military dictatorship was thu*^ inaugurated.
On November 2 the following proclamations
wfjre issued :
By the General Officer Commanding His Britannic
Majesty's Forces in Egypt.
Notice is hereby given that I have been directed by
His Britannic Majesty's Government to assume mihtary
control of Egypt in order to secure its protection. The
I
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
305
country i>> tlioreioie placed iitidcr .Marlial Law from
tliU date.
I, John Grenfell Maxwell, Liouteiiant-Genera!, Com-
manding His Britannic Jlaje-^ty's Forces in Egypt,
/entrusted with the applieaiion o! Martial Law, hereby
give notice as follows :
(1) The powers to be exercizeil under my authority
by the Military Authorities are intended to supplement
and not to supersede the Civil Administration, and all
Civil officials in the service of the Egyptian Government
are hereby required to continue the punctual dischar;,'e
of their respective duties.
{'') Private citizens will best serve the common end
by abstaining from all action of a nature to disturb the
public peace, to stir up disaffection, or to aid the enemies
of His J3ritannie Majesty and His Allies, and by con-
forming promptly and cheerfully to all orders given
under my authority for the maintenance of public peace
and good order ; and so long as they do so they will be
subject to no interference from the Military Authorities.
(.3) All requisitions of service or of property which may
be necessitated by military exigencies will be the subject
of full compensation, to be assessed, in default of agree-
ment, by an independent authority.
By the second proclamation Sir Jolin Maxwell
res-erved the right of interfering, if necessary,
in the civil administration of the country.
This right was not exercized. That this
was so was due to the ^\ise and patriotic
conduct of the Ministry. Telegraphing on
December 19. after the proclamation of the
British I'rotectorate, The Tltne.v Cairo Corre-
spondent said :
On the outbreak of hostilities with Turkey the position
became admittedly more dilficult and delicate. Holding
their mandate from the Khedive as the vassal of Turkey,
-Alinisters must naturally have regarded certain measures
which the situation demanded as inconsistent with that
mandate, but they all realized that their first duty,
overshadowing all other considerations, was to Egypt
and the Egyptians. . . . But while the Ministry as a
whole acquitted itself commendably, the lion's share of
all the anxious and strenuous work has naturally fallen
on the shoulders of its chief — Hussein Ruchdi Pasha -
to whom the greatest credit is due. He had gone thiough.
the most trying period of office of any Egyptian Pronier.
The sudden assumption of control by the military
authorities might well hiive been expected periodically
to give rise to what many men in his position might have-
resented as encroachment on the civil prerogatives.
But Ruchdi Pasha has fehown remarkable adaptability
and appreciation of the true requirements of the moment.
At no time has there been friction, nor has one moment
of anxiety been caused to the British authorities, who-
appreciate very highly his sincere and valuable co-
operation, especially in the difficult circmnstances of the
past two months.
On November 7 Sir John Maxwell issued a
proclamation announcing that a state of war
existed as from November 5 between Great
Britain and Turkej'. The preamble was followed
by these important pas -ages :
Although from the outsat of the war between Hia
Majesty and the Emperors of Germany and Austriii the-
AUSTRALIAN ENGINEERS BUILDING A BRIDGE OVER A CANAL.
306
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
SOME MEN OF THE 9th MANCHESTER
Ottoman Govemmenl. under tlie influence of Hi.s
Majesty's enemies, have repeatedly violated the riKhts
secured to His Majesty by international law and by
treaty, His Majesty's Government ha\'e scrupulously
abstained from any retaliatory action imtil compelled
thereto, not only by militar}^ preparations in SyriM,
which can only be directed against Epypt, but by the
violation of the Egyptian frontier by armed bands, and
by an open and unprovoked attack by the Ottoman
Naval Forces, under German ofTicers, upon the territories
of one of His Majesty's Allies.
Great Britain is now fighting both to protect the rights
and liberties of Egypt, which were oriainally won upon
the battlefield by Mehemet Ali, and to secure to her the
continuance of the peace and prosperity which she has
enjoyed durinc: the thirty years of the British Occupation.
Recognizing the respect and veneration with which
the Sultan in his religious capacity is regarded by the
Mohammedans of Egypt, Great Britain takes upon
Herself the sole burden of the present war, without calling
upon the Egyptian people for aid therein : but She
expects and requires, in return, that the population
shall refrain from any action of a nature to hamper Her
military operation or to render aid to the enemy.
The dispositions of the Egyptian Govern-
ment's decision of August 5 were appUed by
Sir John Maxwell to the Ottoman Empire, bvit
no period of grace was granted to Turkish
merchantmen in Egyptian ports. Egj'pt being
an Ottoman vassal, it was in\possible to take
measures against Ottomans residing in the
country. It was also iinnecessary, since a large
number of the non-Egyptian Ottomans were
Syrians, Armenians, and Greeks who were
supporters of the British Occupation, and not
a few of the Turlvs were deadl}^ enemies of tlie
Committee of Union and Progress. The officers
previously referred to were sent to Malta with
certain Egyptians. Other suspects were
ordered to leave the country, and requests to
this effect were served on Prince Mohamed Ali,
brother of the Khedive, and one or two other
members of the Kbedivial family, who with-
drew to Italy. The censorship of the Press
was strengthened, as was the military censor-
ship. The former was well managed at Cairo,
less well at Alexandria. The inUitary censor-
ship grew more efficient as its organization
im])roved. Active steps were taken, on the
whole successfully, to prevent the importation
and dissemination of seditiovis literature. The
l^lema, by a proclamation calling on the Moslem
Egyptians to abstain from political agitation
and excitement, greatly assisted the Govern-
ment and the British mihtary authorities.
This regime was, of course, exceptional and,
as far as some of its features were concsmed, it
was necessarily temporary. As long as Egypt
was de jure a vassal State of Turkey- if de facto a
" veiled " British Protectorate, Ministers who
held their mandate from a prince who was
notoriously on the enemy's side, and whose
sovereignty was an emanation of that exercized
by the Sultan, Egypt's Suzerain could not well
sign orders for the deportation of persons whose
crime was their devotion to the Sovereign or
the Suzerain. On the other hand, Advisers and
Inspectors of Interior could not exercize
exceptional powers over the heads of the
Premier and his colleagues for long without
injuring the prestige of the latter. And the
British authorities in Egypt had nothing
whatever to gain by injuring the prestige of
their good friends. The situation had some-
how to be regularized. Three questions had to
be settled — that of the Sultan's suzerainty over
THE TIMES HISTOBY OF THE WAB.
307
REGIMENT AT HELIOPOLIS GAMP.
Egj'pt, that of the Khedive, and, arising out of
the first two, that of the future government of
the country. Turkish suzerainty was a ghost
that had to be laid. It had ahvays troubled
some men's dreams in Egypt ; of late it had
s?emed to trouble more. The Turks, bj!-
forcing war on the Allies and by massing troops
in Syria for the invasion of Egj^pt, stood to
lose their vassal province unless victorious.
England had forborne to declare a protectorate
after Tel-el-Kebir ; she had disappointed
Count Achrenthal by declining to annex the
coimtry when he had torn up the Treaty of
Berlin and annexed Bosnia and Herzegovina ;
she had made no use of the occa.«ions offered
when Abdul Hamid threatened the Sinai and
when France declared a protectorate o^•er
Morocco. The present situation^ — Egypt
practically at \\ar with Germany and Austria-
Hungary, yet the vassal of their ally, ruled by
a Government whose mandate emanated from
the Sxiltan, but which had undertaken to give
every assistance to the British Army of Occu-
pation in the struggle with the Sultan's allies
— was too absurd to be prolonged. The Com-
mittee of Union and Progress had led Turkish
suzerainty in the game for Egypt. It was for
ixs to take the trick and declare Turkish suze-
rainty- forfeit to the King of England.
The Khedive had shown little hesitation in
joining the enemy. His past was not such that
his defection could be excvised as having been
forced upon him. He had intrigued with Abdul
Hamid against Egj^Dtian interests, ^vith the
Committee against Arabs and with Arabs
against the Committee. He had encom-aged
wealthy Eg\'ptians to aid the Senussi in his
struggle against the Italians, and he had aided
the Italians against the Senussi. He had
intrigued with Turks, Arabs, and the Central
Powers against the British Occupation. It
M as impossible that he should remain on the
Khedivial throne. But no Egyptian machinery
for his dethronement existed. The Grand
]Mufti, as the mandatorj'^ of the Sheikh-vU-Islam
of Tiu-key. who liad recently declared a Holy
A\'ar (to which Egypt, by the way, paid small
attention) against England and her AlUes,
could not issvie a " fetwa " of deposition, nor
could the ]\Iinisters depose their Sovereign. It
was for the British Government to declare the
Khedivial throne vacant by reason of the
conduct of Abbas Hiln^i. who had joined the
King's enemies.
These two questions were easily settled.
But the question of the future status of Egj^t
was more difficult. There were two alterna-
tives— annexation or protectorate — for Egyptian
independence was not desired by the majority
of Egyptians, and could not have been main-
tained against even a second-rate European
State without a close alliance with the domi-
nant sea Power. There were arguments for
annexation which seemed more cogent in
London than in Cairo. The annexationists
believed that the adoption of the more simjile
if more violent course would enable Great
Britain to deal with the problem of the foreign
jurisdictions in Egypt more effectively and
expeditiously than would otherwise be possible.
;iU8
THI^J TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
Some tooI< llu' \ic\\ that the proclamalioii of
ii protectorate would inerely lead in the end
to fresh difficulties between the Eg\7)tian and
J^ritish sides of the administration. At Cairo,
on the otlier liand, it was held by those best
(jualific^d to form an opinion that this less
sliowy 2)olicy was the soundest. The intel-
lectual elements among the Arab peoples
\\ hom the TurlcLsh and Levantine Pan-Islamists
had been striving to combine agauist us had
been profoundly impressed by our unremitting
efforts to prepare the Egyptians for self-
government, and bv our abstinence from all
action calculated to repress the developnient of
local institutions. Again, we had entered into
the world's struggle on behalf of " small
nationalities." True, a national feeling as
distinct from the religious bond of Islam had
not vet sunk deep into the minds of the masses
in Egypt. But it existed, if less strongly than
in most European States, among the more
enlightened classes, and there were indications
that it was gaining ground among them. E\'en
among the masses there was a racial feeling
or particularism which contained in itself the
germs of nationalism and deserved respect, the
more so when it was remembered that the
Egyptian people had on the whole behaved
very well during the period in which its hostility
might have proved most embarrassing to us.
Finally there were large vested interests bound
up with the maintenance of the House of
Mohamed Ali, the dynasty which had given
Egypt its rulers since the early days of the
nineteenth century. It would have been folly
to ignore, and ultimately dangeroas to annoy,
them. After hearing both sides the British
Government supported the " men on the
spot " and decided in favour of a protectorate.
It was necessary, too, to choose the Khedive's
successor. Prince Hassein Kamil, uncle of the
Khedive, the senior member of the reigning
House and its worthiest representative, was
the obvious choice. But the Prince, though
willing to accept the of?er of the Khedivial
tlirone, was in no hurry. " I am not " ar-
riviste,' " he said to the Special Correspondent
of Tiic Times, to whom he granted an interview
just before his accession. " I had no need to
be, for I ' arrived ' 59 years ago." He felt
strongly and naturally that if he was to appear
before his people as England's nominee to the
throne of his deposed nephew he must appear
with something in his hands. Negotiations
followed between him and the British Govern-
ment's representative at Cairo, Mr. (now Sir)
jNIilno Cheetham. The acting British Agent
conducted these delicate negotiations in a
manner that won the admiration of all who
were conversant with the facts. He received
useful assistance from the Oriental Secretary
to the British Agency, IVIr. R. Storrs. It was
finally settled that Prince Hussein should ascend
the throne with the title and style of Sultan,
which had been borne by the independent
Mameluke rulers of Egypt^ — the " Soldans of
Egypt " of our crusading ancestors — and the
Fatimides before them. His title in French
STATE ENTRY OF THE SULTAN INTO CAIRO-CROWDS AWAITING ARRIVAL
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
309
was to be Hautesse, in Arabic " Azainat," to
distinguish him from the Turkish Grandviziers
and ex-Grandvi/Jers and Sheiks-nl-Islam and
the minor princ(?sof the Khedivial family, who
bore the title of " Altesse." The standard
of the Khedivial House, three white crescents
with their baclcs to the staff, each with a five-
pointed white star between the horns on a red
field, was adopted as the national flag of Egypt.
The British Government appointed a British
High Commissioner in Egypt, and the name
of " British Agency " gave place to that of
" British Residency," as the title of our repre-
sentative's official residence. For this impor-
tant and responsible post the British Govern-
ment selected Sir Henry McjNIahon, an ex-
soldier, who had won high distinction as a
political officer under the Indian Governnient,
and was thoroughly acquainted with Oriental
ways of thought. The views of the British
Go\'ernment as regards the new regime were set
forth in the following commvinication, which was
transmitted to Prince Hussein on its behalf by
Mr. Milne Cheethain, and afterwards published :
Your Highnkss,
I am instructed by His Majesty's Principal Secretary
of State for Foreign Affairs to bring to the notice of
Your Highness the circumstances preceding the out-
break of war between His Britannic Majesty and the
Sultan of Turkey and tlie changes which the war entails
in tlie status of Egypt.
In the Ottoman Cabinet there were two parties. On
the one side was a moderate party, mindfiu of the
S3mipatliy extended by Great Britain to every effort,
towards reform in Turkey, who recognized that in the
war in which His Majesty was already engaged no
Turkish interests were concerned and welcomed the
assurance of His Majesty and His Allies that, neither in
Egypt nor elsewhere would the war be used as a pretext
for any action injurious to Ottoman interests On the
other side a band of unscrupulous military adventurers
looked to find in a war of aggression, waged in concert
with His Majesty's enemies, the means of retrieving the
disasters, military, financial, and economic, into which
they had already plunged their country. Hopmg to the
last that wiser counsels might prevail. His Majesty and
His Allies, in spite of repeated violations of their riahts,
abstained from retaliatory action until compelled thereto
by the crossing of the Egyptian frontier by armed bands
and by unprovoked attacks on Russian open worts by
the Turkish Naval forces under German officers.
His ]\Iajesty'b Government are in possession of ample
evidence that ever since the outbreak of war with
Germany His Highness Abbas Hilmi Pasha, late Khedive
of Egypt, has definitely thrown in hLs lot with His
Majesty's enemies.
From the facts above set out, it results that the
rights ovt-r Egypt, whether of the Sultan or of the laie
Khedive, are forfeit to His Maje.^ty.
His Majesty's Govenunent have already, through the
General Officer Commanding His Majesty's Forces in
Egypt, accepted exclusive responsibility for the defence
of Egypt in the present war. It remain.^ to lay down
the form of the future government of tlie coinitiy, freed,
as T have stated, from all rights of suzerainty or other
rights heretofore claimed by the Ottoman CJoverniMi'nt.
f**\
pl'^ ^
\
^^PJI^ *. '
^^t^^r^'*^''^^^
1^' •
m^
^mMMmj^'^Jt
^^''Nk
Ik^^^
LIEUT.-GENERAL SIR J.
iLif.iyeUc
MAXWELL.
Ot the rights thus accruing to His Majesty, no less
than of those exercized in Egypt during the last thirty
years of reform. His Majesty's Government regard
themselves as trustees for the inhabitants of Egypt.
And His Majesty's Government have decided that Great
Britain can best fulfil the responsibilities she has incurred
toward Egypt by the formal declaration of a British
Protectorate, and by the government of the country
imder such Protectorate by a Prince of the Khedivial
Family.
In these circumstances I am instructed by Hi>
Majesty's Government to inform Your Highness that,
by reason of your age and experience, you have been
chosen as the Prince of the Family of Mehemet Ali most
worthy to occupy the Khedivial position, with the title
and style of Sultan of Egypt ; and, in inviting Your
Highness to accept the responsibilities of Your high
office, I am to give you the formal assurance that Great
Britain accepts the fullest responsibility for the defence
of the territories under Your Highness against all aggres-
sion whencesoever coining ; and His Majesty's Govern-
ment authorize me to declare that after the establish-
ment of the British Protectorate now announced all
Egyptian subjects wherever they may be will be entitled
to receive the protection of His Majesty's Government.
With the Ottoman suzerainty there will disappear the
restrictions heretofore placed by the Ottoman tirnians
upon the numbers and organization of Your Highness's
Army and upon the grant by Your Higlmess of honorific
distinctions.
As regards foreign relations, His Jfajesty's Go\ern-
ment deem it most consistent with the new responsibilities
assumed by Great Britain that the relations between
Your Highness's Government and the Kepresontatives
of Foreign Powers should henceforth be conducted
through His Majesty's Representative in Cairo.
His Majesty's Govenmicnt have repeatedly placed on
record that the system of Treaties, known as the Capitu-
lations, by which Your Highness's Government is bomid
are no longer in harmony with the development of the
country : but, in the opinion of His Majesty's Govern-
ment, the revision of those treaties may most con-
V(>nienfly be postponed until the end of the present war.
810
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
In the field of intomal administration, I am to remind
Yovir Highness that, in consonance witli tlie traditions
of British Policy, it has been the aim of His Majesty's
Government, while working through and in the closest
association with the constituted Egyptian Authorities,
to secure individtial liberty, to promote the spread of
education, to further the development of the natural
resources of the country, and, in such measure as the
degree of enlightenment of public opinion may permit,
to associate the governed in the task of government.
Not only is it the intention of His Majesty's Government
to remain fnithful to such policy, but they are convinced
that the clearer definition of Great Britain's position
in the country will accelerate progress towards self-
government.
The religious convictions of Egyptian subjects will
be scrupulously respected, as are those of His Majesty's
own subjects, whatever their creed. Nor need I affirm
to Your Highness that, in declaring Egypt free from any
duty of obedience to those who have usurped political
power at Constantinople, His Majesty's Government are
animated by no hostility towards the Khaliphate. The
past 'history of Egypt shows, indeed, that the loyaltj' of
Egyptian Mohammedans towards the Khaliphate 13
independent of any political bond.s between Egypt and
Constantinople.
The strengthening and progress of Mohammedan
institutions in Egypt is naturally a matter in which
His Majesty's Government take a deep interest and with
which Your Highness will bo specially concerned, and
in carrying out sueh reforms as may be considered
necessary Your Highness may count upon the sjTn-
pathetio support of His Majesty's Government.
I am to add that His Majesty's Government rely with
confidence upon the loyalty, the good sense, and self-
restraint of Egyptian subjects to facilitate the task of
the General Officer Commanding His Majesty's Forces,
who is entrusted with the maintenance of internal order.
and witli the pre\ention of the rendering of aid to the
enemy.
T avail myself of this opportimity to present to Your
Highness the assurance of my highest respect.
• MILNE Cheetham.
December 19. 1914.
On Saturday, December 19, the following
proclamation was published at Cairo :
His Britannic Majesty's Secretary of State for Foreign
Affairs gives notice that, in view of the state of war
arising out of the action of Turkey. Egypt is placed under
the Protection of His Majesty and will henceforth
constitute a British Protectorate.
The Suzerainty of Turkey over Egynt is thus termi-
nated, and His Majesty's Government will adopt ail
measures necessary for the defence of Egypt, and protect
its inhabitants and interests.
The Proclamation was at the same time
published in all the provincial centres. Its
reception there was on the whole good. Many
of the fellaheen were openly though undemon-
Ktratively plea.sed by what they believed to be
a guarantee that their rights would be resi^ected,
that they would get their water without having
to bribe the irrigation officials, and that the
great landlords would not be permitted to
oppress them. There were grumblers in the
towns, especially in Tanta, always a centre of
fanaticism from pre-Islamic days ; some of
the Beduin notables who had been won over
by Tm-kish agents^ or who resented the British
occupation, which pre\cnted them from proyino;
on the fellaheen as their ancestors had been
wont to do, talked trea.sonably and hinted at
an impending Turkish invasion. But no
demonstration was made again-st tlic I'rotcc-
torate throughout all the provinces from
Assuan to Behera. In Cairo and Alexandria
there was more discontent, not only among
the ignorant who had heard wondrous tales
of the coming of " Effendina " at the head of
the Turkish legions, but among the fairly
numerous class of extreme Nationalists, stu-
dents, lawyers, and the like, some of whom
donned black ties as a sign of their mourning.
But this was all ; the majority of the population
remained good-temperedly mdifferent to all
that was happening. " Rather more than
10 per cent, of the Egyptians are with you,
rather less than 10 per cent, against you, and
the remaining 80 per cent, do not really care
as long as they and their religion are left alone,"
\\as the verdict of a shrewd Oriental
observer, and as far as Cairo was concerned
he was probably right, though the pro-British
forces were stronger, and hostile elements
weaker, in the provinces.
Thus terminated the reign of Abbas IT. of
Egj-pt. In Lord Cromer's words he had " pre-
ferred to throw in his lot with the enemies of
Great Britain, being probably vuider the im-
pression that he was joining the side which
would be ultimately victorious in the w ar now
being waged. In adopting this course he com-
mitted political suicide." Yet his general
unpopularity with the best elements of modem
Egypt and with the peasantry, the abuses which
he encouraged, and the rather squalid domestic
scandals in which he was latterly involved,
would probably have rendered it impossible for
him permanently to retain his position. Even
those who disapprov ed of his deposition, on the
ground that, as a Moslem Viceroy appointed by
the Sultan he could only lawfully be deposed
by the Sultan, seldom affected to admire his
character or his methods.
The groups, largely composed of ignorant, or.
at best, half-educated folk, who contiimed
discreetly to espouse his cause were acttiated
by fear of his return at the head of the Turkish
Armies, by fanaticism, or by self-interest. The
host of palace officials and parasites of both
sexes, spies, secret agents, and other creatures
of the ex-ruler, and their relatives, who had
mostly robbed their master and had been
permitted by him to rob and blackmail others.
THE TIMES HISTOBY OF THE WAB.
311
BRITISH TROOPS. IN EGYPT.
1. New Zealand men at work. 2. East Lancashire Territorials pontoon making. 3. Brigadier-General
Briscoe, in command of the Cavalry Brigade, with the members of his staff. 4. Australians on the
trams. 5, Cooks preparing dinner at the Australians' (]amp. 6. New Zealanders at their
Christmas Dinner.
312
thp: times histoby of the war.
WESTMINSTER DRAGOONS IN EGYPT.
No. 2. Troop, "C" Squadron.
were naturally most genuine in their professions
of regret, for Sultan Hussein would have none
of tliem, and dismissed every person who was
in the Khedive's employ. With some of
the exalte students, especially those of the
]ja\v School, ever a centre of political agitation,
and the more reactionary Ulema and their
disciples, they formed what might have de-
veloped into a sort of Egyptian " Legitimist "
jjarty. But for the present they were silent,
because they feared. The Beduin notables,
with few exceptions, had already descended
with their usual shrewdness to the British side
of the fence. As for the fellaheen, who had
no cau.se whatever to love Abbas Hilmi,
" itkassarit sinunuh " (his teeth are broken)
was their most frequent comment, when they
read of the deposition of " Effendina." INIany
of the members of the Khedivial family who had
suffered from their kinsman's avarice doubtle s
echoed the sentiments of the fellaheen in more
polished language.
His successor, Sultan Hussein Kamil, was
born in 1853. At the age of 14 he was sent
to Paris to continue his education, and there
\\ as a guest at the court of Napoleon III. and
the playfellow of the Prince Imperial. In
1869 he acted as Chamberlain to the Empress
Eugenie at the magnificent opening of the
Suez Canal, and retiu-ned to Egypt in 1870.
He was appointed Inspector-General of the
Delta in 1872, and later held several port-
folios, showing exceptional energy during his
tenure of the Ministry of Public Works, notably
in the great flood year of 1874. On the abdica-
tion of Ismail Pasha in 1878, Prince Hussein
retired to Naples with his father. His brother,
Tewfik Pasha, was reputed to be jealous of him,
and there is reason to believe that Ismail Pasha
had at one time the intention of altering the
order of succession and appointing Hussein as
his successor. After his return, he for long
jDlayed no political role, but was able to render
considerable assistance in manj' ways to the
British Occupation. The Khedivial Agricul-
tural Society was founded by him in 1898, and
rendered great service to the country. Keenly
interested in agriculture, gardening, and
technical and industrial education, he could
spare time for much philanthropic activity,
especiallj- in his capacity as president of the
Cairo First Aid Society. In 1909 he returned
to political life and became president of the
Legislative Council and General Assembly. He
certainly did much to raise the tone of their
debates, finally resigning in March, 1910, when
these bodies, inspired by the Khedive and the
extreme Nationalists, foolishly rejected the
proposal for the extension of the Suez Canal
Concession. Strongly Anglophile, and at the
same time a patriotic Egj^ptian, with a thorough
knowledge of, and liking for, the fellaheen,
whom most Turoo-Egyptians were inclined to
despize, the new ruler of Egj'jit was the anti-
thesis of his nephew. Honest, open-handed to
a fault, proud, yet courteous to all, and gifted
with remarkable personal charm, he inherited
the best qualities of his father, to which he joined
a very genuine desire for the betterment of
the masses. A spare, lithe-built man of aristo-
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
313
cratic Albanian type, with a manner that com-
bined dignity and chann, his presence was that
of a ruler. In religion he was a devout and
liberal Moslem, in ethics a gentleman.
The first official act of the Sultan was to
address the following rescript to Hussein
Ruchdi Pasha, who, with the other members
of the Cabinet, had resigned as soon as the
deposition of the Khedive, from whom all
Ministers held their mandate, had been offici-
ally communicated to him :
My Deab Ruchdi Pasha,
Recent political events have brought about the
establishment by Great Britain of her Protectorate over
Egypt and the vacancy of the Khedivial Throne.
By the communication, of which We transmit you a
copy [the reference is to the British Government's
communication published on page 309], to be brought
to the knowledge of the Egyptian people, the Govern-
ment of His Britannic Majesty has appealed to Our
devotion to Our country to the end that We may take
the Khedivate of Egypt with the title of Sultan, while
the Sultanate furthermore shall be hereditary in the
family of INIohamed Ali following an order of succession
to be determined.
After a life devoted to the service of the country, We
might have aspired to repose : nevertheless We consider
it Our duty, in the particularly delicate situation of
Egjrpt which these events have created, to assume this
heavy responsibility and, faithful to Our past, to continue
to devote Our energies to the service of the Fatherland.
This We owe to Egypt and to Our glorious ancestor
the Great Mohamed Ali, whose dynasty We desire to
perpetuate. In Our solicitude for the interests of the
country We shall ever seek to ensure the moral and
material well-being of its inhabitants by the continuation
of the programme of reforms which has already been
commenced. The constant care of Our Government
will therefore be the diffusion and the perfecting of
education in all its stages, the good administration of
justice, and its organization on lines more appropriate
to the actual conditions of the country ; it will devote
the most vigilant attention to qviestions connected with
the tranquillity and security of the population, and will
give a new impulse to the economic development of
Egypt-
As regards representative institutions, Our aim -will
be to associate the governed more closely with the
government of the country.
For the realization of this programme We have the
assurance that We shall obtain the most sympathetic
support from the Government of His Britannic Majesty,
and We are convinced that the more precise definition
of the situation of Great Britain in Egypt, by dissipating
all causes of misunderstanding, will facilitate the col-
laboration towards a common end of all the political
elements in the country.
For the task that awaits Us, We count on the loyal aid
of all Our people.
Knowing your experience and high qualities. We
appeal to your patriotism in demanding your aid in the
accomplishment of this task. We therefore summon
you to the Presidency of Our Council of Ministers and
invite you to form the Cabinet and submit to Our high
approval the names of the colleagues whom you think
fit to propose to Us.
We pray the Almighty to bless Our efforts in this
patriotic task. Hussein Kamix.
Ruchdi Pasha's reply admirably summed up
his attitude and that of his patriotic colleagues.
After thanking His Highness for the honour
conferred upon him, he continued :
Though formerly holding office in virtue of a mandate
from the preceding Sovereign, I am above all an
Egyptian, and I consider it my duty as an Egyptian
to attempt under the auspices of Your Hie;hness to
.•serve my country, the higher interests of which have
always guided me and have now proved euperior to
personal considerations.
The New Ministry was thus composed :
Hussein Ruchdi Pasha, Premier and Interior.
Adli Yeghen Pasha, Agriculttire.
Ismail Sidki Pasha, Pious Foundations.
Ahmed Hilmi Pasha, Education.
AUSTRALIAN ENGINEERS BUILDING PONTOON.
su
THE TIMES HlSTOllY OF THE WAIl.
THE SULTAN OF EGVnT.
[DOiricli.
Ismail Sirri Pasha, Public ^^'orks.
Yusuf \^'ahba Pasha, Finance.
Abdul Khalik Sarwat Pasha, Justice.
The only member of the former Cabinet who
-did not resume office was INIohamed IMoheb
Pasha, the former ]Muiister of Pious Founda-
tions. This was accounted for by the abolition
of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs under the
British Protectorate, and perhaps by the favour
wherewith Abbas Hilmi was said to regard the
ex-]Minister, who had left Egypt for Italy.
On the day of his accession Sultan Hussein
received the following telegram from Kmg
George :
On the occasion when You» Highness fintcis upon
your high ofiSce I desire to convey to Your Hijjhno^^ the
expression of my most sincoro friendship and the aasur-
ance of my unfailing support in safes uardine tiiu integrity
r.f Egypt and m secuiing her futiue wt-il-being and
prosperity.
Youi Highness has been called upon to undertake the
responsibilities of your high oflico at a g»avc ciisis in the
national life of Egypt, and I feel convjnccd that you vviJi
be able, with ths cooperation of jour Ministers and the
Protectorate of Great Britain, succestiu'Iy to oveicome
all the influences which are seeUing to destroy the
independence of Egypt and ths wealth, libeitj', and
happiness of its people.
Geobce R. and I.
The Sultan telegraphed the following rt ph' :
To H;s Majesty the King, London.
I present to You^ Majesty the expression of xny
doepe.si trntitude for tho feeling.-- of friendship with
which you see fit to honour me and for the assurance of
your valuable support ia safeguarding tho integrity and
•independence of Eg\-pt.
Conifiou'? of thr- respon^lbililie.- T have ju^t os'iimed.
and resolved to devote myself, in entire co(;peration
with the Protectorate, to the progress and welfare
of my peop.e. 1 am happy to be able to count in this
ta.-k on Your llajesly's protection and on the as.sistanco
of Your Government.
^L'SSEIN KAsai..
On December 20 the Sultan made his cere-
monial entry into Abdin Palace. Not a single
incident marred the order and dignity of the
{proceedings. The military and police arrange-
ments were alike admirable, wliile the populace
showed a good humour and obedience that
rendered the task of the authorities an easy
one.
At half-past nine o'clock the booming of
tlie first of the twenty-one gims of a salute
announced that the Sultan had left the Palace
of Kamil-ed-Din. As the cannon sounded,
the troops all along the line of the route pre-
sented arms — the smart Egyptian cadets
outside the Kamil-ed-Din Palace, the long
lines of the East Lancashire Territorials, who
lined the route up the street past the Savoy
Hotel, the tall New Zealanders along the
Upper Kasr-en-Nil Road, and the Sharia ]\Iagh-
raby to the Opera Square near the Continental
Hotel, the hard-bitten Australians, who carried
on the line into Abdin Square, where the
Ceylon Planters' Corps, a trim contingent,
were ranged between the Australians and the
British and Egyptian Guards of Honour. The
guns boomed slowly from the Citadel, and the
[DuinJi.
THE EX-KHEDIVE OF EGYPT.
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WALL
315
Egj'ptian and European onlookers crowded
forward from windows and balconies as the
head of the procession came into view.
First rode the Vico-Commandant of the
Cairo PoHce, then a squadron of Yeomanry
moiuited on grey Arabs, next — a bright touch
of colour amid the long lines of dust-coloured
khaki and drill — came a squadron of Egyptian
T.ancers, their red fezes and red and green
lance pennons contrasting with the blue and
white of their tunics. Behind them rode the
Cavalry of the Bodyguard in black and dark
blue, and then, preceded and attended by
sj'ces in traditional garb, came the Sultan's
State carriage drawn ])y four magnificent
white horses, the scarlet and gold liveries of
the coaclimen showing l:)rilliantly up against
the white.
The Sultan, with the Prime Minister on his-
left, drove slowly past. His mien was dignified
and resolute. The slight tilt with whicli he
wears his high scarlet Egyptian fez gave his
bearing just that little touch of panache
that endears rulers to their people, otherwise
he was soberly but perfectly dressed. As he
gravely responded to the applause with which
the people greeted him, looking full in the faces
of the crowd, there was something in his
aquiline features and aristocratic bearing that
reminded one of the proud Skipetars, the Folk
of the Eagle, of those Albanian hills whence
came his great ancestor.
Egyptians, like other Orientals, cheer but
little, but all along the route, swelUng louder
and louder above the strains of the Khedivial
Anthem, sounded the clapping of thousands
of hands. The streets were bright with flags,
among which flashed most conspicuously of
all the scarlet Khedivial Banner, with its
three white crescents and tliree stars. The
Ministers followed the State coach, then rode a
fine squadron of yeomanry mounted on English
horses. Next came, accompanied by kavasses
in Pcark't, tiie carriages of the Acting British
Higli Commissioner, the Agency Staff, and last
of all, hieutenant-General Sir John Maxwell.
A great multitude of dignitaries and notables,
mostly from the provmces, assembled in a great
marquee in Abdin Square, cheered and ap-
jjlauded the Sultan as the procession moved
up to the entrance to the Palace. As he
ent(;red its doors he turned and saluted his
subjects. A moment later the sky, which had
till then been overcast, brightened suddenly,
and the sun which Ancient Egypt had wor-
shipped shone out. Thus Sultan Hussein
entered his palace with favoiu^able omens.
A reception which lasted over six hours
followed. During it the Egj-ptian troops,
whose officers, Egyptian and British, had taken
the oath to the new ruler, acclaimed Sultan
Hussein. In the coiu"se of the reception His
Highness addressed advice on agricultural
and financial matters to the provincial dele-
THE SULTAN ARRIVING AT HIS RESIDENCE IN HELIOPOLIS.
316
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
gations, depre<"a(6>d n-ligioiis (jiiurreLs, and
urged the notables of Gharbia province in
particular to use their influence to put an end
to the family feuds, wliicl^i are the principal
cause of crime in Egypt, ile admonished the
iJeduin Sheikhs of Fayum, warning them that
they must remember that they dwelt in a
civilized country, and must, therefore, submit
to ordered rule. Those who preferred lawless
" desert " conditions of existence had best
leave the country.
It was noted that Sir Milne Cheetham,
the Acting High Commissioner, was accorded
an enthusiastic recejjtion by the crowd when
arriving at and departing from Abdin.
At nightfall the whole of Cairo was brilliantly
illuminated. Thus closed three of the most
eventful days in the history of modem Egypt.
During this period the Sudan had been
absolutely quiet, to the relief and perhaps
to the surprise of the British Military autho-
rities. This huge country of nearly a million
square miles in extent, peopled largely by
Moslems who had been conquered by Lord
Ivitchener only sixteen years before, and were
among the bravest and most fanatical of
African races, was jointly governed by Great
Britain and Egypt with a comparatively small
garrison which included few white troops.
1'he religious fervour of large elements of, the
population excused and explained tlie fear
that the action of Turkey might stir up the
tribes to ri.se. It was largely owing to the
action of the Governor-General of the Sudan,
Sir Reginald Wingate, and of the many able
officers under his control that the Ashole
country was not only quiet but loyal, and that
the entire population supported the British
cause. Returning immediately after the out-
break of the Great War to Egypt, Sir Reginald,
who was also the Sirdar (Commander-in-Chief)
of the Egyptian Army, spent some time at
Cairo, and after satisfying himself that the
spirit of the f]gyptian Army was good, went
south to Khartum, \shere he held many
informal meetings with the senior Egyptian
officers and the chief local notables. After
this he held a huge public reception at Omdur-
nian, where he addressed the religious leaders
of the people in Arabic, fully explaining the
origin and causes of the war witli Germany.
The speech was loyally acclaimed, and from that
moment there was no doubt of the feeling of
the leaders of the Sudanese peoples. The
Governor -General afterwards made a rapid
tour of the Sudan, and held receptions at the
chief towns of the Sudan, always with the
same excellent results. It was made clear
by him and his chief subordinates to the
notables in private con\ersations that Turkey
««l«il#t}H|J'
^ liUJ '^^ Jii
|«Att:litl|ll |,,||^ 1:18 8
THE SULTAN'S ENTRY— ABDIN SQUARE.
Yeomanry leading procession : Ceylon Infantry : Egyptian Guard of Honour on the right.
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
31?
INDIANS WOUNDED AT SUEZ CANAL ARRIVING IN CAIRO.
was drifting towards war. When war broke
out with the Porte the ground had been well
prepared, and the people were not wholly
taken by surprise. On November 7 fifty of
the leading regimental officers, British and
Egyptian, were suiximoned to the palace at
Khartum, where the Governor-General ad-
dressed them, and, after briefly explaining what
had happened, read a proclamation announcing
that a state of war between Great Britain and
Turkey existed as from that day, and calling
on the inhabitants of the Sudan to render
all the assistance that might be required of them
to the British, Egyptian, and Sudanese forces.
A similar procedure was adopted in all the
principal garrison towns by the Governors
or Commandants at the same moment. On the
following day the principal religious Sheikhs
and Ulema were assembled, when the Governor-
General addressed thorn, informing them that
he was about to call upon the Grand Mufti
to read them an address from him, and ex-
pressing his confidence that as enlightened and
patriotic men they woxild explain the truth
and give good counsel to the people. The
Grand Mufti then read an address in Arabic,
in which, after recapitulating the benefits
the British had wrought in the Sudan, he
declared that this war had been unsought by
Great Britain, but forced on her by the madness
of " this syndicate of Jews, financiers, and low-
born intriguers, like broken gamblers staking
their last coin, and in deference to the urgent
demands of Germany and our enemies, who
have gone to war with the one Power who by
her actions and the sentiments of her people
has ever been a true and sympathetic friend
to the Moslems and to Islam."
Great Britain had no quarrel with Islam or
its spiritual leaders. She would ever maintain
and enforce on others the sanctity and inviola-
bihty of the Holy Places. They need not
fear that the war would affect the situation
of Islam in the world. Their fears were
groundless, for the British Empire would not
change the position of a single Moslem subject
for the worse, or repudiate a singje pri\ilege
granted to its Moslems.
The Ulema were most enthusiastic and
pubUcly protested their loyalty. Prominent
among them was Sherif Yusef El Hindi, a
descendant of the Prophet, who had enormous
influence in the Sudan, and the eldest son of
the Mahdi, who vouched for the fidelity of all
cx-Mahdists. The Ulema afterwards pro-
duced an admirable manifesto, signed by
sixteen of their cliiefs. The popular response
was extraordinary. From all sides letters
and telegrams promising support reached the
Sirdar, and the Egyptian officers made similar
representations. Generous gifts were made to
the Prince of Wales's Eimd. Nor did the
attempts of Turkish agents to excite the people
meet with the slightest succa«»s. A typical
m
THP. TIMES BISTOBY OF THE WAtt.
SLATIN PASHA.
[Lekegian.
example of their failures was the case of Elmaz
Bey, Enver Pasha's aide-de-camp and creatm'e,
an ignorant black, who had formerly served in
the Egyptian Coastguards, joined the Turks
in Cyrenaica, and had done his utmost to
perjure away the hfe of Aziz el Masri.
Girt with a lengthy sabre and clad in Turkish
uniform this witless blackamoor landed near
Port Sudan in fuU view of the Coastguards,
and repaired to some Arab tents, whence he
made his way in disguise to the oflficers' quarters
of an Egyptian battalion. He called on the
officers to revolt. They promptly arrested him,
and he was sentenced to death after trial by
court-martial, his sentence being afterwards
commuted in consequence of the disclosures
he made.
The Sudan suffered one serious loss through
the war. Sir Rudolph von Slatin, the Austrian
officer, who had been for many years a Mahdist
prisoner, and after his rescue by the Sirdar had
done admirable service to England and Egypt in
the country where he had been a captive,
felt himself compelled to se\'er his cormexion
with the service. His motives in so doing were
creditable to his patriotism as a good subject
of the Emperor Francis Joseph, and were
misimderstood by none of his old colleagues,
least of all by his old friend the Sirdar.
Such was the history of the Sudan for the
first seven months of the war. British officers
stationed there regarded the loyalty and calm
of its tribes as " little short of miraculous,"
and the Sudan Tiinefi truly said that what-
ever loss or mihcry the war might have brought
to the world, it had at least given the British
a proof such as would never otherwise have
come to light that their work in the Sudan had
not been in vain.
On the outbreak of hostilities with Turkey tlie
.^lied warships in the Southern Levant and in
the Red Sea received orders to observe hostile
ports and to prevent any smuggling or fili-
bustering expeditions that might be attempted,
especially from the coast of Arabia. Details
concerning the activity of these warships, main-
ly British, on the coast of Syria can be more
profitably given when the Turkish campaign
against Egypt can be fully described. In the
Red Sea an Indian expedition on its way to
Egypt pluckUy effected the reduction of the
Turkish fort at Sheikh Said on the mainland
near Aden. A landing party covered by H.M.S.
Duke of Edinburgh captured a considerable
quantity of war material with a loss of three
killed and a few wounded.
On November 5 H.M. cruiser Minerva,
which had observed Akaba during the Anglo -
Turkish dispute of 1906, appeared before the
town and demazaded the surrender of the fort.
Though there were not more than seventy or
eighty armed men in the place, mostly Arabs
with a few gendarmes, the Turks refused, and
the fort and Government buildings were
consequently destroyed by the cruiser, assisted
by the destroyers Savage and Scourge. A
landing party exchanged some shots with the
enemy in the Wadi Ithm, but suffered no
casualties. After this a close watch was kept
on Akaba till the end of the year. Shells were
fired at parties of Turks who showed themselves
near the beach, and on one occasion a landing
party drove a small body out of a trench,
suffering three and inflicting seven or eight
casualties. The IVIinerva was once forced to
shift her anchorage owing to the fire of a con-
cealed field-gun, which dropped shells near
her, and on another occasion had a man killed
on board by snipers. Nothing of note, how-
evev, occurred till the year's end.
After the first invasion of Egyptian territory
by Beduins on October 28, the remaining
Anglo -Egyptian posts were withdrawn from
the Sinai Peninsula to the Canal. Fort Nakhl
was evacuated, the cistern blown up, and
certain buildings destroyed. Several rock wells
THE TIMES HISTOBY OF THE WAR.
311
which might have been of service to an invading
force were blo\\n in with ch'namite. The
Egj^ptian officials ^\•ere withdrawn from El
Arish \\ithout incident and tlie inajority of the
nomad Arabs of the desert of Et-Tih repaired
with their flocks and herds to the mountainous
countrj' south of the Akaba-Nakhl road. The
first raiding party which had crossed the border
seems to have returned after stealing a few
camels, but in the second week of November a
force of Terabin Bednins from south-west
Palestine accompanied by a few Turkish and
German officers occuj>ied El Arish, and after-
wards ad^ anced towards Katia. Save for the
exchange of a few shots between Beduin scouts
and Eg\'ptian Coastguard patrols no en-
counters took place till November 21. On
that morning an Egyptian patrol composed of
twenty Sudanese camelmen was surprised
while encamped east of Bir-en-Nuss, and
captured to a man. Captain Chope, of the
Bikanir Camel Corps, and an Egj-ptian officer,
Lieutenant Anis, with a patrol of twenty men
of the Bikanir Camel Corps, pushing eastward
to gain touch with the Coastguards, found their
camp empty. An hour's ride fui'ther east
Captain Chope ?aw ahead of him a pa.rty of
twenty men mounted on white camels, waving
white flags. Thinking they were the missing
Egyptians he let them approach. AA'ithin th irty
yards the Bedains raised their rifles and were
promptly shot down almost to a man by the
Bikanirs, who similarly disposed of another
party \\hich attempted to attack. Captain
Chope then ad\'anced towards Katia, when
suddenly 150 hoi'semen \\ere observed trying
to move rovmd his right flank, while a like
number tried to turn his left. He therefore
fell back fighting, but ■\\ as hard pressed by the
mounted men, who kept up a hot fire from
the saddle but durst not close with the plucky
Bikanirs, who shot straight and fought the
enemy off till they reached their supports. Only
five of them were then unwoiuided, with Captain
Chope, who had a narrow escape, having his
water-bottle pierced and his sword hilt shivered
by bullets, while his camel was wounded in
the hump by a ball froni a INIartini. The
Egyptian officer lieutenant Anis and Subadar
Abdu Tvhan were killed, with ten of the Bikanir
men. Tliree of the latter came in wounded
and two more wounded men were afterwards
AIN MUSA WELL, SINAI, NEAR SUEZ.
The enemy's scouts reached this point.
320
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
t'^i.^-J-hr
'-^^-*^*%^
A' 'A ^*
A TURKISH HYDROPLANE.
picked up by a patrol. One of them had a
narrow escape from tho enemy, who slashed
at liim as he lay, wounding him severely but
not fatally in the neck. Of the Beduins over
fifty, including the brother of the Tarabin
chief, Sheikh Sufi, were killed and many
wounded. Tactically the enemy had had
the best of the skirmish, but the moral effect of
the resistance of the gallant Indian soldiers
was such that the raiders immediately fell
back on Katia, and made no forward movement
towards the Canal for nearly six weeks.
CHAPTER LIX.
THE GERMAN FAILURE IN POLAND.
The Austro-German Objective in Poland — The Polish Question — German Temptations
AND Appeals — Polish Solidarity — The First German Advance — Danger to Warsaw —
Russian Reinforcements and German Retreat — Iwangorod — Defeat of the Austrians —
Battle of Kielce — Austrian Advance in Gax,icia — Causes of Austro-German Failure —
Second German Offensive in Poland — A Success at Kutno — Capture of Lodz — Russian
Move on Cracow — Fighting in the Carpathians — The Situation at the P]nd of 1914.
IN Chapter LVII. we saw the conclusion, in
the last days of September, 1914, of the first
Galician campaign, when the Russians had
not only successfully beaten off the Austrian
offensive at all points, but had swept the enemy
back over his own borders, and had almost
driven him out of the whole Province of Galicia.
From the north, down the Vistula and across
the San, from the east by Rawa-Ruska, past
Lemberg and Jaroslau, and along the right
bank of the Dniester, the Russian armies
under Ruzsky, Ivanoff, Brusiloff, and Dmitrieff
had forced the Austrians from one position
after another until, beaten and temporarily
demoralized, having lost in killed, wounded, and
prisoners not much less than half a million men,
the armies of von Auffenberg, Dankl, and
the Archduke Joseph Ferdinand were herded
together in western Galicia, beyond the river
Wisloka, and under the protection of the guns
of Cracow. Przemysl still held out and was
not to fall, under circumstances which have
been described, until six months later. Mean-
while the victorious Russian cavalry was
scouring the covmtry to the southward up to
the very foothills of the Carpathians and in
places penetrating into the moxuitain pavsses
themselves. In the later phases of these opera-
Vol. TIL— Part .3.5 321
tions some, at least, of the Austrian armies had
been reinforced by a greater or lesser niunber
of German divisions, which had been powerless
to avert or materially mitigate the catastrophe.
The first month of the war on this part of the
eastern front had ended in the humiliation of
Austria, while the Russians had shown a quick-
ness of movement, a vigour both in strategy
and in offensive and a fighting spirit which had
surprised even their friends. In the la,«t week
of September the Russian advance, after
tremendous and almost incredible exertions,
had spent itself, its immediate objective
achieved, in a momentary exhaustion and
satiety of triiunph. For a few days the tide
stood at flood.
On Septenaber 27 began the first movement
of an Austro-German coimtor-offensive.
It is not necessary to dwell again at any
length on the contour and strategical impor-
tance of Poland, which have already been
discussed. It will be sufficient to repeat that,
thrust out like a wedge between the territories
of the two empires, it was equally exposed to
attack from the Germans on the north and
from Austria on the south. On the other hand,
so long as it remained Russian — especially as
long as the great fortified positions of Warsaw
322
THI'! TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
Novo Georgievsk, Iwangorod and Loinza, with
their connecting railway lines, remained in
Russian hands — neither on the north nor on the
south could any effective invasion of Russia
be attempted without evident danger of attack
from the rear. The first object aimed at, then,
in the Anstro-CJerman plans had been the
reduction of Poland — its isolation and lopping
off from the main body of Russia. If the first
operations on the north by the Germans from
East Prussia and on the south by the Austrians
from Galicia had succeeded, the allied armies
would have made junction somewhere in the
Brest -Litovsk-Bialystok region, and, with all
Poland in their liands, they would have had a
continuous front on a straight line from the
Baltic to the Carpathians as a base for further
advances.
But these operations did not succeed. They
failed in the north and failed disastrously in
the south. With both her right and left hands
Russia held her enemies at bay. The next
move of the allies, then, inevitably took the
form of a direct thrust in the centre at the
heart of Poland. In their first operations the
Central Powers had hoped that such a direct
thrust would be unnecessary. It would have
been much smipler and less costly if Poland
could be caused to drop in their hands, like a
branch falling from a tree, by cutting through
its junction with the trunk from which it grew.
And the German General Stai¥ professed, at
least, the belief that Poland would rejoice to be
so severed, and Germans and Austrians alike
proclaimed that the Polish people would seize
the opportunity offered by the war to rise
against Russia, and would welcome the
invaders as the instriunents of their salvation.
The alternative which confronted Poland
was, indeed, a terrible and testing one. To
hold true to Russia and resist invasion could
only mean the desolation of the land. The
country must be overrun by hostile armies
and become one vast battlefield. If they had con-
sulted their immediate material interests alone,
the Poles must have thrown themselves into
Germany's arms. It was, in fact, the same
dilemma as Belgium had had to face in the
west, and, like the Belgians, the Poles chose
the nobler part.
How far either Germans or Austrians really
believed in the probability^ of Polish friendship
for their cause it is difficult to say. Evidence
is very contradictory. It is certain that up to
ithat time neither Germans nor Austrians had
been under much misapprehension as to the
Polish dislike of themselves. As recently as
two years before, when the Balkan War was in
progress, Vienna had been unable to conceal its
fears of a Polish rising. In the history of Poland
hostility to the Prussian and the Teuton had
been an infinitely greater factor than hostility
to Russia. The former went back for over a
thousand years. Compared with it the century-
and-a-half-old fear of Russia was a modem
thing. As has been noted in a former chapter,
moreover, since the partition of the kingdom of
Poland, the treatment of their section of the
Polish people by the Germans had been in-
finitely more ruthless and brutal than anything
that had been done by Russia. If of late years
the world had heard more of the struggles of
the Poles against Russia than against Germany,
it was only because Germany had long crushed
out the power to struggle. A wounded thing
still fighting for its life makes more noise than
one which has already been beaten to un-
consciousness and is on the point of death.
It is impossible not to believe that well-
informed people in Germany must have known
that the Poles hated them more deejjly than
ever they had hated Russia, and with good
reason. The German people, as a whole,
however, habitually showed singular obtuse-
ness and ignorance in all discussions of the
Polish question. The masses had but hazy
ideas on the subject, and they were extremely
willing, when this war began, to believe what
they wished to believe. As for those who
knew better, for the Austro-German Govern-
ments and General Staffs, the friendship of
the Poles was a stake worth making a bid for.
If it was to be won it must obviously be the
best policy to pretend that it was expected.
Everything possible, then, was done to create
an atmosphere favourable to a Polish rapproche-
ment. Both Germany and Austria declared
their confidence in the Polish goodwill towards
themselves, and both were lavish of promises
and proclamations explaining how they came
against Russia as the deliverers of Poland.
It was not by accident that the Bishopric
of Posen, which the Prussian Government for
many years had ostentatiously kept vacant,
was filled by the appointment of a Polish
Bishop immediately after the outbreak of the
war.
A characteristic German proclamation, typical
of several issued during the present invasion of
Poland, was promulgated by General von
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
RUSSIAN RESERVIST LEAVING FOR THE FRONT.
Morgen, in command of the German First
Army, which advanced on Warsaw :
Inhabitants of the Governments of Lomza and War-
saw ! The Russian Narew Army is annihilated. More
than 100,000 men, with the commanding generals of t}ie
13th and 15th Army Corps, are prisoners ; 300 guns are
captured. The Russian army under General Rennen-
kampf is retreating in an easterly direction. The Aus-
trian armies are victoriovisly advancing from Gahcia.
The French and British troops in France have met witli
disastrous defeat. Belgium is now midor Gorman
a<l ministration.
I come to you with the advance<l armies of other Ger-
man armies and as your friend. Take up j'our arms ;
expel the Russian barbarians, who enslaved you, from
your beautiful country, which sluall regain once more its
political and religious freedom. That is the will of my
mighty and gracious Emperor. My troops have orders
to treat you as friends. We will pay for what you sell
us. I look to your chivalry to receive us hospitably as
your allies.
(Signed) Likutenant-Generai. vdv Morgen.
In the Kingdcyn of I'oland. September, 1914.
That the game was worth playing is shown
by the fact that well-informed Russians were
by no means unanimous in their confidencc in
Polish loyalty. German emissaries had, of
course, been secretly at work in Poland, as
elsewhere, long before the outbreak of the war.
That their labours had not been altogether
324
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
fruitless is shown by the reference to " certain
Polish organizations " in the following utter-
ance of the chief organ of Polish political opinion
soon after the commencement of hostilities :
Fellow-countrymen ! A danger threatens us, greatest,
perhaps, among the many calamities which war brings
to a country : the misdirection of the Nation's mind and
understanding.
Various instigations are pressing the Poles to go
against their own instinct and the dictates of political
reason in their attitude towards the armies now invading
our Polish lands, armies ringing with German words of
command, which even resound through Galician detach-
ments lured into belief that Poland may be saved through
alliance with the Germans. Various agitators on both
the German and Austrian sides, having their own in-
terests at stake, are seeking to make our people take
active part in the terrific conflicts now to be fought out
upon our soil.
To attain this end by throwing dust into our eyes,
various manifestoes signed by the leaders of the armies
beyond the frontier, have promised the Poles extensive
liberties and privileges at the close of the war. Certain
Polish organizations, having lost, in the general
excitement, their healthy sense of judgment, are doing
likewise. Do not let yourselves be hoodwinked by these
promises. They are lies. Neither of the invading
armies has any intention of fighting for Poland's sake.
Each is fighting in the interests of it.s own Empire, and
to those Empires we are of no account. They only want,
in a moment of necessity, to make the Poles pa-ssive
instruments serving their own ends. Whoever tells you
that Austria in alliance with Prussia intends to build up
Poland once again is a blinded dreamer. The result of
a victory for the Germans and Austrians would mean a
new partitioning of Poland, a yet greater wreckage of
our Nation. Grasp this, listen to no seducers. Remain
passive, watchful, in.sensible to temptation.
During the coming struggle the Kingdom of Poland
will be the marching-ground of vaiious armies, we shall
see temporary victors assum.ing lordship for a while ;
but change of authority will follow, and inevitable
retaliation ; this several time^, perhaps, in the course of
the campaign. Therefore every improvident step will
meei with terrible revenge. By holding firm through
the present conflict you best can serve the Polish cause,
in the name of the love you bear your country, of your
solicitude for the Nation's future, we entreat you, fellov/-
3ountrymen, to remain deaf to evil inspirations, unshak-
able in your determination not to expose our land to yet
greater calamities, and Poland's whole future to incal-
culable perils. — From the Gazeta Warszaws'<a, Aug. 1.5,
1914.
If this shows that Austro-German intrigue
had not been all barren of result, it also shows
even more clearly that the intelligence of the
leaders of the Polish people was unclouded.
There was here no ringing appeal in behalf of
loyalty to Russia — that would have been diffi-
cult to make — but there spoke clearly the voice
of the ages-long hatred of the Teuton which
NEW POLISH LEGION FIGHTING FOR THE TSAR.
The mascot of the Infantry of peasants. Cavalry of young noblemen drawn up lor inspection.
THE TIMES HlSTOnY OF THE WAB.
325
made a popular rising in bclialf of tlie invaders
impossible.
On the following day the same journal and*
the newspapers of all the world published a
Proclamation from the Russian Generalissimo
which may fairly be ranked as one of the world's
epoch-making dociunents It was a promise
of the reconstitution of an autonomous Kingdom
of Poland under the suzerainty of the Tsar :
Poles ! The hour lias struck in wliicli the sacred
dream of your fatlicrs and forefathers may find fulfilment.
A century and a half ago the Hving flcsli of Poland
was torn asunder, but her soul did not die. She lived in
liope that there would come an hour for the resurrection
of the Polish nation and for a brotherly reconciliation
with Russiii.
The Russian Army now brings you the joyful tidings
of tliis reconciliation. May the boundaries be annihi-
lated which cut the Polish nation into parts ! May that
nation reunite into one body under the sceptre of the
Ivussian Emperor. Under this sceptre Poland shall be
reborn, free in faith, in language, in self-government.
One thing only Russia expects of you : equal con-
sideration for the rights of those nationalities to which
history lias linked you.
With open heart, with hand fraternally outstretched
Russia steps forward to meet you. She believes that
the sword has not rusted which, at Griinwald, struck
down the enemy.
From the shores of the Pacific to the North Si ^s the
Russian forces are on the march. The dawn of a new
life is breaking for you.
May there shine, resplendent above that dawn, tlie
sign of the Cross, symbol of the Passion and resurrection
of nations '.
(Signed) Commander-in-Chief General
Adjutant Nicolas.
1 (14) August, 1914.
While the weiglit of Polish ojiinion was
already strongly against giving any aid to the
Austro-German forces, it was this Proclamation
which definitely and immediately crystallized
Polish sentiment in enthusiastic loyalty to
Russia. The promise made by the Grand
Duke Nicholas was afterwards confirmed by
Imperial Edict. Long before that, however,
the attitude of the Polish people had been
irrevocably settled. On August 17 the leaders
of the several political parties in Warsaw-
united in the following pronouncement :
The representatives of the undersigned political parties,
iissembled in Warsaw on the 16th August, 1914, welcome
the Proclamation issued to the Poles by His Imperial
Highness the Commander-in-Chief of the Russian Forces
as an act of the foremost historical importance, and
implicitly believe that upon the termination of the war
the promises uttered in that Proclamation will be for-
mally fulfilled, that the dreams of their fathers and fore-
fathers will be realized, that Poland's flesh, torn asunder
a century and a half ago, will once again be made whole,
that the frontiers severing the Polish nation will vanish.
The blood of Poland's sons, shed in united combat
against the Germans, will serve equally as a sacrifice,
offered upon the altar of her Resurrection.
The Democratic National Party.
The Polish Progressive Party.
The Realist Party.
The Polish Progressive Union.
EFFECT OF A GERMAN BOMB ON
THE RAILWAY TRACK.
An unexploded shell is seen in the foreground.
From that date, though the Germans con-
tinued their futile intrigues, there was never
any doubt as to the position or sentiments of
the Polish people. The invading Austro-
German armies were the enemy ; the Russian
troops were friends.
It was only by degrees that the people of
Poland were to leam the extent of the cala-
mities which were to be visited upon their
coimtry ; only by degrees did the German
invading armies give up the hope that they
were soon to possess and dwell in a hospitab'e
and friendly Poland. In their first advance
from the frontier they seem to have engaged in
little wanton destructiveness. They regarded
Poland as already their own country, and,
as the invading troops expected to spend th»
winter there, it w^as not to their interest to lay
it waste. There was, it is true, at least one
conspicuous exception. As soon as the German
troops crossed the frontier at Kalisch they
seem to have set themselves to spread a reign
of terror in the population. Buildings were
burned, harmless citizen.s were executed, and
the jjlace was given up to plunder and rapine.
The mayor of the town, one of its most respected
citizens, was dragged from his bed in his night-
35-2 •
326
THE TIMES JJfSTOIfY OF THE WAH.
RETREATING GERMANS REBUILDING A BRIDGE NE4R KALISGH PREVIOUSLY
DESTROYED BY THEMSELVES.
clothes and his old manservant was shot dead
before him for trying to cover the half-naked
body of his master with his own coat. The
facts are, unhappily, too well established ;
and hardly any town in Belgium was as brutally
and ruthlessl}^ used as was the old city of
Kalisch. No explanation of this outrage has
ever been given ; but that there was not niucli,
if any, excuse in the form of provocation by
the civil population seems apparent from the
fact that the Germans afterwards declared,
whether truthfully or not, that the officer
responsible for it had been disgraced.
On the whole, however, the German advance
into Poland seems to have been reasonably
free from outrages on the civil population ;
and it is to be noted that, from now on, whatever
credit or discredit attaches to the allies for the
conduct of this campaign must be awarded
to the Germans and not at all to the Austrians-
We have already seen that a certain
" stiffening " of German troops had been intro-
duced, without any material result, into the
Austrian forces in the later stages of tlie
Galician campaign. When the completeness of
the Austrian failure in that campaign became
apparent, Germany assumed control of all the
military operations. General von AufTenberg
came near to being relieved of his couunand.
being apparently held to blame for the failure
to protect the flank of Dankl's army in its
advance on Lublin. The commanders of at
least five Austrian Army Corps — the 6th ^
7th, 8th, 11th, and 17th — seem to have been
removed,* and the Austrian military organiza-
tion as a whole was treated as if in disgrace.
Vienna became full of German Staff officers,
and German officers assisted in the defence of
Cracow. A system was adopted of linking
German and Austrian divisions, .and even
brigades, together, and the supreme control
of operations was vested in the German Head-
quarters Staff. It will be remembered that there
is evidence that the plan of the Galician cam-
paign had apparently been forced on Austria
by her ally, and that the Austrian Chief of
Staff, General Konrad von Hotzendorf, never
cordially approved of it. There was now a
widespread inclination in Austria to hold
Germany responsible for the miscarriage of
that plan. In Vienna and elsewhere there
came to be much complaint of the arrogant
behaviour of German officers towards Austrians,
whether soldiers or civilians. INIuch jealousy
* The names of the new corps commanders, as
announced from Vienna early in October, were : Cth
Army Corps, General Arz ; 7th, Griesler ; 8tli, Scheucht-
enstnel ; 11th, Julieic ; 17th, Kritck.
THE TIMES HISTOBY OF THE WAR.
327
was engendered and not a little hatred and
bitterness, which grew as time went on. That
the German commanders of joint forces, in
•cases of retreat, gave to the Austrian troops the
thankless and dangerous task of screening the
rear of the retiring German corps was sufficiently
shown by the identity of the prisoners taken.
Many independent observers in Russia declared
also that when German and Austrian
prisoners were confined together there seemed
to be more hostility between them than either
showed towards their Russian guards. In
the newspaper reports of the day many stories
were told to illustrate the growing lack of
harmony between the two allies. It was
even stated that Austria before the end of tliis
Polish campaign opened overtures looking to
the making of a separate peace, when Russia
demanded terms which included :
(1) The surrender of Galicia to Kussia.
(2) The surrender of Bosnia and Herzegovina to
■Serbia and Montenegro.
(3) Withdrawal from the alliance with Germany.
(4) The reconstitution of the Austro-Hungarian mon-
archy into Federal States, one of which should be an
autonomous Bohemia.
Austria was said to have considered these
terms too humihating. AVithout putting too
much confidence in all the tales of Austro-
German friction which gained ciurency in the
literature of the time, it is certain that from the
autumn of 1914 there ceased to be full sym-
pathy between the two allied peoples, though
the exigencies of the situation compelled Austria
to cling to her more powerful neighbour ;
and it is also evident that for the misunder-
standings which arose the responsibility must
be put, even more than on the Austrian defeats,
on the arrogant behaviour of individual German
officers.
The first German offensive movement,
it has been said, began on September 27.
From documents which later came to Light it
aj^pears that General von Hindenburg had
been put in chief command of the combined
Austro-German forces on September 25. For
how long the preparations for the coding
advance had been maturing we do not know,
but ever since the beginning of the Austrian
retreat there had been reports of German
troops being moved from the western to
the eastern front and of the massing of large
German forces about the Polish frontier from
Thorn to Cracow. The advance was begun,
apparently, simultaneously by four separate
armies or groups of troops. The first, froni
Thorn, advanced along the left bank of the
Vistula and the railway to and by Wloclawek.
The second, from the neighbourhood of Kalisch,
aimed at Lodz. The third, started from
Breslau and proceeded via Czestochowa towards
Piotrokow and Novo-Radomsk. The fourth,
based on Cracow, moved north-eastward by
RUSSIAN OUTPOST FIRING FROM A BARN.
328
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
the loft banlc of the upper Vistula towards
Kielce. I'his Fourth Army was largely coin-
posed of Ausirian troops, with, it is believed,
only two German army corps. The combined
strength of the four armies probably amounted
to about 1,500,000 men, of whom something
over 1,000,000 were Gennan. This Ls exclusive
of tlio main Austrian forces, which were, of
course, still in Galicia where they were rallying
in the country west of the Wisloka.
The advance seems to have partially taken
the Russians by surprise. It had rather been
anticipated that the Germans would prefer
to await attack behind the strongly entrenched
frontier line from Thorn to Czestochowa. In
the view of Russian military authorities the
advance was a mistake, causing the battle to
be joined on ground more favourable to the
Russians. There appears also at first to have
been some uncertainty as to the German
objective : whether it was to be pushed home
as an attack on Warsaw and an endeavour to
conquer the whole of Poland, or whether it
was merely a demonstration threatening the
rear of the Russian armies in Galicia so as to
compel them to retire. In any case, the
Russians showed no haste to meet the new
movement and the German advance was for
a while almost unresisted. It was pushed with
characteristic rapidity.
By October 3 the Austro-German (Fourth)
Army in the south was at Stobnica, a place
seven or eight miles over the Polinh frontier
on the left side of the upper Vistula, about
midway between Cracow and Sandomierz.
By October 8, farther north, the Second Army
had reached and occupied Lodz, and wan
issuing proclamations calling upon the people
to rise and join in the task of " saving Poland."
By the 11th of the month the First Army was
at Sochaczew, and its right, or possibly a de-
tached force from the Second Army, was in
contact with the Russians at Skiemiewice.
Already Warsaw could hear the thunder of the
enemy's guns.
While the northern forces were thus rapidly
approaching Warsaw, the Austro-German Army
had also travelled fast, in spite of torrential
rains which were flooding the country, so that
on October 13 fighting was going on at various
points between Sandomierz and Iwangorod.
On the following day (October 14) a German
official statement from Berlin announced that
" the whole of Poland with the exception of
Warsaw is in our possession." Nor, if the
statement had excepted also a small area
round Iwangorod, would it have been an
exaggeration. On October 15 the Germans
were within ten miles of Warsaw and on the
16th they penetrated to within seven miles ;
and there was no adequate force in sight for
the city's protection.
RUSSIANS ATTEND A RELIGIOUS SERVICE BEFORE GOING INTO BATTLE.
THE TIMES HISTOBY OF THE WAR.
329
7\rm
rlO
^VlOClf
"^
r
Wy
Com bin
>Ss,. oOsmolinte
Zycfmn ,.p .V
3 -' \ Kiernozia X
erry
iy\lilkowice ,
^M/5trzew'ce^^L'_-
^=-^^t_ \i^
VI. _
in lew ice
Strykow
Brezi'n'(}>^
. Ko/uszki]/'^-
Grodlsk
. Yuszkow
ryv/now
PiasecznoQ
\Bolimow y^Grodisk
, ^lERNIEWtCE
^ Plyzwja ]^
iRawa
Scale oF Miles
10 20
Warl
30
THE WARSAW FRONT.
Warsaw was very difficult of attack from
the north. On that side approach to it was
barred by the rivers Vistula and Xarew and
the strong line of fortified positions from
Novo Ceorgievsk to Lomza. Beyond the
last-named point ran the Bobr, with the
fortress of Osowiec and a region of swamp
and lake to and beyond Grodno. More
particularly after the recent German repulse
on the East Prussian front, then, Warsaw had
little to fear from any enemy on the north
Apparently the Russians were slow to realize
how serious was the present threat against it,
with forces of such magnitude converging upon
it from all parts of the west and south ; though
the actual force engaged in the immediate
attack on Warsaw does not seem to have
exceeded from five to seven army corps, only
a small portion of which were first line troops.
There was much discussion at the time as to
why General von Hindenburg sent so com-
paratively small a force for the direct assault
on Warsaw. There is no doubt that the Ger-
mans intended and expected to take the place.
All arrangements had been made for its occu-
pation on about October 17 or 18. Its value
to them as a base for future operations against
Russia was obvious, and its capture at that time,
just a week after the fall of Antwerp in the
west, might be expected to have great nioral
effect. Yet the attack on the position was
vmaccountably half-hearted.
It was to be remembered, however, that the
Germans were well aware that the Russian
forces in Poland at that time were trivial. A
few divisions of cavalry on that side of the
Vistula were all that the Austro-German force
had to deal with on its advance on Iwangorod.
It was doubtful if two Russian army corps werie
available for the defence of Warsaw. There
was no considerable force at Novo Georgievsk.
Iwangorod was masked and its garrison suffi-
cienf ly occupied by the Fourth (Austro-German)
Army, and no help could come from that
direction ; and the Germans, still convinced of
the dilatoriness of Russia, believed that it
330
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
HEAVY AUSTRIAN ARTILLERY IN ACTION.
would be a long time before material Russian
reinforcements could be assembled and sent to
Warsaw, either from Brest-Litovsk or Bialy-
stok and Grodno. In these circumstances, it
may well have been thought that the half-
dozen German corps under General Mackensen,
which constituted the first army of invasion,
were a sufficient force for the purpose, and as
much as could be advantageously employed.
The 2nd and 3rd Armies had pushed into
Poland alongside of the 1st Army. They
were now held in reserve for use in a comiter-
stroke against whatever force the Russians
might ultimately send for the relief of Warsaw.
The natiu-e of this intended covinter-stroke,
with the reasons why it was never delivered,
was disclosed in the German official accoimt of
the operations published three months after-
v/ards, and will be referred to later. Mean-
while, if the Germans underestimated the
force which would be necessary to take Warsaw,
the Russians on their side were extraordinarily
slow in taking any steps for the city's protection.
The thunder of the enemy's giuis was first
heard in Warsaw on the night of October 10-11,
From that time onwards the thunder drew
gradually nearer, while hostile aeroplanes paid
daily visits to the city, and something like panic
soon began to spread.
The Russian authorities for a time issued
preclamations of an encouraging nature,
endeavouring to restore public confidence ;
but as each day the sound of the guns in-
creased, and there was apparently no sign
that any effort was being made to send help
from Russia, the discouragement became
profound. The State Bank packed up its
archives and departed in haste for Siedlice,
where it alighted for a day or two only, and
then, taking wing again, flew in one spasm of
apprehension to Moscow. In the meantime
the aeroplanes, which were a novelty to the
people of Warsaw, caused great annoyance.
The first one that flew over the city was an
object of immense curiosity to the people, and
they showered the city with bundles of pam-
phlets proclaiming that the Germans were
coming to save the Polish race. The populace
were exhorted to have no fear of the aeroplanes,
as no damage would be done to the civil popu-
lation, but onJj'^ troops and buildings of military
value would be destroyed. It is probable that
this was actually believed by the Poles for as
much as a day, but not longer. For the next
flock of airmen that flew over evidently came
from quite a different source of authority^
Instead of scattering blandishments and words
of encouragement about the " future of Poland "
they commenced to drop bombs. It is hardly
necessary to say that, as far as is known, not
a single object of military value was injured,
nor was any soldier wounded, though forty or
more civilians were killed or hm-t, and a small
amovint of private property was destroyed.
Accoimts of the happenings of the next few
days inside Warsaw are very confused. That
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
331
is probably inevitable in such circumstances.
In Antwerp, in the days preceding its fall,
wild and contradictory rumours were current ;
orders to evacuate the city were given and
cancelled, and the greatest luicertainty pre-
vailed. So it was in Warsaw. It seems that
the decision to evacuate the city was actually
taken on October 15 or 16, and trains were
provided for the officials and others who wished
to leave. Practically all the British colony
and many others who did not care to fall into
German hands dejjarted in haste.
Outside the fortifications the few Russian
troops were holding the enemy back as stub-
bornly as they could, though they were ovit-
numbered by nearly three to one. Day and
night the windows of Warsaw shook with the
detonation of the guns, while from the roofs of
the buildings the population could see the shells
bursting to the west and soxith. Wounded
were pouring back into the town, but still there
seemed no sign or hope of relief ; and for a day
or two the Poles gave themselves up to the un-
happy conviction that in spite of their loyalty
they had been abandoned. On Sunday, Oc-
tober 17, the Germans were literally at the edge
of Warsaw, and great shells from their 6-inch
field howitzers were exploding just beyond the
town Ihnits. Opposed to the advance in tliis
direction was part of a division of one of
Russia's magnificent Siberian corps, and it is
this heroic band that Warsaw has to thank
for its remaining in Russian hands.
It seems to be well established that there
was a period of seven hours when the Germans
might have entered Warsaw unopposed. The
Siberians had been fighting all day and were
cut almost to pieces. Their artillery was said
to have withdrawn, and they themselves were
in retreat, offering scarcely any semblance of
a rearguard action. Individuals departing on
the train were told that the Germans were
actually entering the town and that resistance
liad been abandoned. In from the Radom road
streamed the shattered fragments of regiments,
and, according to the generally accepted version,
there were four hours or more when there was
not in this direction a single gun or effective
unit to oppose a German advance. For some
incomprehensible reason the enemy at just
this critical moment ceased their attack.
It is difficult to know exactly what took
place during that lull of the German fighting.
Someone seems to have whipped the retreating
fragments again into shape, and mustered a few
batteries and thrown them back on the Radom
AUSTRIAN PRISONERS.
332
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
<
o
u
o
aq
Z
O
o
o
U
o
H
o
z
Q
Z
Z
<
CD
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
300
road, so that when the Germans, after those
fateful hours, again resumed their attack they
found themselves still opposed as before.
The most reasonable hypothesis of the German
failure to seize their opportunity seems to be
that just at the moment when the Russians
were giving up hope the Germans also decided
that they were in too little strength to carry
the position. Short as it was, the delay was
fatal to them. The next day there came to
^Varsaw some weak reinforcements and orders
to hold on. For another day the still un-
equal contest was continued, when the Russians
suffered terribly. Then came news that swept
tlirough Warsaw from street to street and
from house to house with such rapidity that
everyone seemed to know it simultaneously.
The population poured into the streets in an
uproar of rejoicmgs and excitement. " War-
saw," it was announced, " was to be held at
any cost. The Grand Duke had said it. Rein-
forcements were actually on the way." And
almost on the echo of the first announcement
came the tidings that reinforcements were
coming as fast as steam could bring them.
The first corps to come by the railway was one
of those grand units from Siberia, and the first
regiment to detrain is said to have been the
9 1st Siberian. It is told how the soldiers
actually leapt from their box cars into their
company formation and without a moment's
delay swung out over the Vistula bridge
through the main street of Warsaw and on
l)y the Jerusalem road to the front. This
regiment had already so distinguished itself
in the Galician campaign that a sword of
honoiu" had been presented to its commanding
officer, Colonel Letchinsky. To had been
conspicuous in the fighting before Lublin and
in the fierce counter-attacks which drove the
Austrians back into Galicia. Arriving there,
it had taken an effective part in the eight days
battle at Rawa-Ruska and had then been in
the van of the advance against Jaroslau and
beyond. It was still on active service when
the orders came that Warsaw must be relieved.
It was loaded into railway vans, and, as we
have seen, was the first regiment to arrive at
Warsaw in the moment of the city's crisis.
People who saw its entrance into Warsaw and
its march through the main street and out on
to a new campaign (in which be it said that it
fought for eighteen consecutive days and was
then decorated by the Grand Duke with the
Order of St. George), spoke of the scene
on its arrival as an extraordinary one. With
its brass band blaring, it poured through the
town. The men unshaven, dirty, haggard, and
war-stained from their campaign in Galicia,
inarched through the main street witii the
swinging strides of veterans. All Warsaw
seemed almost to go wild. Women and children
wept. It is said that the flower stores were
stripped and every sort of blosson\ was thrown
among the troops, while men and women alike
ran beside the soldiers tossing them cigarettes,
fruit, bits of bread, and anything and everything
that a population frenzied with delight could
offer to the men who had come to their rescue.
I\Ien who witnessed it said that they could
never have believed that they would live to
see the Poles give such a welcome to soldiers
of the Tsar. It seemed as if, in that historic
hour, a century of bitterness had all but been
obliterated.
Behind this first regiment came another
and another and another ; and then guns and
ammunition caissons. Behind them \A'ere more
regiments, more guns, more cavalry, and still
again more divisions and more cori)s, until
at last there seemed to be no end to the hordes
of troops that Russia was pouring in. From
the first day of their arrival Warsaw was safe.
By October 21 the Germans were in retreat.
In speaking of the reinforcements which
Russia sent to relieve Warsaw a Russian
writer says : " The march of the Russian
armies down the right bajik of the Vistula
oveT- roads of which English readers can have
no conception, and where no automobile
transport could travel in terrible weatiicr
across swollen tributaries, was an exi)]oii
worthy of an honourable place in the history of
the Great War." What the precise strength
of these armies was is unknown, but the same
writer says that in one day " four columns,
each 250,000 strong, crossed the Vistula over
sixteen pontoon bridges," and deploj^ed upon
the left bank to advance upon the Germans.
Before the Germans definitely fell back thcire
was desperate fighting, especially about Blonie,
but a strong Russian force, pushing down the
Vistula, swung round the enemy's left and
occupied Sochaczew, making a hurried witii-
drawal of the whole German force necessary.
This movement was led by tlu^ Siberians
Among the German troops which suffered most
heavily are mentioned the 20th Army Cor|)s:
and the 17th and Reserve Corps, which bore
the brunt of the struggle about Blonie.
3r>-3
334
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
A curious but seemingly well authentiratcci
detail of these operations before Warsaw is
that the King of Saxony was present with his
suite, one of the equerries having been taken
prisoner by the Russians. Inspired German
newspapers had for some time been dropping
hints of an act of great pohtical importance
which was to take place as soon as Warsaw \\ as
in German hands. It is believed that this act
was to be the resuscitation of a Saxon dynasty
in Poland. To have all preparations ready
for so dramatic a stroke would have been
entirely in accordance with the German pro-
cedure throughout the war, and it may well
have been calcvilated that this would be the
best retort to the promise niade by the Grand
Duke Nicholas, and confirmed by the Tsar,
of the establishment of an autonomous Kingdom
of Poland under Russian suzerainty.*
* The claims of the Saxon Royal House to the Throne
of Poland, strictly speaking, are inadmissible, as the
Electors of Saxony were Kings of Poland only while the
Republic was an elective monarchy, and the wearing of
the Polish Crown conferred no sort of hereditary right
on the children of the King. Frederick Augustus,
Elector of Saxony, " The Strong Man of Sin," remark-
able as the father of Marshal Saxe and an innumeraVjie
progeny, was King of Poland as Augustus II. from 10i>7
to 1706, when he abdicated; only to be re-elected in 1709
He died in 1733 and his son was elected as Augustus III.
(1733-63). When Napoleon erected the Grand Duchy of
Warsaw in 1807 he gave the Throne to Frederick
Augustus I., King of Saxony and grandson of Augustus
III., who was deposed from it in 1813 and lost it definitely
by the Treaty of Vienna in 181.5. The present King of
While Warsaw had been going through
such critical times, fierce fighting had also
been in progress on the left bank of the Vistula
opposite luangorod, where the Austro-German
.tirmy under General Dankl had arrived with-
out ineeting any more serious resistance than
minor actions at Kielce and Radom, which had
hardly delayed its advance.
Iwangorod lay on the eastern or right bank
of the Vistula about sixty miles to the south-
east of Warsaw, and was credited with being
a fortress of the first class. In the present
operations it does not appear that its safety
was ever seriotisly menaced. The Austro-
German force sent against it apparently
consisted of seven army corps, two of whicli
were German, with some additional units.
^\'hatever its size or composition, it was not
strong enough to take Iwangorod. If the
Germans expected that it would prove strong
eiiougli, it was but another example of their
over-confidence in themselves and their under-
estimation of their enemj\ Arriving opposite
the fortress, on the west side of the river,
without, as has been said, encountering any
\-ery serious opposition on the way, the allied
force opened a bombardment with heavy
gmis on October 16. On the following days
Saxony, Frederick Augustus III., is great -grand-nephew
of the only Grand Duke of Warsaw, and five generations
removed from the last elective Saxon King of Poland.
CONVEYING RUSSIAN WOUNDED TO HOSPITAL.
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
33i
RUSSIANS ADVANCING THROUGH THH WOODS WITH FIXED BAYONETS.
they made several attempts to force a crossing
of the river on pontoons, but without any
success. The point from which their main
attack was directed was at and around the
Httle village of Kozienice, a little north of, or
lower down the river from, Iwangorod itself.
Kozienice was about three miles from the
Vistula, standing on tlie last elevated ground
Iiefore the country dips almost to the level of
the stream. The intervening area between the
liigh ground and the river was under the best
conditions low and marshy, and was commanded
by the road that ran along the ridge. The
Germans and Austiians had made this ridge into
an effective line of defence, though there are
evidences that it was done rather as a forjual
precaution than out of actual fear of a Russian
attack. On the night of October 20, however,
a detachment of one of the Caucasian divisions
crossed t-he river from the Russian side and
seems to have gained a foothold on the west
bank before its approacli was taken seriously.
After reachmg the shore, the Russians still
had some two miles of swampy country to
cover before they could get at their enemy on
the ridge. - We are told that while in the swamp
the Russians came under the batteries of the
enemy, which were able froiTi their elevation
to sweep the low country with almost direct
fire ; but the Caucasians, wading in mire up
to their armpits., worked their way u[), regard-
less of their losses, through the naorass and took
the enemy on his exposed right flank. It is
probable that this flank was not very strong.
The nature of the ground between the position
and the river was so obviously bad for infantry
that attack froni this direction may well have
been thought improbable. Once on solid
ground, the Caucasians, not the most docile
of the Russian troops, seem to have advanced
against the exposed Austrian flank with such
ardoiu* and impetuosity that it crumbled at
the first assault.
Under cover of this initial advantage the
Russians brought up more troops, until the
whole Austrian right was forced back from the
road wliich it had been holding into a strip of
wood that lay directly west of the road. The
retirement of this flank involved the centre, and
finally the left, which, it is believed, was the
position held by the German contingent. In
any event, the whole of the allied line was
dislodged from its position on the road parallel-
ing the Vistula and hustled unceremoniously
into the edge of the forest. The army which
had hoped to capture Iwangorod could not
even prevent its supposedly inefticient enemy
from crossing the river and attacking over a
coimtry involving the greatest military dis-
advantages, and tiu-ning it necic and crop
out of a well-located and strong defensive
position. The Austrians and Germans were
836
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
LANDSTURM PATROL.
^\ell equipped with artillery, and after the
engagement there were to be counted forty-
two gim positions witliin a mile of Kozienice.
Owing to the difficulties of the ground the
Russians were rniable to give their infantry
any material support from artillery, and the
performance of the Russian troops under the
circixmstances was one of the most remarkable
exploits of the campaign.
As has been said, the couiitry directly west
of the Kozienice-Iwangorod road was heavily
wooded. For perhaps ten miles east and
west and thirty or forty miles north and south
there extended a forest which was almost a
jungle. Several excellent roads leading toward
Radom pierced this belt. Otherwise it was
difficult to traxel through the forest even on
foot, so dense was the second growth, the
fallen timber, and imderbrush. It was, then,
into this belt, which Nat\are seemed to have
devised especially for their protection, that
the enemy was forced. Then followed an
episode which was buried in Russian official
dispatches in a brief mention of " satisfactory
progress made against the enemy by our troops
in the fighting around Iwangorod." As a
matter of fact, here in this woodland for nine
days was fought what must by all accounts
have been one of the most terrible actions tliat
c\er tof)]c place.
The problem presented to the Russians wa.s
a simple one. Into the woods had gone the
enemy. The woods extended east and west
for perhaps ten miles. The enemy must be
driven out. It was perfectly clear that if
enough Russians went into the eastern side of
the woods and kept on going, eventually the
rnemy, or what was left of him, would emerge
from the western side into the open coimtr\-.
So dense were the woods even on the outskirts
that shi-ajjnel was of little value. In the first
place, it was almost impossible to locate the
line of the enemy, and the lack of roads and
tliickness of the woods made anything like
free movement of giuis impracticable. So, in
single heartedness of piu-pose, the Russian in-
fantrj'^ went at their task of driving the enemy
back by main strength ; and with a stubborn-
ness that challenges admiration the Austrians
and Germans went back only almost inch by
inch, every yard won having to be purchased
dearly by the Russians.
After two days the whole fight had become
what might be called an informal one. Regi-
ments and battalions might keep more or less
in touch one with the other, but the man in
the ranks had no idea of what was going on
elsewhere than immediately in front of him.
He knew, perhaps, that a company of the
enemy had made a little fort of their own,
and for a day or two the only thing in his mind
was to take that one spot of resistance. With
each day the fighting became more scattered
and more general ; and with each day the lines
of the enemy gave back slowly toward the
west. Day after day saw fresh Russian
battalions, regiments, even brigades and divi-
sions, led into their side of the wood, to dis-
appear and to all intents and purposes be lost
sight of for a week. The losses on both sides
were appalling ; but the Russians could fill
their gaps overnight, while the enemy probably
could not fill his at all. At the end of a week,
then, the Austrians and Gernaans were almost
through the wood, %vith only a mile or two
between them and the stretch of open coimtr\-
which they must traverse in their retreat,
and the indications in the forest afterwards
showed that the fear of that belt of unprotected
country must have been present to the whole
retreating army ; for the last narrow stretch of
woodland was a continuous maze of trenches
and small forts thrown up by a few soldiers ;
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
337
MAP TO ILLUSTRATE THE OPERATIONS IN POLAND.
33S
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
and the desperation with which each one was
fought over was proved by the ahnost innumer-
able graves and wooden crosses which studded
the whole region.
At last came the final stand, and then the
retirement of the enemy across the bit of
open ground. For nine days the sullen field
artillery of the Rassians had been baying
ineffectually or else waiting quietly with
muzzled guns in the reserve until their hour
should come. When the open country was
reached it was their turn, and the spectacle
on that open field must have been one ne\er to
be forgotten. Some weeks after the action
acre after aero was still stre%«i with exploded
shells, cases, bloody bandages, dead horses,
and broken equipment ; and between and
among all were the dreadful fragments of
hiimanity too small to hav'e been picked up
for burial : a hand, a foot, fragments of bone,
a bit of skull, a leg sticking out of a boot,
and all the other ghastly relics which show-
where human beings have been exposed to
the rain of shrapnel and shell fire. The woods
were still filled with unbui'ied dead, lying
about in every conceivable nook or corner
where a desperate man could take refuge
from the guns or defend himself from a hand-
to-hand attack with the bayonet. Already
the Russians had buried 16,000 of their own
and the enemv's dead. Still there were
thousands left in tlie woods. It is safe to put
down the killed alone in this action, from the
crossing of the river until this open spot near
the village of Augustow, at 20,000, and the total
casualties cannot have been, in that single
small area, less than 100,000. It should be
added that while, in this war, it had already
become the fashion, both in Germany and among
the Allied Powers, to decry the valour of the
Austrian soldiers, there can be no doubt that
here, as at (.Jrodek and Rawa-Ru.ska, they
fought, however ineffectually, with great
gallantry.
On October 23 a Russian official announce-
ment said that the enemy was in full retreat
from before Iwangorod, to the fortifications
of which " no essential damage " had been
done by his gun-fire. It was on October 21
that the Germans had begun to fall back from
Warsaw. By October 22 the tide had already
receded so far from the city, and the Russians
were pressing the piu^uit with such ardour,
that the cliief fighting on that day was on the
Bzura beyond Sochaczew and in the neigh-
bourhood of Louicz. On the 24th DankFs
army had been forced back to Radom. On the
25th the Russian official communique spoke of
the battle as raging along a front from Radom
to Skierniewice, and on the 28th, at one end
of that line, Radom, and at the other end,
Lodz, had been reoccupied bj'^ the Russians.
DEAD AUSTRIANS AFTER THE BATTLE OF KIELCE.
THE TIMES FIISTOBY OF THE WAB.
339
THE AUSTRIAN HEIR APPARENT IN POLAND.
According to a Russian writer, extraordinary
scenes had been witnessed in Lodz during the
German occupation. From the first days
there had been a great influx into that demo-
cratic and industrial town of Princes of the
German Confederation and German aristo-
crats. At the Hotels Bristol and Savoy
stayed many Germans of high rank, including
the Grand Duke of Saxe-Meiningen. These
gentlemen, covered with decorations, devoted
themselves to every kind of enjoyment. In
the hotels which they honoured champagne
flowed, nuisic played, and dancers exported
from Germany gladdened the eyes of the princes.
Not improbably they had assembled there
to be on hand to give eclat to the accession of
the King of Saxony to the Polish throne.
Just before the German withdrawal from
Lodz the princes and counts attached to the
German Stafi went hunting in the Liusmerski
forests, which are renowned as game preserves.
It was a fine sight — the cavalcade galloping
through the woods, the sun reflected from many
glittering helmets. Two days afterwards, how-
ever, the scene changed. The German Army had
broken against the living wall of the Russian
soldiers. The hunters became the hunted, on
whose trail a merciless chase was organized.
The chief lines of German retreat wer.-
along the main railway from Warsaw by
Piotrokow and Novo-Radomsk to Czesto-
chowa, along the line of the light railway
from Lodz to Kalisch, and north-westerly
from Lowicz towards Thorn. The Austro-
German forces fell back on the route by which
they had come, by Kielce to Olkusz and the
shelter of Cracow. All the retiring armies did
their best, by destroying bridges, wrecking
railways, and ploughing up roads behind theni
to delay pursuit. The German ofiicial accounts
of the operations, published three months later,
declared that these measures were so successful
that the Russian advance was rendered very
slow and the allied forces had abundant time
to retire in good order. This was only partially
true of the n^ain German forces and very
far from true of the southern Austro-German
army. The Russian force which pushed the
German arinies back was in command of
General Ruzsky, who had already shown in
the Galician campaign how thoroughly he
understood the art of making things uncom-
fortable for a beaten army and how rapidly
his men could push a pursuit over any kind of
country, however lacking in roads or railways.
The fighting about Skierniewice and Lowicz
wa.s of a serious character, the Germans
attempting to make a stand in a carefully
prepared position which the Russians carried
with the bayonet. Around Rawa the Russians
took 400 German prisoners and buried over
400 (Jerman dead. There was stern fighting
along the Pilitsa, both nortli and south of the
river. At the end of October the Russians
were " advancing victoriously along the whole
front."' In the first week of November the
main German retreat had fallen back beyond
the frontier, not even making a stand at
Kaliscli or Czestocliowa. On November i)
the Russian cavalrv crossed the frontier and
840
THE TIMES HISTOTiY OF THE WAR.
RUSSIAN TRANSPORT IN POLAND.
raided German territory at Pleschon, just
north of Kalisch, and General Joffre and Lord
l\jtchener sent glowing telegrams of congratu-
lation to the Cirand Duke Nicholas.
If the main German armies in their retire-
ment, however, were thus harried, they did not
suffer nearly so heavily as did the Austro-
German force on its retreat from Iwangorod.
To the Austrian troops, indeed, as not infre-
quently, had been entrusted the most dangerous
part of the allied operations, and, charac-
teristically, it was, as we shall see, on their
failure that the Germans subsecjuently put
the responsibility for the collapse of the whole
campaign. There is no doubt that in this
retirement from Iwangorod such German
troops as there were in the combined army
went on ahead (bj' not less on the average, it
is said, than one day's march), and left to the
Austrians the whole work of protecting their
retreat and fighting rearguard actions. The
Austrians fully understood wb.at was being
done, and it is said that in the coiu-se of the
retreat many thousands of Austrian soldiers
surrendered on the slightest pretext, giving
as their reason afterwards their discouragement
and disgust with their treatment hy their
German allies. The Poles in the Austrian
ranks especially began to lay down their arms
and give themselves up whenever the^' could
do so with safety.
Mention has already been made of the
fighting about Radom and the occupation of
that place by the Russians. The struggle
seems to have gone on for some four days in
the Radom forests, but the occupation of the
town itself, on October 27-28, was effected
without serious resistance. From Radom to
Kielce there ran an excellent road, which for
u:iuch of its distance was an elevated causeway
built above low-lying and often marshy
ground, while other portions ran between
heavily wooded forest land. The Austrians
in retreat did everything that could be done to
make this highway impassable. The road was
ploughed up, bridges were burned or blowndown,
and culverts exploded, leaving great ditches
across the road. In many places to go round
these obstacles would have meant traversing
the soft meadow lands by the roadside, the
sinldng of transport, and miring of guns. Along
the wooded portions it was equally difficult to
leave the road without felling hundreds of the
big trees that pressed in close to the highway.
The result was that the Russians were materially
delayed during the following days in their
advance. Though the infantry could press on,
guns and transport had to wait for repairs
to be accomplished. The Russian engineers,
however, were on the "heels of the first regiments
of the advance, and they worked desperately
in extemporizing bridges and corduroying
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
341
roads through the marsh lands tliat flanked
the highway. The delay served to give the
Anstrians a chance to throw v^p hurried works
in the vicinity of Kielce, where an action was
fought on November 3 which in any other war
would be chronicled as a battle of importance.
The Austrian line was spread out here on
a length of, perhaps, seventy kilometres
from the west of Kielce to near Sandomierz,
on the Vistula. The centre of the Austrian
line was in a village perhaps ten imles east of
Kielce itself, and in the centre of the village
wa.s a walled-in graveyard, the whole of which
had been flanked with gun positions and pro-
tected with wing trenches and hurriedly
<'rected barbed wire entanglements. It seems
that the Austrians and their C4erman advisers
{who, however, had pushed on to the south the
afternoon before the action) considered the
position sufficiently strong to delay the enemj''
for three or four days. But the Russian army,
with the famous Caticasian corps in the van,
came on with irresistible momentum. We are
told that the main column, its transport keeping
pace with it, «as moving at the rate of fifteen
or sixteen miles a day, in spite of all obstacles,
while flanking regiments thrown out to east
and west were covering soinetunes as many as
twenty-five nuU^s in the twenty-four hours.
-After their gruelling experience in crossing the
Vistula and the week-longhand-to-hand struggle
in the woods, the Caucasians were thoroughly
aroused and in no mood to be checked by any
rearguard. Just as the Austrians were
putting the finishing touclies to their field works
the Caucasians, covered lij'' a screen of Cossack
cavalry, swept in upon their front and deployed
against their centre.
This was towards the evening of November
3. The enemy, it appears, anticipated an
engageinent commencing on the following morn-
ing with the characteristic artillery action, to
be followed later in the day, or perhaps not
tmtil the next day. with an infantry attack,
which the Atistrians would be fully prepared to
receive. But they were not in the least
jjrepared for what was to come. The Cau-
casians, after just enougli rest to give them tinae
to have sometliing to eat, without even waiting
lor the complete development of their artillery
support, attacked the Atistrian centre with the
bayonet.
The strongest position of the whole line of
defence was the graveyard with the little
white church in the middle. Before the
Austrians A\ere fully alive to what was going
POLISH COTTAGERS RAKING OVER THE KUINS OF THEIR HOMES.
342
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
a
c
o
u
. .5
o ^
y
^ I— s
O C
-J c«
> 1
'— , -^
c
.2
C/}
3
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
343
on the Caucasians were pouring over the wall,
overrunning barlied wire and wing trenches,
with an impetuosity which crumbled the
Austrian centre as the incoming tide dissolves
a castle on the seashore. Tho little graveyard
where for centiu-ies the dead of the village
had slept beneath the shadow of overhanging
trees, was transformed into a shambles. The
only outlet was a single gate, and the Russian
soldiers took this in their rvish, effectually
closing the compound within. Here in the
darkness men fought hand to hand, stumbling
over graves and wakening the echoes \\ith
rifle shots and shoutings and with the groans
and moans of the dying. It is no fiction to
speak of the ground herfe as being soaked with
blood. A Special Correspondent of The Times,
who visited the spot soon after the action,
found great clots of coagulated blood, " like
bits of raw liver," lying everywhere. The
surrounded Austrians, taken by surprise, liad
fought with desperation and stubbornness,
but as the hxindreds of dead crumpled up under
the trees and among the tombstones too well
indicated, they were no match for the Cauca-
sians when it came to hand-to-hand fighting
with cold steel and clubbed muskets. When
morning came, the Austrian centre had dis-
appeared and the whole line of the army left
to screen the German retirement was in retreat.
At one o'clock of the same day the Russians
poured into Kielce, horse, foot, and artillery,
while on the flanks tiieir infantry were sticking
up the stragglers among the enemy, and, on
the extreme left, entering Sandomierz, which
had to be taken by storm against a triple line
of defences.
The Austrians are believed to have lost here
heavily in dead and woLinded, while more than
12,000 prisoners and fifty giuis, with numerous
nmcliine guns, fell into the Russian hands.
After the fight the victors made no stop at
Kielce but pushed right on. Kielce, which
had been blue with Austrians at ten in the
morning of November 4, was grey with Russians
at two in the afternoon. The artillery that
had been in action the night before, as well as
that which had not had time to come up
on the [)receding evening, now came pouring
through the town ; the guns, dirty and blistered
from tho contact with enemy's shrapnel in
many previous engagements, came clanking
and jingling over the rough stones of the streets,
the tired but still eager soldiers eating their
rations on limber and in saddle as they pushed
forward to the front. By four in the afternoon
the Russian advance was again pressing the
Austrian rear and the hungry guns were once
more at work. With the Germans well out
of the way of the Russians moving leisurely
with their transport and artillery, the Austrians
evidently had no intention of fiu"ther sacrificing
themselves vmnecessarily, but made what speed
they could, losing now and again small con-
tingents, on their way to the Polish border and
the protection of Cracow.
It is now necessarj'^ to turn to the events
which had been happening since the invest-
ment of Przemysl, in Galicia, for which a
Russian Governor had been appointed in the
person of Count Bobrinsky, under whom the
civil administration of the newly acquired
territory was soon working without apparent
friction. The new governor divided Galicia
into tliree provinces — Lemberg, Tarnopol, and
Bulcowina — the first of which \^as destined to
be part of the new Kingdom of Poland.
Simultaneously with the begirming of the
German invasion of Poland, the Austrian
armies in western Galicia also began to show a
tendency to take the offensive. It was like
the slow tiu-ning of a tide or the resiu-gence of
the water in a well fed by some subterranean
spring. In a dispatch from the Russian Great
General Staff the Austrian troops on the advance
were described as " a mass, operating in diiTe-
rent directions," and feeling its way "very
cautiously." This mass seems to have been
under the command of von Auffenberg and the
Archduke .Joseph Ferdinand with CJeneral
Bohm-Ermolli in command of the cavalry.
To what extent it was composed of the rem-
nants of the original armies of von Auffen-
berg and the Archduke, and how much of
reinforcements and German " stiffening," we
do not know. In any case, moving on a
narrow front for its size and with exceeding
slowness, it constituted a formidable force,
and before it the Russians, while their cavalry
continually fenced with and hamed the front
and sides of tho mass, fell back in the first
week of October behind the line of the San.
There they stood. We have seen in a former
chapter that it was only by an extraordinary
feat of arms that the Russians had succeeded
in crossing the San, in the reverse direction,
on the heels of the flying enemy. They had
no intention now of allowing the enemy to
force a recrossing against them.
344
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
This retirement partially relieved Przeiaysl,
the western forts of which were disengaged
about October 10 (or at the same time as
Warsaw first heard the German guns), and had
free communication v\ith their friends and with
Cracow. The Russians, however, still pressed
upon Przomysl on the eastern side. Though
their main forces were east of the San, the
cavalry continued to make raids and recon-
naissances on the west of the river. Continuous
rains had reduced the roads to a deplorable
condition, but we heard of sharp cavalry engage-
ments on the left, or west, side of the San on
October 13, and fairly heavy fighting to the
south and soutli-west of Przemysl on October 10
(hi the 18th the Austrians made a determined
effort to cross tlie San, but were repulsed. The
effort was renewed on the following days,
seemingly with gallantry but without any
success, and it was said that the river bore
numbers of Austrian corpses down to San-
tlomierz and Iwangorod. During these days,
also, the fighting on the south-west of Przemysl,
between Sanok and Sambor, increased in
intensity, and here the Russians on October 20
claimed to have taken large numbers of prisoners
tlirougli a dashing flanking movement by
troops vrnder General Dmitrieff.
Of aU these affairs we iiave only very frag-
mentary information, but it is e\ident that
much of the fighting «a.s of a desperate
character, though the country was almost
waterlogged and half-flooded. About October
21 or 22 (at the moment when the Germans
were beginning to fall back from Warsaw) the
Austrian attack seems to have lost its momen-
tum. Russian official statements began to
speak of " our advance " in the neiglibourhood
of Przemysl, and fierce fighting raged aroimd
Jaroslau, while farther south an Austrian
division seems to have been almost annihilated
in the neighbourhood of Sambor on October 28.
On the last days of the month there was much
confused fighting, in which the initiative was
plainly passing into Russian hands. In the
first days of November the Russians definitely
took the offensive on the San, and, having
beaten off every attempt of the enemy to pass
the river, themselves began to force a crossing.
By November i they had established themselves
at various points on the west side of the river,
and on November G the news of a complete
victory there was celebrated by a Te Deuni
at the Russian General Headquarters at wliich
the Tsar was present.
So ended in failure at e\'ery point the first
Avistro-German invasion of Poland. When the
completeness of the failure became apparent,
the Germans spoke of the whole operation as
AUSTRIAN AMMUNITION BEING TRANSPORTED TO THE FRONT.
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
345
THE KAISER (marked with a cross) RECEIVING THE ACCLAMATIONS OF HIS
SOLDIERS DURING A VISIT TO THE POLISH FRONT.
merely a " reconnaissance " If it was a recon-
naissance, it was the most costly and most ill-
advised reconnaissance recorded in historJ^
But reconnaissances are not iiiade with over a
million and a half of men, nor are they pushed
to the point of such fighting as took pjace at
] wangorod.
Later, after two months of reconsideration,
the ofifi(;ial German account of the operations,
published on January 17, 1915, put forward a
new theory, which it is not much easier to
accept.
According to this theory, as German troops
could now be spared from East Prussia, it was
decided to use them in helping Austria. With
this object an Austrian Army, with a German
contingent attached, started from Cracow on
September 28 (the date is approximately
correct) up the left side of the upper Vistula
towards Randomierz. Nothing is said of the
simultaneo\i.s advance of the other German
armies. It was merely a flanking movement
ngainst the Kussian troops in (jalicia to relieve
the pressure on tlie Austrians on and beyond
the San. At this time there were only some
six Kussian cavalry divisions in Poland west of
the Vistula.
Unfortunately, according to the German
view, the Austrians failed to take advantage
of the new situation. They v\ere unable to
cross the San, although the Austro-German
invading army had pushed on with great elan
towards Iwangorod. The Austrians having
failed to push the Russians back, the enemj-
was enabled to throw great masses of men
across the Vistula at Sandomierz and Josefow,
which threatened to encircle the allied right
to the east of Opatow At the same time great
Russian forces advanced from Twangorod.
Only then was it that the dash on Warsaw was
undertaken, in order to distract the enemj'
and withdraw some of his strength from falling
on the Austro-German Army. The difliculty
of this part of the story is that the Germans
were already close to Warsaw ten days before
the Austro-German troubles began.
The Russian force advancing on ^^'a^.saw
outnumbered the 1st German Army by at least
four to one. So German r(>inforcements were
hurried up (which is the first that we hear of the
346
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
<
U
<
en
z
o
<
Oh
o
-J
l-H
O
H
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAB.
347
2nd Gorman Army), and a counter-offensive
was begun by crossing the Pilitsa with a view
to falHng on the flank of the Russians by
Warsaw. This would undoubtedly have suc-
ceeded, but once more the scapegoat Austrians
tailed to do their part. They allowed themselves
to be dri\'en back from Iwangorod, by Radom
and I^elce, whereby the German right becaine
so exposed that there Was nothing for it, in
view of the great numerical superiority of the
(-nenxy, but for the whole Une to fall back
beyond the frontier ; a movement which the
(<erman armies accomplished with their usual
steadiness, and with a thorough destruction of
all the roads and railways as they went.
This summary of the German official version
is chiefly interesting for its ungenerous and
almost brutally contemptuous tone towards
the Austrians. As a serious story of the
operations it can only be naade tenable by a
complete ignoring of dates and an overturning
of most of the main facts of the campaign.
It has, however, been already suggested that
one point which emerges from this story is
[)robably true, namely, that while the 4th
Austro-German Army was sent towards I\van-
gorod to prevent any Russian force from
crossing the Vistula on the reaches from
Iwangorod to the San, the 1st Army was sent
on alone to Warsaw, the other armies being
lield in reserve for that counter-offensive by
way of the Pilitsa which was to fall on the
flank of the Russians when they came to
Warsaw's relief. Unfortunately, when the
Russians came, they came in such force and
with such dash as to swee|) 1st Army, 4th
Army and Reserve Armies together in one
comnion ruin. What would Jiave happened
if von Hindenburg had, in the first instance,
sent a stronger force to strike at Warsaw, or if
Mackensen, with such force as he had, had not
failed to grasp the opportunity of seizing the
place when it was at his mercy, it is not easy to
say. Perhaps it could not have been held
{igainst tlie strength which Russia puslied up
to its relief. At least, however, the whole
story of this Polish campaign would have been
a different one, and this initial German failure
would have been less inglorious than it was.
It was, of course, unthinkable that the
Germans should sit still under the rebuff which
they liad received. The Russians had treated
them, including some of their best troops, as
ui\ceremonious]y as they liad previously treated
GERMAN MACHINE GUN SECTION.
the Avistrians. The natiu-al, indeed inevitable,
reply must be a vigorous and immediate
counter-offensiv^e.
Long before the German invading armies
had been beaten back to their frontier, it be-
came known that still larger forces were being
massed from Thorn and Breslau. There had
been reports before, after the Russian successes
in Oalicia, of the hurrying of German troops
from the western to the eastern front. Similar
reports now were indubitably true. It was
asserted in Petrograd that the enemy now had
no fewer than 3,000,000 men facing the Polish
frontier ready for a new advance. By Novem-
ber 10 the Russians had not only driven the
enemy out of Poland, but between Kalisch
and Thorn detachments of General Ruzsky's
arinies penetrated 20 miles into German terri-
tory. At the same date other Russian troops
of General Ivanoff's forces were within 20 miles
of Cracow. On November 14 it was annoiuiced
from Petrograd that a German counter-offensive
had been " noticed " from Thorn in the direction
of Wloclawek.
That the estimate of 3,000,000 Austro-
German troops on the I'olish frontier was an
exaggeration we may well believe. In llie
operations recently described there had ajij^a-
rently been engaged some 22 or 23 Army ("orj)?.
348
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAE.
I
RUSSIAN PRIEST BLESSING MEN IN THE TRENCHES.
with various additions. Among these were
some first line troops, but not many. Most of
these liad been employed in the last efforts
to gain a definite success on the Western front.
Of the 22 Army Corps probably not more than
5 were active German Army Corps. With
these appear to have been 8 Reserve Corps,
the remaining 10 being Landwelir and Land-
sturm formations.
There also seems to have been a certain
mingling of Austro-Hungarian troops with the
German armies. In addition, the Austro-
Hungarian forces projjer, under command of
Duke Albert of ^\'urtemburg, seem to have
been divided into three armies of some three
corps each, with additional units. The Austrian
troops, however, had suffered so severely tliat
the formation of most of their vinits was no\v
most irregular. The combined effective Austro-
German strength on this frontier probably
amounted to about 2,000,000 men.
Against these the Russian armies, already
great, were being constantly reinforced. It
was supposed that early in November the total
Russian forces from Warsaw to the Carpathians
amounted to some 3o army corps, of which 15
were opposed to the Austrians in Galicia and
the rest confronted the Germans along the
Polish frontier. Of these Russian troops in
Poland (excluding those in Galicia) much the
greater number seem to have been concentrated
on the southern part of the line, towards Cracow.
Tn this direction were combined both those
troops which had driven the Austro-Gemiau
army from Iwangorod by Kielce to Olknoz and
Cracow, and also the niain army which hafl
followed the bulk of the Germans retreating
along the line of the railway from Skierniewice to
Czestochowa. The sparsity of railways in
Poland, and the absence of any line parallel
to the frontier on that side, made the transfer
of large numbei's of Russian troops from one
part of the line to another — from south to north,
or vice versa — difficult. The Germans, on the
other hand, had at their service a most complete
railway system, by whicli their mobility was
enormously increased. This fact, enabling the
Germans to mass troops easily at one point or
another much more quickly than their enemy,
was sufficient to neutralize a very considerable
total mmierical superiority on the part of tlie
R ussians.
Taking advantage of this fact, as the chief
Russian strength was on the left, or southern.
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
349
part of tlie line, whence it could only be
laboriously transferred, the Germans threw the
weight of their attack on the comparatively
weak Russian right.
In speaking of this as the Russian " right,"
it has to be ahvays borne in mind that, logically
and in essence, the war in this eastern theatre
extended over one continuous battle front, 700
or 800 miles long, from the Baltic to the Car-
pathians. In that huge line the Thorn-Vistula
region was not much above the Russian centre.
But for pm-poses of narration it is necessary to
divide this great field into sections and to treat
the operations in East Prussia, in Poland, and
in Galicia respectively, as separate campaigns,
though they were in truth interdependent, a
thrust in one quarter when parrieyl being replied
to by a covinter-tlirust in another.
At the present moment it was in the southern
area that, after the last futile attempt on War-
saw, the i^eril of Russian invasion of Gern^an
territory looked most imminent. Here on what
is generally called the Czestochowa-Cracow
line, and beyond in Galicia, the chief Russian
troops were massed. And the shadow of these
troops almost overhung the rich industrial
districts of Silesia. At the same time, so long as
Przemysl held out and Cracow stood firm,
serious Russian advance on this line by the
valley of the Oder was obviously difficult.
From Cracow north to Czestochowa, again, the
<jrerman defensive position was very strong.
Rough, broken ground lent itself to defence, and,
as a Russian official communique frankly
remarked, in the four months since the begin-
ning of the war the Germans had been able to
'■ fortifj'^ it in extraordinary strength."' The
danger to Silesia, then, was less immediate than
at first sight it might have looked. None the
less, it had, if possible, to be removed. But
against the great Russian strength in this
quarter it was obviously better that the Germans
should confine themselves here more or less to
defensive action behind their formidable
defences and deliver their blow against the more
vulnerable part of the Russian Une further
north. A success there would just as sui'ely
compel withdra^\•al on the Czestochowa-Cracow
line as if it had actually been achieved on that
line.
It was, it will be remembered, then, from
Thorn towards Wloclawek that the first
German offensive had been " noticed " on
November 14. This offensive was pushed with
great violence along the left side of the Vistula
and by the railway line towards Kutno and
Lowicz. On this immediate front the Russians
do not appear to have had more than tliree
army corps, and the CJerman advance soon
assumed the character of another and more
determined thrust at Warsaw. Tliis was
obviously sound strategy. The capture of
Warsaw itself, after the recent failure, would
have been a triumph of the first magnitude,
while, at the least, it was calculated, a serious
threat to it would, as we have seen, compel the
THE ROLL CALL.
350
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAB.
withdrawal for its defence of a large part of the
Ilussian forces in the south, with a resultant
relieving of the pressure on Cracow.
The comparatively small Russian strength
in this region between the Vistula and the
Warta, west of the Bzura, could ofTer no effec-
tive resistance to such weight as the Germans
threw upon it. So rapid was the German
advance that by November 16 it had already,
from its base from Thorn to Wreschen, reached
a line from Plock to Leczica on the upper
Bzura, some 50 miles inside the frontier, and
about half way to Warsaw. Under von
Hindenburg, the force Wiis divided into two
armies — the left or northern one being com-
manded by General von Morgan, tlie right by
General von Mackensen. On November 15-16
tlie Russians, in spite of their inl'eriority in
numbers, had ^'entured a delaying action
against von Morgen in the neighbourhood of
Kutno. They were, of course, driven back,
and General von Hindenburg announced the
RUSSIAN NATIONAL DANCE.
result as a great victory, claiming to have taken
28,000 Russian prisoners. The news was
received with enthusiasm in Berlin, and von
i^Iindonburg was rewarded by being made *
Field-Marshal.
On the following day MackerLsen".s right
successfully engaged a Russian force between
Dubie and Leczica, driving it north-westward
along the Bzm'a towards Lowicz. Pressing on
the left flank of this force in its retirement, the
Germans opened a gap in the Russian lines,
into which they drove a wedge between Stry-
kow and Zgierz. If they could make the
penetration of the Russian line at this point
effective, and could pour troops through it in
any strength, the Germans believed that tliey
had the game — and Warsaw — in their hands.
According to the German official report, issued
in January, 1915, it "now looked as if what
had been originally undertaken merely as a
counter-offensive movement to relieve the
strain on Cracow, might be converted into a
great success." New troops were therefore, it
is declared, hurried up from Breslau. It is,
however, as frequently, only possible to accept
this version of the events with certain modifica-
tions.
It is true that at this moment the Germans
were flushed with enthusiasni and full of tlie
highest hopes. Disappointment at the earlier
Russian successes had been intense, and the
relief at what looked like von Hindenburg's
triumph was so great that Berlin, decorated
and wild with joy, was already speaking in
exaggerated terms of the defeat of the whole
Russian armies. But the present movement
had no more been vmdertaken as a mere in-
definite counter-offensive for the purpose of
threatening the Russian left on the south, tlian
the earlier attempt on Warsaw had- been
a "reconnaissance." Its very formidable
character had been apparent from the begin-
ning. The victory of Kutno was no such great
matter as the Germans claimed, and much
happened, which is slurred over in the German
report, between it and the penetration of the
Russian line.
After the affair at Kutno the Russians fell
back upon the line of the Bzura. The Bzura
itself is a small stream, but its banks are
bordered for a large part of its length with
wide marshes, which form a most formidable-
obstacle to an advancing army. Against this
obstacle the German progress, hitherto so
rapid, was definitely held up. Time to bring
THE TIMES HISTCRY OF THE WAR.
351
AN AUSTRIAN ENCAMPMENT IN THE CARPATHIANS.
up reinforceinents to this part of their Hne was
of the greatest importance to the Russians. On
November 18 fighting was in progress around
Lodz ; on the 20th. between Lowicz and
Skiemiewice. On the 23rd the Russians claimed
something of a success in the neighbourhood of
Strykow, and from that date to the end of the
month the Germans gained no advantage. The
Russian armies here had by this time been
heavUy reinforced, not by weakening the
armies in the south, but by bringing up new
troops from the east. According to German
versions, considerable forces were also thrown
across the Vistula from the right bank between
Novo Georgievsk and Plock. At all events,
after covering the first 50 miles of his advance
in three days, in the following fortnight von
Hindenburg beat in v.ain against the Russian
line along the Bzura and to and beyond Lodz.
During all this fortnight fighting was of the
most stubborn and desperate character. The
Russian official announcements recorded the
fact from day to day. On November 26 there
was " some advantage to our troops." On
November 27 the action " continues to develop
favourably." On other days there was " no
change " or " nothing important to report."
What was, however, of the utmost importance
was that the Germans were not progressing.
On the last day of the month the fighting was
still " extremely stubborn." The triumphant
German predictions following on the incident
of the penetration of the Russian line between
Strykow and Zgierz were by no means being
fulfilled. It is necessary to explain what had
happened at that point.
The German troops which operated at
Strykow and Zgierz seem to have come from
two directions. One body had forced the
crossing of the Bzura marshes at Piontek ;
another appears to have crossed the Bzura,
beyond the limit of the marshes, east of Leczica.
At all events the German official statement
spoke of their armies advancing " on both
sides " of that place. Between Zgierz and
Strykow two army corps with some extra
units — probably 100,000 men in all — forced
their way north-east of Lodz as far as Brze-
ziny. If the penetrating force had been in
such definitely superior strength as to be able
to crumple back the enemy's line to the north-
ward, the coup might have been of almost
decisive importance. But Russian reinforce-
ments were by this time arriving, coming by the
railway from Warsaw, and by the time the
thrusting corps had reached Brzeziny the
352
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
ENTRANCE TO AN AUSTRIAN
ENCAMPMENT.
"Russian line had been so strengthened that it
was able to close in on their rear. Later
German troops, hurrying after the advance
force, had their hands full in warding off
Russian attacks from both sides, and it looked
for two or three days as if the two isolated
corps would be compelled to surrender or be
annihilated. As a matter of fact, the Russian
line behind them was not held in equal strength
at all points, and they, or their shattered
remnants, were able to force their way back.
These two corps seem to have had terrible
experiences in their endeavours to find a way
of retreat. Roughly handled around Brzeziny,
the force seems to have been broken up and
fragments were described as roaming the
frozen and desolated land " like a pack of
hungry wolves." The greater part of those
which escaped appear to have made their way
northward by Bielawy and Sobota, between
whicli places they were attacked by a Riissian
force and again severely mauled. Ultimately,
of about 100,000 men, something like 40,000
seem to have got back. Among them was the
remnant of a regiment of the Prussian Guards.
Besides the killed and wounded tho Russians
took many prisoners. It is known that 5,000
were taken one day and 6,000 on the next. A
few days later \\'arsaw \\as full of German
prisoners, and apparently the two corps lost
almost all their guns. The news of the catas
trophe, even in the modified form in which it
was permitted to the public to know of it,
brought great depression in Berlin, where a
comjjlete and brilliant victory by Field-Marshal
von Hindenbiu'g had been confidently antici-
pated. In importance, as in the numbers lost,
it much ovitweighed the German success at
Kutno. Both, however, were only incidents of
the struggle on this front which went on
unc^easingly and on a gigantic scale, and the
issue of which was by the end of November
definitely turning in favour of Russia.
While these tilings had been going on in the
region from the Vistula to Lodz, fighting had
also been in progress farther south. In support
of the armies advancing on Warsaw, other
German armies had pushed forward along the
railway from Kalisch by Sieradz towards Lask
and from Wielun towards Piotrkow ; and the
montli of December opened with an extra-
ordinaril}' confused situation along the whole
front. It was well described at the time as being
less like one continuous action than " a series
of more or less simultaneously proceeding
independent battles," in which fortune veered
from side to side. Retreats at one point were
counter-balanced by advances at another, and
at many places, in the course of isolated
combats, troops from either side pushed far
ahead of their general line and were fighting in
the rear of the enemy on either side of them.
It is believed that duriiig this period the
German armies were reinforced by more corps
transferred from the Western front.
It would be useless to unravel and follow up
each thread in all the tangled skein. The
incident which stood out most conspicuously
from the txirmoil in the early part of December
was the occupation by the Germans on the
6th of the month of Lodz, of which they had
not had possession since their hunting had been
interrupted there in October. Lodz was a town
of considerable commercial importance, the
" Manchester of Poland." Since the beginning
of the nineteenth century it had sprung from
a village of a couple of hundred inhabitants to
a manufacturing and commercial centre with a
population of nearly half a million. Occupied
and reoccupied as it had been since the begin-
ning of the war, with battles raging around it
for weeks together, Lodz had suffered terribly
and become only a shadow of its usual busy self.
Much the larger part of the population had fled
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
353
THE WAR IN POLAND.
1. Russian prisoners being marched through Lodz. 2. A wrecked village. 3. Sacks of flour burned by
the Germans before their flight— two Russian soldiers on the left. 4. German field post oflice at Lodz.
5. A destroyed frontier station.
354
THE TIMES HISTORY OE THE WAR.
AN ENCOUNTER BETWEEN RUSSIAN AND GERMAN OUTPOSTS.
to Warsaw, and those who remained had
suffered serious privations, food being abnost
unobtainable.
The Germans celebrated the capture of Lodz
as a great triumph, and claimed that they had
taken a large number of prisoners and war
booty. The Russians asserted that its evacua-
tion had only been a strategic move to enable
them to take up a shorter and more advan-
tageoas hne and categorically declared that
they " did not lose a single man " in the
operation. It was even asserted that for
fifteen hours the Germans shelled empty
trenches from which the enemv* had retired on
the preceding day. The truth undoubtedly is
that the Russians would not have given the
place up, if only for its moral effect, unless they
had been obhged to do so. Its surrender was
a reverse, and the Germans were justified in
claiming the acquisition of it as a success of
some importance. At the same time, it had
become very embarrassing to the Russian
campaign. Its defence occupied a large nimabor
of troops and it constituted a costly saUent in a
line which was a good deal stronger after it had
been abandoned. There is, moreover, little
doubt, from the narratives of individual
Russian officers engaged in the operation, that
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
355
the Russian official statement as to the de-
Uberate nature of the retirement, the reluctance
of the Germans to advance, and the freedom
from casualties was substantially acciirate.
But the Germans needed whatever comfort
could be drawn from the incident. It was known
that they had promised themselves to spend
their Clu'istmas in Warsaw ; but it was plain
by now that the attempt to reach Warsaw had
failed. Ner had they succeeded in compelling the
Russians to withdraw any material portion of
th.e armies which threatened Cracov\', either in
Southern Poland or in Galicia. If von Hinden-
burg's offensive had attained any object it may
have been the prevention of an invasion of
Silesia. But it is questionable whether that
could not have been as effectively prevented, at
less expense in German lives and with heavier
loss to the enemy, by awaiting attack along the
frontier. The course of the campaign had
clearly shown how rapidly the German advance
lost its momentum as it drew farther into
Poland and farther away from its railways.
On the other hand, every mile that the enemy
advanced eastward made the Russian problems
of reinforcement and supply less difiticult.
About the middle of December the German
attacks appreciably decrea.sed in violence.
Much stubborn fighting still went on, as on the
1 5th and 1 6th of the month, about Sochacze\v.
A few days later some bodies of German troops
succeeded in crossing the Bzura, but were
beaten back or wiped out. About the 22nd
and 23rd there was heavy fighting about
Piotrkow, and also near Bolimow, between
Lowicz and Skierniewice. But this was ground
which the Germans had reached a month
earlier, without being able to get any farther.
Early in December the Germans attempted a
diversion by a wide flanking movement from
East Prussia, directed against Warsaw from
the north, which, however, though a part of
this general conflict, belongs geographically to
the narrative of events in that region. It was,
though dashingly pushed, not made with any
great strength, and was easily mot and beaten
back by the Russians.
The last v\eek of the year saw little of any
importance in this region. Between Decem-
ber 20 and 25 the Russian hne, as a whole, fell
back a little, not so much under pressure as
for the purpose of taking up a better position
on a straighter front. Both sides were then
content to dig and entrench themselves along
a line which ran from the Vistula along the
Bzura and Rawka to Tomaszow. Thence sonth-
\\'ard confused fighting continued along the
Pilitsa to the neighbourhood of Xovo-Radomsk,
and thence along the Nida, where in the last
days of the year the Russians claimed some
minor successes with the capture of consider-
able numbers of prisoners.
Once more we must pick up the thread of
^:-
RUSSIAN AMBULANCE AND TRANSPORT IN POLAND.
856
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
RUSSIAN PRISONERS TAKEN IN EAST PRUSSIA
events in the Galician theatre, where we saw
how the Russians, at the beginning of Novem-
ber, after sviccessfnlly resisting all e-.^orts of the
Austrians to force a crossing of the San, had
themselves broken across the river and driven
the enemy westward. In this final battle on
the San it was claimed that they took 12,000
Austrian prisoners with 120 ofificers. The
Austrians seem to have fallen back in great
disorder, and contemporary reports declared
that they were lacking in both food and
amniunition, and that they suffered serious
ravages from cholera. Once more the tide
swept past Przemysl, which, again, and finally,
as it was to prove, became completely invested.
By November 13 the Russian advance cavalry,
following on the heels of the enemy, was within
thirteen miles of Cracow, which was now
practically invested on two sides. It was on
this and the following clays, it will be remem-
bered, that the German offensive had begun
to make itself felt from Thorn. We have
seen, however, that the Russians did not
withdraw any of their strength from their
southern front to oppose the German advance.
The pressure on Cracow, instead of loosening,
increased. By the beginning of December
Russian troops were within eight miles of Cra-
cow, and on the -Ith of the month it was
announced that they had occupied Wieliczka,
and were within three and a half miles of the
outer fortifications. On the same da\' Russian
cavalry was reported, on the other side of
the Carpathians, to be raiding Hungarian
territory as far as Bartfeld, 20 miles over the
border.
In this advance towards Cracow, although
the Austrians were more or less completely
demoralised, the Russians had formidable
defensive positions to carry besides the succes-
sive rivers to cross. All the operations seem
to have been performed with impetuous
gallantry. The resistance naturally increased
as the fighting swept w-estward. Bochnia.
strongly fortified, had to be carried by assault,
and the Russians claim to have taken 2,000
prisoners with ten guns and many machine
guns. The Raba river had to be crossed by a
ford in the face of the eneniy's fire, through ice-
floes and bitterly cold water up to the neck-
At ^^'ieliczka trenches and barbed wire en-
tanglements were rushed with the bayonet
when the temperattire was below zero. At the
end of such experiences, the Russian General
Staff was able to say that " the moral of our
troops, seasoned by fortj^-five days of almost
continuous fighting, is, according to the report^!
of army commanders, of the highest order."
THE TIMES HISTOBY OF THE WAR.
357
At this rrioment the safety«of^racow seemed
seriously threatened.
Tliroughout the war, both in the East and
West, the characteristics of German strategy
had been the resourcefulness and vigour of its
counter-attacks ; even if that resourcefulness
itself was of a somewhat stereotyped character.
A rebuff in one quarter was immediately
countered by an attack, as swift as possible, in
another, generally delivered at the remotest
point on one or other flanlc at wliich it could be
delivered without becoming . ineffective as a
retort. Von Hindenburg proved himself so
adept at this particular manoeuvre that he gave
it an individual character, stamped with his
particular genius. To reUeve the pressure on
Cracow and Silesia we have seen how he struck
at once for Warsaw along the very banks of the
Vistula, and when that attack began to spend
itself he had even tried to swing round from
farther north and reach Warsaw from East
Prussia. So now, when the danger to Cracow
grew imminent, he struck again, not on that
immediate front but far to the southward along
and round the Carpathians.
For two months and more the Russians had,
except for the one Austrian advance to the
San, been practically in control of Galicia up
to the mountains. After the failure of the
Atistrians on the San it was announced in
Petrograd, on November 18, that Russian
troops were " attaclcing Austrian rearguards "
at the mouths of both the Dukla and Uszok
Passes. By the 25th they seemed to have forced
the Lupkow Pass, along the railway line from
Sanok, and to have occupied Mezo-Laborcz on
the Hungarian side, taking 3,500 Austrian
prisoners, three railway trains and some
machine guns. On the last day of November
it was announced that more prisoners had been
made " in the Carpathians," that the Buko-
wina was cleared of Austrians and Czernowitz
reoccupied. On December 1, after ten days'
fierce fighting, the Riissians claim to have
cari'ied by assault a very strong position
along the crest of the mountains by Koniec-
zuka, a point just south of Gorlice, between
the Dukla and Tamow passes. Altogether
the number of Austrian prisoners taken in
the last half of November was now said to
amount to over 50,000, with more than 600
officers.
Fighting continued tlii'ough the first week of
December all along the Carpathians, but the
Russians now found that their opponents at
many points here were no longer Austrian but
German. Advices from Petrograd to London
said tliat " the Austrian armies around Cracow
A POLISH VILLAGE SET ON IIRE BY THE GERMANS.
nj3
THE TIMES HTSTOJiY OF THE WAR.
RUSSIANS WITH HAND GRENADES.
have ceased to exist as an independent force
, . . they are all mixed up with Germans."
A force, largely German, appeared on the River
Dvmaje<3 near Novo-Sandcc, and at various
points farther east German troops began
appearing north of the Carpathians. A new
German offensive on this extreme left flank had
begun.
On December 14 the Russian General Staff
announced in its characteristically unpertiubed
way that it had " discovered the enemy trjang
to assume the offensive." On the 16th it was
said that Austro-German columns were " pour-
ing over the Dukla into Galicia." It is believed
that at this time tliree new German army corps
had been sent to the eastern front (maldng
nine new corps since the beginning of these
operations), while tliree Austrian corps had
been withdrawn from Serljia. The new armies
pouring into Galicia by the mountain passes
were estimated at 170,000 men. The move-
ment was quite ineffective. It compelled
the Russian raiding parties which had invaded
Hungary to retire into Galicia, and to that
extent it allayed the panic which was beginning
to be felt in Budapest and Vienna. The
extreme southern end of the 1-lu.ssiau line below
Cracow was pushed back from advanced
positions west of the Raba to and across the
Dunajec. But the Russians never regarded the
diversion in this quarter seriously, and the
Austro-German advance was easily checked and
held. On December 23 General Sukhomlinoff,.
tiie Russian IMinister for War, announced that
it had been " stopped absoliit<ily."
As a matter of fact, so long as Przemysl held
out and Cracow stood firm, it is improbable
that the Russians could have entertained the
idea of invading Hungary in any force. To push
an array any distance across the mountains as
the situation then was would have been almost
tantamount to giving it as a hostage to the
enemy. The Russian position in Western
GaUcia and in Poland would have to be much
more assured before real invasion could be
imdertaken without great risk. And before that
time came there was to be a long winter with
terrible and prolonged fighting in the deep
snows and bitter cold of the mountains. That
will be dealt with in its appropriate place
hereafter.
The end of the year saw the war fi\'e months
old. The result of the struggle during those
five months had been sufficiently favourable to
the Allied cause in the east ; much more favour-
able than, at the beginning, had appeared
probable. Germany, held on a rigid front in
France and Belgimn, had been unable, as she^
had expected, to ttirn her whole strength to the
AUSTRIANS BRINGING A SHELL TO
THE GUN POSITION.
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAL'.
359
AUSTRIANS ADJUSTING A HEAVY SIEGE HOWITZER.
eastern front. Against sucli offensive as Ger-
many had attempted in East Prussia and
against the advance of Austria in the south,
Russia had shown herself much less unready in
massing her first armies than had been ex-
pected. Those armies had proved themselves
a match for Germans and Austrians alike. The
high quality of Russian strategy and the gallantry
of the Russian soldier had been demonstrated
beyond dispute. For five months fighting
such as the world had never seen had raged over
a front of over 700 miles, from the Baltic
to the frontiers of Rumania. Dtu-ing that
period not less than 0,000,000 men had been
engaged on the two sides. At the end Ru.ssia
was stronger than ever, Germany had suffered
reverses at least as heavy as any which she had
inflicted on the enemy, and the military power
<)i Austria was broken and discredited. Losses
on both sides had been heavy, but the combined
losses of Germany and Austria were certainly
heavier than those which Russia had suffered ;
and Russia was much better able to stand losses
than either of her opponents. At the end of the
year it was announced that the prisoners in
Russia included i;il,737 Germans, with 1,140
officers, and 22 1,447 Austrians and 3,186 officers,
or a total of 4,326 officers and 353,184 men.
The saddest feature of all the operations in
this last part of 1914 upon this front was the
devastation wrought in Poland. It is a
subject which will be dealt with more fully
liereafter. We have seen that the Polish
people, when they chose the path of loyalty,
must have known that they would pay a terrible
price. For five months now the contending
armies had swept backwards and forwards over
the land. Almost the whole of Poland had
become one vast battlefield. Farirts, villages,
and towns had been almost obliterated ; pro-
vinces had been laid utterly waste. In their
first advance the German armies had behaved
with restraint. On their retreat they do not
seem to have committed the unspeakable
outrages that thej^ had perpetrated in Belgium,
at least in such numbers. But they had
systematically ruined the land, not only by the
destruction of railways, roads, buildings, and
bridges to delay the advance of the piu"suing
Russians, but by the most exhaustive plunder-
ing and carrying away of all discoverable
supplies of food and clothing, and everytliing
360
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
i
AUSTRIAN ENGINEERS CONSTRUCTING A TRESTLE BRIDGE.
else for which they could find a use, or which
could give any comfort to the enemy. The
condition to which such of the population as
remained in the devastated region was reduced
was, as winter came on, pitiable beyond descrip-
tion. The world at the time heard less of the
sufferings of Poland than of those of Belgium,
and Poland had not the same ready hands
reached out to succour her. Nowhere did
Belgimn suffer starv^ation and frozen misery on
the scale on which they stalked through Poland
that winter.
CHAPTER LX.
SECOND AND THIRD AUSTRIAN
INVASIONS OF SERBIA: FALL AND
RECAPTURE OF BELGRADE.
Serbian Strategy after the Battle of the Jadar — Causes of Delay — Invasion of Syrmia —
Mistakes and INIisfgrtunes — Serbs Retire — The Second Austrian Invasion — Putnik's
Strategy — Austrian Failure — The Third Austrian Invasion — Initial Success — Capture
of Valievo — Serbian Depression — Faxl of Belgrade — The Great Serbian Rally — Battte
of Suvobor — Recapture of Belgrade — Rout of the Austrians — Austrian Atrocities in
Serbia — Their Bombakdment of the Serbian Capital.
THE failure of the Serbian Staff to
order an immediate pursuit of the
routed Austro-Hungarian Armj-
after the battle of the Jadar was
the subject of much adverse comment in some
quarters. That the enemy was a beaten rabble
when he crossed the frontier rivers is beyond
doubt, and the obvious course would have been
for the Serbs to follow up their victory and
run the fugitives to earth. It must be conceded,
however, that General Putnik and his advisers
were fully alive to the importance of driving
home their advantage to the hilt, and that
very weighty reasons intervened to persuade
them to call off their troops. No part of the
army had been awaiting the attack in the
district in which the battle of the Jadar was
fouglit. The troops which bore the brunt of
the fighting had, on the contrary, been obliged
to undertake a series of forced marches before
they made contact with the enemy, a,nd, once
on the scene, they entered into a fierce and
prolonged combat with a determined and well-
equipped foe. The Serbs were, therefore,
more or less physically tired before th(! invaders
had been chased back into Austrian territory.
Vol. I n.— Part 36
Further, the divisions which had been held in
reserve and which came into action towards
the end of the battle were even more fatigued,
for they had been marched about from one
sector to another as the fortunes of battle
dictated, and finally entered the arena after
their powers of resistance had already imdergone
a certain strain. This fact taken alone, how-
ever, would have provided no adequate excuse
for the subsequent Serbian inactivity. The
Austrians were no less fatigued tlien they were,
and, for the rest, a few days' repose would
have served to reinvigorate the men. There
were other and more potent reasons, originating
in that Serbian unreadiness for war to which
concrete reference has already been made,
which had a serious and decisive bearing upon
the situation. Among these the shortage of
rifles was not the least important. The Jadar
battle had, of course, been fought and won
despite this deficiency ; but an incursion into
enemy territory would possibly have neces-
sitated the employment of all the reserve
forces in the firing line, and it was precisely
these reinforcements which had hitherto re-
mained unarmed in the rear. The tliird and
Gl
362
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
SERBIAN OFFICERS EXAMINING A STAFF MAP.
most weighty reason lay in the absence of the
material necessary to effect a crossing of the
rivers.
The Drina is no ordinary water-way. Rising
in the tors of the Bosnian hills and periodically
fed by important tributaries, it rushes north-
wards to its junction with the Save. Ever
swift, often torrential, it has washed out a
bed of imposing width, and by a constant
cutting of new courses has created a series
of deltas. The local facilities for the construc-
tion of pontoon bridges consisted of boats,
barges, and the crude pontoons of the curious
water-mills which are a feature of this territory.
At different stages of the war both armies
dismantled these latter Installations, flung
the mills and wheels into the water, and com-
mandeered the pontoons for the purposes
of bridge-building. In the period under dis-
cussion, however, the Austrians had had the
advantage of first choice. Profiting by their
unopposed advance, they had seized and
utilized every suitable floating structure, and
despite the precipitate natiu-e of their retreat,
they had, fortunately for them, succeeded in
massing the boats on their own shore. The
Serbs, it is true, possessed military pontoon
trains, but with the exception of those captured
from the Turks at Komnanovo in 1912, they
were composed of inferior wooden constructions
and were not only inefficient, but insufficient
to make up the number of bridges which
offensive operations in Bosnia would have
necessitated. Finally, it was ever-incumbent
upon the Serbians to bear in mind the fact that
from the very commencement of hostilities
they had put es'ery available man into the
field ; they had no reserves, and they were
engaged in a life-and- death struggle with a foe
whose resources at that time were almost
boundless.
As a matter of actual fact, the army was not
sufficiently strong to undertake the defence of
any longer line than that provided by the
frontiers of its own country, and as events
fell out it was demonstrated that the wisdom of
General Putnik in wisliing to keep his men in
Serbia was abundantly justified.
Dm-ing the twelve days which followed the
battle of the Jadar a comparative calm pre-
vailed over the entire front. At least one
of the Austrian Ai-my Corps (the 4th Corps of
three divisions) was known to have withdrawn ;
the others had been sadly battered, and all
available evidence combined to suggest that
the Hapsburg Government had, as their
THE TIMES HISTOBY OF THE WAR.
368
amusing post-Jadar comnitinique suggested.
adjourned a renewal of their offensive to a
more favourable occasion. In the meantime.
Russian operations in Galicia had progressed
with almost unhoped-for rapidity and success,
and a great Austrian Army had been routed
at Lemberg. At this time a general tendency
to underrate the military resources of Austria-
Hungary had developed, and the Serbs, having
eaten of the sweets of victory, were eager to
prosecute the combat on foreign soil. They
were greatly encouraged in this ambition
by at least one of their powerful Allies. All
these considerations played their respective
parts in persuading General Putnik to under-
take a penetration into Synnia— an expedition
which in reality was intended to be but the first
and necessary phase of a general invasion of
Bosnia.
While the strengthening of General Potiorek's
forces in Bosnia by driving down troops from
the north was rendered exceedingly difficult,
if not impossible, by reason of the sparsity of
railways, the network of communications in
Syrmia permitted the speedy concentration
of considerable numbers of the enemy on the
Serbian frontier lying between the Drina
river and Belgrade. General Putnik's first
object was, therefore, to protect the western
lialf of his northern border by seizing the
territory l\ang between the Save and the
Danube, and establishing himself in strength
on the dominating mountain range of Frushka-
gora. By this manoeuvre he would have
prevented the reinforcement of the Austrian
Army in Bosnia and Herzegovina and could
have proceeded with his offensive in those
Serbian piovinces in comparative security.
The idea was rendered the more attractive
by the known fact that the enemy's forces in
Synnia were by no means strong, and con-
sisted only of the 29th Division of the 9th Army
Corps, the 38th and 68th Infantry Regiments
of the Common Army, the 21st Jaeger Bat-
talion, the 12th, 13th, 27th, and 28th Landsturm
regiments and 6 to 8 bataillons de marche.*
The task of invading Synnia was entrusted
to the 1st Army, composed, for the purpose, of
two divisions, and the Independent Cavalry
Division. On the left wing support was to be
rendered by a division in Matchva, while a
detaclunent known as the " Detachment of
Belgrade" was to cooperate on the right.
* Bataillons de marche were made up of the remain.s
of other regiments and recruits.
A SERBIAN SIEGE GUN IN ACTION BEHIND BELGRADE.
364
IHE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAB.
THE PRINCE REGENT ALEXANDER OF SERBIA
Observing the effect of Artillery Fire on Austrian Forts opposite Belgrade.
One Second Ban division was moved up to
Obrenovatz, and the rest of the Serbian forces
remained on their old positions on the Drina.
For the development of the strategy a sector
of the Save was chosen lying almost midway
between Matchva and Belgrade, where the river
makes a loop-like incursion into Serbia, knowTi
as the Kupinski Kut. For all miUtary purposes
both banlis of the Save were here in possession
of the Serbs, for the whole of this peculiar
isthmus was controlled by artillery stationed
on Serbian soil, while the island of Podgorichka-
Ada on the west and that opposite Skela on
the east formed additional bases from which
invasion could be effected with ease and in
practical security-.
The decision which had been taken by Head-
quarters was kept secret from all save the
Divisional Staffs, and it was not until they
arrived near the river during the night of
September 5 to 6 that the Field Officers
were aware that an offensive against Austria
had in reality been luidertaken. The marches
to the centres of concentration were, moreover,
carried out during the night, for it was necessary
to screen the movements of the troops from the
eyes of enemy aeroplanes, which unceasingly
swept up and down the river in reconnaissance.
At 1 a.m. on vSeptember 6 the divisions com-
menced the passage of the river at their allotted
stations in barges. Once the advance guards
weie safely across, pontoon trains were brought
up and thrown across at Xovoselo, while at
the islands the bridges were made up of pontoons
belonging to the riverside water mills to which
reference has already been made.
The curious detour made by the Save had
offered the Serbs an ideal crossing-place, and,
strangely enough, an old watercourse of the
same river provided them \^ ith a natvu^al bridge-
head almost opposite the " Kut." At this
point there exists a small wood, almost circular
in shape, siu-rounded by what is now a moat.
At the north-west of the moat lies the town of
Obrez, and the formation of the whole section
suggests its having been designed by Nature
for offensive operations such as those under
discussion. Once the Serbian divisions were
safely across the river, they undertook the task
of clearing the woodland within the moat and
fortifying it as a bridge-head. The opposition
encountered was not strong — a matter of two
legiments of infantry and one battery of
artillery — and a vigorous shelling of the forest
speedily drove most of the defenders towards
Obrez. The left of the Serbian 1st Army then
steadily worked round on the town itself, and,
after not more than a score of shells had been
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
365
dropped into it, the Austrians scattered in a
nortli-vvesterly and north-easterly direction.
The Cavalry Division subsequently arrived
on the scene, and the two units then proceeded
to fortify the moat and to throw a bridge over
it. The Serbian right, working towards the
east and north-east, had a rough fight with a
hostile regiment and two batteries, but suc-
ceeded in captiu-ing the villages of Kupinovo
and Progar.
While the chief offensive had thus gone well
for Serbian arms, a supporting action on the
extreme left at Mitrovitza ended in bitter
disaster. The division there engaged was
to occupy and thoroughly fortify Mitrovitza
and with it a strong bridge-head, after which
it was to bear on the enemy's flank and
generally seek to relieve the pressure on
the army acting in Syrmia. The place
chosen for the passage of the river in this
sector was a Customs Station at Jasenova
(Jrada, between Mitrovitza and Jarak. The
troops commenced their march from Glustzi
at midnight on September 5, and in the early
morning of the next day the head of the column
arrived on the river and inunediately recon-
noitred a suitable emplacement for a pontoon
bridge. Towards 5 a.m. a spii'ited artillery
and rifle fire was opened with a view to pre-
paring the terrain for a crossing, it being under -
stood that in the event of a successful issue two
regiments would deploy to the left and right
respectively and subsequently entrench on
the line from Mangjeloskabara-Shashinshi,
with the object of countering any enemy
movement from Jarak.
The dispatch of the troops in barges com-
menced at 7 a.m., and was received by a heav3
volley from the Austrian shore. In the first boat
5 men were killed and 3 wounded ; the second
was riddled with bullets and speedily sanl^.
Orders were given to the artillery to open fire
on the enemy's trenches with explosive shell ;
the passage by barges continued, and many
of the men, chafing at the slowness of the
movement, threw themselves into the river
and commenced to swim across. At 7.40 a.m.
three barge loads had reached the enemy's.
VOIVODE (FIELD MARSHAL) PUTNIK,
Chief of the Serbian (»eneral Staff.
(Photofiraphed specially for " The Tunes History " after the battle of SuvoborJ
Inset: COLONEL GIVKO PAVLOVITGH, Sub-Chief of the Serbian General Staff.
3ft— 2
366
THE TIMES HISTORY OE THE WAP.
THE TRANSPORT OF SERBIAN WOUNDED.
i,"llie limes" i'holij^rapi-
shore, and while awaiting reinforcements
three score of the men stormed the Austrian
trenches, inflicting comparatively heavy casual-
ties in killed and wounded, and taking 20
prisoners. Thenceforward events moved
quickly, and once the troops were across
they engaged in combat with the Austrians
at Jarak and Shashinshi while the engineers
threw a pontoon bridge across the river.
The forward movement of the Serbian
forces seems now to have been prosecuted
l" The Times " Pholosruph.
THE MILITARY ATTACHES
ATTACHED TO THE SERBIAN STAFF.
Colonel Fournier (France), Lieut. -Colonel Harrison
(Great Britain), Colonel Atamonoff (Russia).
with some lack of foresight, for, although
the bridge was not yet in position, the
troops were pushed on until, at 5 p.m., one
of the regiments was outside Shashinshi with
both its flanks exposed to hostile attack. At
this juncture what might have been foreseen
happened, and the Austrians, having received
important reinforcements at Mitrovitza and
Jarak, delivered a simultaneous attack on both
flanks of the regiment. That a considerable
body of the Serbs were able to extricate them-
selves from their hopeless position and get back
to the river reflects the greatest credit upon the
men. They reached the Save after two hours of
stubborn fighting, carrying with them a mass
of wounded, to find the bridge near com-
pletion, the pontoons being already in position
and all but the last 20 yards of the -400 yards
span planked. A critical situation now speedily
developed for the Serbs. On the one side was
a regunent with half its effectives out of action
and the other half subjected to a miu-derous
fire from an enemy in overwhehning force ;
on the other a battalion of reserves seeking to
cross to the support of their comrades. I Jet ween
the two lay the still unfinished pontoon bridge.
The better to ensure the arrival of reinforce-
ments before the wounded could rush the
passage, it was decided to send the pioneers
immediately in advance of the reserves, and
by this means assure to them the first crossing ;
but before this intention could be put into prac-
tice the wounded flvmg themselves into the
empty pontoons, wliich, still insecurely fixed,
parted their moorings and drifted with their
cargo of bleeding warriors down the stream.
Moreover, the boats were old and leaking, and
THE TIMES HISTOBY OF THE WAR.
867
the more heavily laden of them speedily sank.
As the last hope of the gallant band floated
away, they stood with their backs to the watery
wall facing their foe like a hiinted stag, their
curses mingling with the shouts of desperation
from the thwarted reinforcements and with
the cries of the drowning and the wounded,
until they rose above the din of musketry and
machine gun fire. The Serbians, however,
were game to the end ; cut off alike from
supplies and anununition, they fought to the
last cartridge, and then surrendered. All that
was saved of the 13th Regiment was the flag,
rescued by the Colonel himself, and handed to
the regimental doctor, who swam the ri\'er
with it shortly after midnight.
Fortunately, the imprudence which led this
regiment to disaster did not characterize the
movements of che main expedition. The line
was advanced cautiously, preceded always by
a strong advance guard of cavalry, and it was
only after the sviccessful occupation of Progar,
Ashanja, and Obrez that the old bridge-
head round the moat was discarded and a new
and more extended ring of earthworks con-
structed around the villages already named, with
its western corner at Podgoritchka-Ada. Thus
the three Serbian bases were thoroughly pro-
tected by a semicircular field -fortress radiating
from Kupinovo.
Having in this manner assured his commimi-
cations, General Boyovitch advanced the
Cavalry Division in fanlike formation to tlie
i^v
/iK^^[PHi^H||^^|^^
-SB .^m^0if^
■S--** ., 'Mi»„ ^^^^^^^^I
9^M^
^^^^^^H
Bh
[" 1 he i lines h'lwiu^Tuph,
VOIVODE (FIELD MARSHAL) MISHITCH,
Commander of the Serbian 1st Army.
north and west, the norsemen being closely
followed by one division on the right — on the
left the other division took a north-easterly
direction. By the evening of September 7
movmted patrols had arrived on the line
Karlovchitch-Subotishte-Grabovtsi, and had
unmasked the enemy holding a front Detch-
Mihal j evtsi -Bresach-Platichevo.
The following day the patrols in the north
and west sectors arrived at JNIihalj evtsi -Sabo-
tishte-Bresach-Nikintzi, but the forward move-
[" The Timts " Photograph.
SERBIAN WOMEN CARRYING WOUNDED FROM THE FIRING LINE.
868
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAIi.
Scale of Miles
Railways
Scale of Kilometres
K) Reads
MAP ILLUSTRATING THE EXPEDITION IN SYRMIA.
merit of the Infantry was arrested at Voicliin-
Marich Salas-Vitojevchi. Tliis perhaps un-
necessary discretion was in part occasioned by
the knowledge that the Avistrians were in force
at Detch and Surchin, and it was, therefore,
considered inadvisable to send the left too far
ahead until this opposition had been overcome.
On September 9 the Serbian right proceeded
to attack Detch and Surchin. The former
village was captured after a short though
determined resistance, but the Austrians suc-
ceeded in holding Surchin, and the advance was
thereby checked at Bechmen. The following
day the offensive was renewed against two
enemy regiments -weU entrenched at Surchin,
and the village was taken by assault after
heavy fighting. Tliis task accomplished, the
Serbians turned north and captured Dobran-
ovtsi with little difficulty, and the troops
stationed around Belgrade, taking up their
role of cooperation, crossed the river and
advanced to Semlin.-
On September 11 General Boyovitch com-
menced a huge sweeping movement over the
whole front, with the object of driving all the
enemy units westward on to the Fruslikagora
mountain — a strategy which would have left
him in undisputed possession of the plain.
The two divisions, together with the Indepen-
dent Cavalry, would then have been free to
advance against Frushkagora itself, when, that
stronghold once taken, they would ha\e
established a mastery of Syrmia — a territory
of which, it is well to note, the inhabitants were
ahnost exclusively of Serbian race.
September 11 saw the Serbs extended on a
line Hrtkovtsi-Budjanovtsi-Subotislite-^Iihal-
jevtsi-Voika-Pazovanova, with the Austrians
entrenched on Jarak-Dobrintsi-Popintsi-Golo-
bintsi-Pazova Stara. The next morning their
left occupied Pecliintsi, and advanced north-
ward to the Romer Canal, where they were
met by heavy fire, and forced to dig themselves
in. Farther west, however, a brilliant little
engagement, in which bombs and bayonets
were freely used, resulted in the capture of the
town of Jarak.
At this critical moment in the liistory of the
expedition the Austrians couunenced their
second invasion across the Drina in great force,
and the Serbian Staff found it necessary to
abandon the advance in Syrmia and recall the
divisions there engaged to the defence of the
homeland. The retirement, effected behind a
screen thrown out by the Cavalry, was executed
in perfect order, and so obstinate was the
resistance offered by the rearguards that the
entire expedition was safely back across the
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
«69
Save before the Austrians realized that their
territory had been evacuated.
While in Syrmia the Serbs had been the object
of enthusiastic demonstrations of welcome by
the population, and their departure was the
signal for a corresponding degree of depression.
For these testimonies of affection the Syrmians
paid dearly upon the rettirn of the Austro-
Hungarian Arm}\ In the case of one village
the punishment which a Hungarian regiment
desired to inflict so greatly incensed a regiment
of Croats that a pitched battle ensued, in which
rifles, maxims, and even cannon were employed
by both sides, heavy casualties resulting.
While the possibility of a new Austrian
offensive had been foreseen, the strength of the
hostile forces engaged came as a surprise to
the Serbian leaders. As a matter of fact.
General Potiorek had been able to draw upon
sufficient reserves to reform his decimated
army corps, and was thus enaljled once again
to undertake an advance against Valievo and
the second Austrian invasion of Serbia com-
menced.
From August 25 to September 7 the Austrian
Balkan Army had been grouped as follows :
A Combined Corps : — Klenak-Jarak-Bosut.
The 8th Corps: — Bosut-Bijeljina.
The 13th Corps: — Janja-Kosluk.
The 15th Corps: — Kosluk-Zvornik.
The 16th Corps (less 3-4 battalions)
Zvornik-Liubovia.
The 3-4 battalions of the 16th Corps, to-
gether with 6-10 battalions of Landsturm and
recruits, were before the Montenegrins, and
one and a half divisions held the front Zemlin-
Weiskirchen.
For purposes of explanation, it will be well
to divide the theatre of operations into two
sectors, of which the town of Loznitza maj be
considered the dividing line. The Austrian
attack developed in force on September 7,
when an assault in force was carried out on the
whole frontier from Liubovia to Jarak. In the
northern sector fighting of a very severe and
sanguinary nature took place, and though the
enemy succeeded in forcing the line at many
points, they were almost invariably driven
back across the rivers. In the north-eastern
corner of Matchva, however, they succeeded in
obtaining a foothold on a triangular strip of
swamp bounded by Ravnje-Tolich-Jarak. They
were checked on the line Ravnje-Tolich,
where both sides dug then\selves in, and there
then ensued a period of trench fighting dis-
tinguished by little save a woeful loss of
human life, and a continuous and, from the
(Serbian point of view, disastrous expenditure
of ammunition.
The practical failure of the Austrian effort
to the north of Loznitza was very largely due
to the fact that the Serbs had there concen-
trated a force strong enough to cope with the
invaders. The sector which had been weakened
in order to provide sufficient troops for the
expedition in Syrmia was that lying to the
south. There the Serbians were numerically
feeble. They were under the impression that the
exceedingly mountainous nature of the terrain
was in itself sufficient guarantee against a
strong attack from that direction, and even
when the new penetration commenced at
Liubovia they failed to attach any serious
importance to it.
But the Austrians thought otherwise.
Although their first attempt to cross on
September 8 was frustrated, they came on
again in augmented numbers, and very speedily
caused a general Serbian retirement to the line
of hills Guchevo-Boranja-Jagodnia-Sokolska
planina-Proslop-Rozani, where our Allies dug
"CROWDED OUT."
A wounded and fever-stricken Serbian soldier for
whom there was no room in the hospitals.
370
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
themselves in and awaited a renewed
attack.
It is worthy of note that up to this time the
paramount importance of certain summits of
the Guchevo-Boranja-Jagodnia ranges does not
appear to have been adequately appreciated by
either side. The heights of Guchevo — to take
a particular instance — absolutely control the
Jadar plain as far eastwards as Jarabitze, and,
at a later date, thousands of lives were sacrificed
in a struggle for predominance there. Yet
the Austrians failed to fortify the position in
effecting their first invasion ; the Serbians
ignored it after their victory, and it was only
when the second invasion had been checked
that the Austrians established themselves there
in force, with the result that, until their retire-
ment some six weeks later, the Serbs kept
nearly an entire divLsion engaged in a con-
tinuous and sanguinary effort to drive them
from it.
Meantime, the fight in what may best be
referred to as the Exupaoj theatre raged
with ever-rncreasing intensity. The SerJjians
succeeded in holding the crest of Kostafinik — -
a position of great strategical importance — but
farther south they were steadily driven back
by superior enemy forces and, by September 11,
the Austrians held all the land west and south
of the line Shanatz (835)-Sokolska planina-
Petska.
At tliis critical period one of the divisions
wliich had been operating in Syrmia arrived on
the scene, and the combined troops were at once
ordered to undertake an immediate offensive
against the Sokolska planina, all the summits
of which (Ravno brdo-Kuline-706-Yasenovatz-
Melatina-Yasharev breg-Petkovo brdo-Goritza)
were then in hostile occupation.
The mountainous and thickly-wooded nature
of the country rendered military action exceed-
ingly difficult, and progress was at first very
slow. Little by httle, however, the Serbian
["The Times" Phologrtphs.
A SERBIAN REGIMENTAL HEADQUARTERS DURING BATTLE.
Inset: GENERAL YOURASHITGH STURM, Commander of the Serbian 3rd Army.
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
371
advanced parties, adopting much the same
tactics all along the line, crept steadily uj) in
open formation under a heavy rifle and artillery
fire, and then, throwing up temporary cover,
they awaited the arrival of the main forces.
Once these came up, the order to charge was
given, and a rush made for the positions. The
effect upon the Austrians was original, if not
entirely lonsuspected, for they had previously
advanced before a stubborn but retreating
adversary. Now, while many turned and
fled, despite the fact that their own artillery
was turned against them, the rest stood fast.
Fierce hand-to-hand fighting then ensued, but
the Serbs were not to be denied, and they
succeeded in securing possession of all the
heights. They found the Austrian trenches
choked with dead and wounded, the survivors
having taken hurried flight in the direction of
the Drina. So complete was the defeat that
the Serbs were soon able to arrive on the
line Shanatz-Melenkov Kamen-Brankovatz-
Obednik - Velesh - Karacliitza - Tchermanovitza
Gai Brdjanska Glavitza, with cavalry patrols
extending to the Drina at Liubovia.
The attention of both armies now centred
around the commanding position of Matchko
Kamen (literally "the cat's leg"), a position
which, by reason of the terrific struggles which
followed for its possession — it was taken and
retaken no fewer than eight times — and the
appalling losses there occasioned, will figure
large in Serbian military history.
The sole aim of General Putnik's subsequent
strategy was to drive the invader out of Serbian
territory. With the forces at his disposal he
was unable to play for any startling " coup,"
and he accordingly planned a wide sweeping
movement in order to push the Austrians north-
ward on to the hills, thus rendering their military
position precarious, and force them over the
border. The general idea was, therefore, to
storm Matchko Kamen, and subsequently
.P^-
1" The Tinu-s " I'liotographs.
THE OFFICERS OF THE 1st BRIGADE OF THE SERBIAN INDEPENDENT
CAVALRY DIVISION.
Inset : VOIVODE (FIELD MARSHAL) STEPANOVITCH, Commander of the Serbian 2nd Army.
372
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
MAP ILLUSTRATING THE SECOND AUSTRIAN INVASION OF SERBIA.
advance and occupy a line of crests — Kriva
Jela-Tsrni vrh Debelo Osoye -Ugivalishte-
Charochichi - Polyana - Osmanovo brdo. This
manoeuvre, as will be observed on reference to
the accompanying map, would have completed
the chain of heights which commence with
Guchevo on the north, and would have given
the Serbs a frontier which they could have held
with a minimum expenditure of men and
ammunition.
Before this programme could be carried to
its conclusion, however, both sides were worn
out by the struggle on Matchko Kamen and
other points of vantage. The Austrians not
only showed no inclination to renew the
offensive over such difticult ground, but were
doubtless disconcerted by the progress of _the
Uzitsha Array, which had penetrated a con-
siderable distance into Bosnia. The Serbs,
for their part, were equally content to settle
down and safeguard the terrain which they
had gained, for, if the operations under dis-
cussion lacked the incident and display wliich
characterized the first and third invasions,
they were in many respects the most desperate
and sanguinary of the whole campaign. The
losses incurred by both sides were, in comparison
with the forces engaged, truly enormous, and a
conservative estimate of the Serbian casualties
in lulled, wounded, and prisoners put them at
well over 30,000 men hors de combat.
Following the repulse of the second invasion
of Serbia by the Austro-Hungarian Army
there set in a stage of siege warfare, closely
resembling in its principal aspects the periods
of fighting, at tiiiies uneventful and at times
desperate, which filled in the intervals between
the great battles in eastern and western Europe.
Both sides dug themselves in on positions
wliich they persistently fortified and rendered
increasingly impervious to attack, and con-
structed line upon line of trenches from which
a maze of communications led up to the actual
front.
Throughout the whole of the period
between tlie second and third invasions, the
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
373
Austrians, persistently endeavoured to break
their \\ay through in one or other of the sectors
of the hne dividing the two forces. They had,
aa will be remembered, retained possession
of only two small triangular tracts of Serbian
territory. To the north of Matchva they held
a tract of marshy plain — Ravnje-Tolich- Jarak —
while farther south their conquest had been
limited to a section of sparsely populated
moimtain land roughly encompassed within
a line — Smrdan-Taminovich-Zvornik. On the
credit side the Serbs could point to the fact
that their Uzitsha Army had advanced into
Bosnia as far as Vlasenitza. It would appear
that the Austrian command had decided that
in view of the fierce resistance which the Serbs
had offered in the Krupani theatre little
success could attend a renewal of offensive
operations in that direction, and they accord-
ingly strongly entrenched themselves, and
settled down to hold what they already pos-
sessed. Farther north, however, they had
at length come to appreciate the immense
strategical importance of the Guchevo moun-
tains. At the close of the operations which are
referred to as the second invasion, these moun-
tains remained in the joint possession of the
two armies, and there accordingly set in a per-
petual and sanguinary struggle for supremacy.
At some points the rival forces were separated
only by a few yards of hilltop, while at others
nearly a mile of neutral ground lay between the
trenches. All the arts of siege warfare were
employed by one side or the other in the
constant combats., .which took place, but the
Serbian engineers were not slow to demonstrate
their superior initiative, as was evidenced just
before the Serbian retreat, when they success-
fully mined over 100 yards of Austrian trench
and blew 250 of its defenders high into the air.
This was part of a last attempt to conquer
the crests, and it was a tragic commentary
upon the paucity of ammunition from whicli
the Serbs suffered that the whole manoeuvre
resulted in no definite advantage for no other
reason than that the Serbian commander had
been obliged to fix definitely the mmiber of
rounds which could be fired from his cannon,
and to cease the offensive when the apportioned
quantity had been exhausted.
Although the Serbians repeatedly demon-
strated their superiority over the enemy, they
were always held in check by the Austrian
siege guns, which controlled the mountain
from the security of the left bank of the Drina
river, and though the valleys of Guchevo were
red with the blood of thousands of victims of
both armies, the close of the operations found
the two forces in the same position as they had
occupied during the second invasion.
A little farther north along the Urina
frontier the Austrians had a footing in
Serbian territory at Kuriachista, but were
otherwise confined to the left banlc mitil the
triangular tract which represented their con-
quest of Matchva in the north-east was reached.
SERBIAN SOLDIER LYING AMIDST THE WRECKAGE OF TRANSPORT CONVOY
30— a
374
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
A YOUTHFUL SNIPER.
While they kept up a continuous bombardnient
of the Serbian lines between Kuriachista and
Paraslinitza andRatcha, it was along the line from
Paraslinitza to Shabatz that they subsequently
directed their chief attempt to progress south-
wards. In adopting these tactics they were
doubtless occupied by two great considerations,
the first of which was that over this line very
potent assistance could be rendered them from
river monitors, and the second was that the
Serbian territory which they held was very
low -lying, with the result that their trenches
speedily became waterlogged and untenable.
Experience had, moreover, taught them that,
despite the resiolt of the battle of the Jadar,
the Serbians were more vulnerable over level
ground, and they rightly assumed that they
would find it less difficult to register progress
across the plains of Matchva than over the
broken and mountainous territory farther
south.
In view of the preponderance in numbers
and weight of metal which the Austrians
possessed, and their own acknowledged shortage
of gun ammunition, it is questionable whether
the Serbian Staff would not have been well
advised had they decided completely to
abandon Shabatz and the Matchva plain and
retire at once to the foothills of the Tzer
Mountains and the watershed of the Dobrava
river. That they did not do so was due to the
massacres committed and the devastation
caused by the Austrians during the first
invasion. Tliis outburst of barbarism came as a
complete surprise to all sections of the Serbian
people. They had been reared in no ultra-
squeamLsh school. Yet in 1914 even officers
left their families in frontier towns without
undue concern, basing their misplaced optimism
on a belief that they were, on this occasion,
warring against a civilized monarchy whose
consideration for non-combatants would be
second only to their valour upon the battlefield.
How terribly they erred will be shovvTi later.
A concentration on what may be designated
the strategical frontier would, moreover, have
delivered up the rich and fertUe Matchva
district to the mercy of Austrian marauders,
and General Putruk, therefore, yielded to
sentimental and political influence and de-
ployed his divisions in a manner which, as
subsequent developments were so soon to
demonstrate, was tactically unsoxmd.
Shortly before their withdrawal from Matchva
the Serbians gained a success by the sinking
of one of the largest of the Austrian river
monitors. Five of these craft had been annoy-
ing and hampering their military operations
tliroughout the campaign. Night after night
they perambulated the Save, disclosing the
Serb positions with their searchhghts, and
pounding slirapnel into distant trenches and
pompoms into those on the water's edge.
Serbian shell only glanced off their heavily
armoured and rounded hulls, and previous
attempts to mine the river had proved aggra-
vatingly inefficient. But on the night of
October 22 one of a pair of monitors which
had been promenading the river with impunity
struck a mine, and sank before she could be
steered to the Austrian shore.
After nearly six weeks of stubborn resistance
to the Austrian attempts to break across the
Drina, and following a series of bloody struggles
for supremacy on Guchevo, the Serbs were at
length faced with the necessity of retreat
Various causes contributed to this enforced
decision to withdraw from the frontiers. With
the coming of winter the trenches along the
river side and on the waterlogged plain of
Matchva became almost untenable ; the
Austrian attacks increased in intensity ; the
preponderance in numbers and weight of
THE TIME^ HISTOBY OF THE WAB.
375
metal possessed by the enemy grew almost
daily ; the Serbian stocks of gun .ammmiition
fell lower and lower ; and the men showed
evidence of mental and physical fatigue due
to their constant vigil in the trenches. The
Serbian soldiers were subjected to all the
drawbacks of trench warfare at its ^^•orst
but without the respite which it had been
found possible to accord on other frontiers.
So extended was the Serbian line in pro-
portion to the strength of the army that
the troops had, perforce, to remain day and
night without relief and often without repose
in the sector of muddy earthworks which had
been allotted to them. The nerve-racking
strain thus imposed became almost insupport-
able. The special correspondent of The Times
reported that he had seen several soldiers who
had gone mad under the weight of it, and that
these were but examples of the nervous tension
from which the rest of the army was suffering.
When, therefore, the dictates of military
strategy were allowed to supersede pohtical
considerations, and the order was given to
retire the troops in Matchva to the foothills of
the Tzer mountains and the summits on the
right bank of the Dobrava river, the retreat
acted upon an enfeebled nervous system, and
the moral of the army gave way.
The withdrawal had been too long delayed,
with the consequence that the command of the
Tzer mountains was lost, and a retirement from
Guchevo, and, in fact, along the whole line
became necessary. Thus encouraged, the
Austrians swarmed over the frontier from
Shabatz to Liubovia. The Serbians fought a
series of rearguard actions, but their enemy,
converging upon Valievo in overwhelming
force, speedily rendered that stronghold unten-
able, and the headquarters staff precipitately
evacuated it on November 11 and drew back
on Ivragujevatz.
Valievo was a town of considerable
strategical importance. The centre of a series
of routes which led to it from Shabatz and the
Drina river and from it to Obrenovatz, Belgrade,
and Kragujevatz, it was also the railliead of a
light railway which joins up with the European
line at Miadenovatz and of another which finds
its northern terminus at Obrenovatz. Its
capture was, therefore, the first stage in the
progress towards Kragujevatz, Nish, and
Constantinople, but, in view of the ease with
which it had been taken, the jubilations wliich
followed at \'ienna were hardly justilied, ur.d
the high decoration conferred on the Austrian
Commander-in-Chief, General Potiorek, was
at least premature. Even the ill-fated " puni-
tive " expedition of August and the expen-
sive second invasion hi September had
apparently failed to convince the Austrians
of the seriousness of the task which they had
undertaken, and they appear also to have
failed to realize both the difficulties which lay
before them in the way of a veteran army
fighting for its very existence in its own lair,
and the enormous obstacles presented by the
question of transport over the switchback
highways of levelled mud which serve for
roads in central Serbia. The score of cannon
which the Serbs were compelled to leave
behind for tliis latter reason were hailed as
evidence of hardly fought and dearly-wun
battles ; the outposts which were captiu-ed and
the fainthearted who surrendered were accepted
as signs of a complete demoralization which
had not yet set in.
If, however, the Austrian success served
only to depress and not to demoralize the
Serbs, it had a most timely effect upon their
own soldiers. In the case of this army so
lacking in homogeneity, so devoid of all national
patriotism, and botmd together only by the
chains of discipline, victory was a great essential.
PRINCE PAUL OF SERBIA and
SIR THOMAS LIPTON AT BELGRADE.
376
THE TIMES HISTOBY OF THE TIM/?.
SERBIAN ARTILLERY ENTRAINING FOR THE FRONT.
To those of its members who had but Httle
interest in the cause for wliich they were
fighting, it supphed an inspiration which had
previously been non-existent.
The Serbs, as we have already suggested,
regarded their enforced retreat as unfortunate,
but it was bj^ no means considered to be
serious. They had not yet been driven back
on to the line where they had originally in-
tended to hold the Austrians. Durmg the
days which intervened between the completion
of the concentration and the first Austrian
invasion of August 12, what are referred to as
the Kolubara and Lyg positions were strongly
entrenched, and, before the actual capitula-
tion of Valievo, the General Staft' had decided
that no serious attempt would be made to staj-
the progress of the enemy vmtil he reached that
line of fortifications. ,
In itself the Kolubara river presented no
formidable obstacle to an advancing army.
It is neither very wide nor very deep, but its
approaches are sometimes devoid of cover, and
on other occasions are commanded by formid-
able mountain heights, with the result that in
the hands of a determined defence it should
prove difficult to negotiate. A little south-
west of Lazarevatz the line of defence left the
Kolubara, followed the course of the Lyg river.
and entered country of an exceedingly rugged
natiu"e. From the som-ce of the Lyg the Serbs
had fortified the Jeljak and Maljen ranges
\\hich control various routes converging on
Kragujevatz, and, proceeding in a south-
\vesterly direction, they threw up earthworks
on the Bukovi, Varda, Jelova, Bukovic, Milo-
shevatz and Leska-Gore ranges, which barred
an advance towards the Western Morava valley.
It was upon these positions, therefore, that
the Serbs elected that the great battle should
be fought out. At Obrenovatz they had a
strong brigade known as the " Detaclunent of
Obrenovatz." Farther south, at Konatiche
on the Kolubara river, the Independent Cavalry
Division formed a liaison with the 2nd Anny,
which held Volujak-Lazarevatz-Cooka and the
contoiu^ ol the ridge to the left. Tiie 3rd
-Ai-my occupied the right bank of the Lyg
liver from Barzilovitza to Ivanovchi. The
1st Army took up a strong line — Gukoslii-
Mednik-Batchinova-Ruda, and south-west
along the Jeljak ridge to Maljen. Finally, the
" Army of Uzitsha " was withdrawn from a
meritorious penetration into Bosnia in order
to protect the base of Uzitsha and the valley
of the Western INIorava by entrenching itself
strongly from a point south-west of Yasenovatz
through Vk. Prishedo along the Jelova crests.
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
377
following which it stretched across the road
and joined the tors of the Leska-Gora to Shanatz.
The whole line was naturally formidable, an
excellent field of view was everywhere obtain-
able, and sufficient time had been available
for its adequate fortification. Even admitting
a shortage of gun ammunition, therefore, tlie
confidence of the Serbian Staff appeared to be
justified by the circumstances, although it
might \\'ith reason iiave been suggested that
General Putnik was endeavouring to hold
a very extended front with the comparatively
small forces at his disposal.
The Austrians displayed no ixndue haste
in their advance. Despite the feeble opposition
offered by the Serbian rearguards wliich had
been left behind to protect the retirement,
it took thein nearly six weeks to arrive on the
ground selected by their adversary, and it may
be assumed that during that time they were
able to adapt themselves to the conditions of
warfare dictated by the peculiarities of the
country over which they were operating.
Mid-November had arrived before they got
into touch with the inain body of the Serbian
Army. They had almost divested Bosnia of
its garrisons and had brought up an additional
corps from the Italian frontier, so that they
went into action with five Army Corps (roughly
250 battalions of infantry, in addition to
cavalry, artillery and corps troops).
Information that ammunition was en route
now exerted a cheering influence upon the
Serbian Staff ; but the men, unaccustomed
to retreat, were further disheartened by half
a million of refugees who blocked* the roads
as they fled in terror before the oncoming
Austrian hosts and recounted exaggerated
stories of the enemy's preponderance to their
comrades-in-arms. The sight of the streams of
refugees as they filled every nook and corner of
the towns or stood with their oxen and wagons,
knowing not whether to tui'n to the left or
right, spread panic among the civiUan popula-
tion, and the inhabitants of Lazarevatz,
Milanovatz, Kragujevatz and other of the
more populous centres deserted their homes and
added their thousands to the flotsam of Nish.
The Austrian general attack on the Serbian
positions commenced on tlie morning of
November 1 5. It developed principally against
the 2nd Army south of Lazarevatz and the
Uzitsha Army in the direction of Kosjerichi,
but during five days the offensive was success-
fully repulsed, and the defenders were able not
only to inflict considerable loss upon their
enemy, but to captui'e a fair nmnber of prisoners.
The intention to seize Lazarevatz and push on
ONE OF THE
TWO FRENCH 14cm. NAVAL GUNS
AUSTRIANS AT BELGRADE.
I" Jilt Times" Plu)loiiral>h
DESTROYED BY THE
J578
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
along the Valievo-Mladenovatz railway was
meritorious in that it would have both cut off
the main Serbian Army from the forces around
Belgrade and permitted an easy outflanking
movement against Kragujevatz, For the Serbs
it was a very necessary stronghold on which
to pivot their operations north and south,
and it was probably for that reason that its
defence was confided to Voivode Stepanovitch
and the division>s whose efforts had counted
for most in the great victory on the Jadar
river.
In order to render the account of the subse-
quent operations more intelligible to the reader,
it will be advisable to divide the theatre of
war into two sectors, and to treat the operations
against Kragujevatz and Belgrade as separate
and distinct actions, although, as a matter of
actual fact, each exerted a considerable influence
upon the other. For purposes of reference to
the advance again.st Kragujevatz the 2nd Army
at Lazarevatz may be considered the right wing
of the Serbian line, the 3rd Army its right
centre, the 1st Army its centre, and the Uzitsha
-Army its left.
On November 20 a strong enemy force
advanced and occupied Milovatz m close touch
with the right flank of the 1st Army, while a
further colimin made contact Mith its centre
at Ruda and seized the important sununit of
Strazhara. The next day this manoeuvre
developed into a determined onslaught on the
Serb positions. The men held their groimd
for some time with undaunted courage, but
towards evening the resistance in the centre
broke down, and the army was beaten back
with heavy losses in men and guns on to the
line Babina Glava-Rajac. On the right, two
attacks on the Lazarevatz positions were
successfully beaten ofi. The 3rd Army (Bar-
zilovitza-Ivanovchi) held its ground, and
sanguinary fighting between the Uzitsha Army
and the Austrian 16th Corps closed without
advantage to either side.
I" Tlw Timei "Photographs.
SERBIAN INFANTRY MARCHING INTO ACTION.
Inset : PRIVATE LEACH, one of a small group of British volunteers serving with the Serbian Army.
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
379
SERBIAN ARTILLERY ON THE MARCH.
The disastrous retirement of the 1st Ariny
from the excellent positions which it had held
on the Ruda-Mednik-Gukoshi line sent a wave
of depression over the Serbian ranks. The
men lost heart, and the high commands became
discouraged, because they well knew that the
demoralization could only be stayed by the
timely arrival of ammumtion, and they feared
that the situation, so far from manifesting
any impro\'ement, might steadily worsen until
ex^en renewed activity by the artillery might
prove ineffective. Fortiinately, however, the
Austrians did not immediately follow up their
success, but rested on the central sector while
the mountain brigades of their 16th Corps
came in from Vishegrad-Rogatitza and Bajina
Bashta, and delivered an indecisive attack on
ti:e Serbian extreme left on the line Varda-
Vk. Prishedo - Gjakov - Bukovik - Miloshevatz-
Gruda.
On November 24 the battle developed on
the whole front, with such success to the in-
vaders that two days later they had stormed
and taken the heights of Cooka (thus involving
the retirement of the 2nd Army to the line
Glavitza-Stubitza-Smyrdlykovatz) and had
driven the Uzitsha Army back on to theGoinja-
gora mountains at the head of the Western
Morava valley.
Simultaneously with their general offensive
the Austrian Stafi now inaugurated a deter-
mined effort to outflank the SerV)ian extreme
left. To this end they deployed their mountain
brigades to excellent purpose, and though the
Serbs, despite all the disabilities from which
they were suffering, fought gallantly and well,
they were compelled to retreat, step by stop.
" The Times " Plwtograph
A SERBIAN 3rd BAN SOLDIER
GUARDING A BRIDGE.
until, on November 28, the Uzitsha Army took
up a strongly prepared line on Kita-Kablar-
Markovitza, all paramoiuit heights of great
strategical importance.
In the rest of the southern sector many
efforts were made to retrieve the situation ;
but, though the counter-attacks were often
successful,* the defenders were unable to
maintain any advantage, and, outnumbered
and outweighted, and with an ever -weakening
" moral," they ceded ridge after ridge until
the dominating Suvobor mountains fell to their
elated enemy.
■ •
* A counter attack on Salinatz on November 27, for
exiimple, resulted in the capture of the position with
7 olficers and 1,580 men prisoners.
380
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
Mshe^ad\3 mz^es
MAP ILLUSTRATING THE THIRD
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
361
AUSTRIAN INVASION OF SERBIA.
382
THE TIMES HISTOBY OF THE WAB.
In the northern sector (Ohrenovatz-
Lazarevatz) a succession of hardly fought
combats took place on the Kolubara river. The
Serbs, while in a great numerical inferiority,
fought with great stubbornness, and though
an enemy division penetrated to Progon on
November 24, it was subsequently rounded up
and driven back with heavy loss by the
Independent Cavalry Division.
The cliief danger, however, lay in the south.
In that theatre the Austrians had scored an
imdoubted success, for they had not only
driven the Serbs back upon their defences before
Kragujevatz, but, what was perhaps equally
important, had succeeded in extending the
froijt until it stretched from Tchatchak to
Belgrade — a distance of nearly seventy miles
from point to point.
On November 28 the Serbs held the line :
2nd Army. — Vechani - Medvedjak - Progo-
reoclii-Vagan-Summits 428 to 262.
3rd Army. — Kalanjevchi - 498 - across Tru-
deljska river-700 Gotrovitza-Kelja.
1st Army. — Silopaj - Nvikuchani - Vmchani-
Lochevchi-Galich.
Uzitsha Army. — Kita-Kablar-Markovitza.
The disposition of the Austrian forces was as
follows :
In the direction of the Western Morava
valley :
Four mountain brigades of the 16th Corps.
On the road Valievo-Gn. Milanovatz :
The rest of the 16th and the entire 15th
Corps.
Against Lazarevatz :
The 13th Corps.
The 8th and a Combined Corps were moving
eastward against the line Mladenovatz-l^-l rade.
The Serbian nation was at this tii..- lully
conscious of the fact that its very existence
was in jeopardy. The well-equipped armies of
the mighty neighbour who sought nothing less
than its annihilation had penetrated far into
the land, and to all apj)earance would soon
complete the destruction of the weary defending
force. On the eastern frontier bands of
irregulars were destroying the only route
by which the needed ammunition could
arrive, and there was fear of the military
occupation of Serbia's Macedonian territory.
Rmnania still held aloof, Italy gave no sign
of prompt intervention, and Greece, ready to
help, was kept back by fear of Bulgaria. It
seemed impossible that succour could arri\e,
and the Serbs, losing faith in themselves, lost
hope. Yet, save among a section of the
civilian population, there was no panic. They
fac<id the new situation calmly and stoically.
They were a little nation fighting a great
Empire ; they were worn out by this and
previous wars and short of everything, and,
perhaps more tragic than all, ammunition that
had been hoped for from richer Allies had been
delayed too long. Thus they felt that even
if complete defeat followed, it would be no
disgrace.
Despite the apparent hopelessness of it all.
there remained deep down in the heart of the
THE LETTER HOME.
[" Th; TiiHtS " Pkoograph.
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
383
A BATTLEFIELD FUNERAL.
i." The Times " Photograph.
Serbian leaders a conviction that the decisive
battle had still to be won. Through the
darkness of defeat there had shone occasional
gleams of victory. Day after day Colonel
Pavlovitch,* the brilliant Director of Military
Operations on the General Staff, had analyzed
the statements of the captured Austrians, and
from these, coupled with the slowness of the
enemy advance, ho deduced that serious
difhculties of transport were being encountered,
and that the demoralization in the ranks of
General Potiorek's army \\as no less marked
than in his own. Further, supplies of gmi
ammunition had at last commenced to arrive.
Thus the Serbs set about the organization
of one last, bold bid for victory in the shape of
* Colonel Givko Pavlovitch was bom in 1871. The
son of a Serbian farm labourer, he early developed a
passion for the army, but by reason of the poverty of his
parents he was unable to attach himself to his chosen
career until, by his extraordinary ability, he won a
series of scholarships. After a period of study in the
Military Academy at Belgrade, he finished his instruction
at Berlin, and was then admitted to the Serbian General
Staff. He soon rose to the position of Professor of
Tactics at the Serbian Military School, and when war
was declared with Turkey, was the obvious choice for
the position of Director of Military Operations. He
visited London in the spring of 1913 as military expert
attached to the Serbian Delegation, and later proceeded
to Scutari, where he was in charge of the joint Serbo-
Montenegrin attack against that town. During the
Bulgarian War of 1013 Colonel Pavlovitch was the
principal collaborateur of General Piitnik, and the same
role was allocated to him in the war against Austria.
Physically, he posse-;>es the well-developed phj'siquo of
the average Serbian, but in personal appearance some-
what resembles the Japanese type. Ho has tremendous
powers of resistance, and rarely loses his innate optimism.
a vigorous coiuiter-offensive. The first and
obvious necessity was to shorten the enormous
front over which the armies had previously
been extended. This manoeuvre involved the
withdrawal of the detachment of Obrenovatz
and the Cavalry Division from the right bank
of the Kolubara, and the evacuation of Bel-
grade (night of November 29-30). A redistri-
bution of the Serbian forces then followed, the
troops from the Kolubara occupying the
heights about Sibnitza and the Detachment of
Belgrade being placed astride the Belgrade-
Nish railway on the summits of Varoonitza
(east) and Kosmai (west). The other armies
were grouped on the line already indicated,
meastires having been taken to reinforce the
centre.
It had also become self-evident that a change
in the high command of the 1st Army had
beconie necessary. This unit, though composed
of divisions with a record of distinguished
service behind them, had led the retreat, and
thus precipitated the general withdrawal. It
had lost Suvobor, and, if success was ever to
crown this new offensive, it was considered
that that range must first be recaptured.
General Putnik, theri'fore, decided to deprive
the Staff of the services of General Mishitch,
his trusted lieutenant through all the three
wars, and to place him at the head of the 1st
Army.
Mishitch was a typical Serbian officer.
Tlic son of a peasant, he had risen by sheer
384
THE TlME>i HlFiTOBY OF THE WAn.
"The Ttiiies" FlwtOfiraph
A FRONTIER GUARD OF 3rd BAN TROOPS ON THE RIVER SAVE.
capacity to the front rank of Serbian military
leaders. A man of simple and unobtrusive
tastes, with the fair hair and blue eyes of the
pure-blooded Southern Slav, and a disposition
which bordered on self-effacement, he possessed
a natural genius for command. The sub-
sequent recaptiu-e of Suvobor was very largely
due to his superb generalship and inspiration,
and it was fitting that he emerged from the
combat a Field-Marshal of King Peter's Army.
The men, if disheartened by the continued
withdrawal, had nevertheless in some measiu-e
recovered from the nerve-racking strain in the
trenches, and they were now called upon l:)y
Royal Proclamation to make one great sacrifice
for their country's sake. The aged King Peter
rose from a bed of suffering and joined his
subjects in the firing line. The sale of liquor
was prohibited. Finalh', as has already been
stated, artillery aimnunition had at last arrived,
and guns that had long been silent were again
to belch forth that encouragement which tlie
thunder of cannon alone can give.
The strategy of General Potiorek had now
become apparent. Using the moimtain range
of Suvobor as a pivot, he strengthened his
wings, and attempted to swing round on the
north by Mladenovatz and south down the
Western Morava valley. Had this scheme
been successfully executed, the enemy would
have been able to round up tlie mass of the
Serbian Army together with Kragujevatz and
its arsenal, after which the capture of Nish
(the temporary capital) would have followed
as a matter of course, and the campaign in
Serbia would have been at an end.
It was under such conditions, and before the
invaders had been able to develop their great
outflanking movement, that the order for the
coLUiter-attack was given on December 2, and
the advance at once began over the whole
front. There can be little doubt that, after
the somewhat feeble resistance which they had
previously encountered, the brisk offensive
took the Austrians completely by surprise.
The Serbians pulled themselves together in
a manner which finds few parallels in history.
Mishitch led his 1st Army against Suvobor,
where, advancing with wonderful elan, during
three days of combat, they stormed and cap-
tured the enemy pivot and threw the Austrian
right and centre (the 15th Corps and 8 brigades
of the 16th Corps) into headlong flight along
the road to Valievo. Commencing with this
dramatic success, the Serbian Armies — the
demoralized hordes of a few days before —
advanced with remarkable rapidity, and did
tiot cease the pursuit until they had driven
the armed hosts of the Hapsburgs back across
the Save and Drina.
Up to December 1 the Austrians had slowly
advanced towards the Serbian positions, sure
THE TIMES HISTOEY OF THE WAR,
385
that victory now lay within their grasp. In
fact, so great and deeply founded was the con-
fidence of the enemy Stafi that the end was
within sight that the most primitive require-
ments of the troops went unsupplied. Demands
for boots and equipment and even for food
were met by an assurance that two or three
days would see the end of the campaign,
and that the inconvenience must be supported
until that tinae.
Thus when the 1st Army commenced its
advance the Austrians were caught leisurely
trundling along the roads — not on open country,
hut in valleys and dales commanded from the
heights above — and by the time they could
recover from the shock and extend their ranlvs,
the Serbs had inflicted enormous losses on them
and thrown the survivors into a state of semi-
panic. On that day alone General Mishitch
captured 12 officers, 1,500 men, 5 mountain
howitzers and 4 machine guns, and advanced
his army to the line Kostuniche-Teocliin-Gm.
Branetichi-Vranovicha. The Uzitsha Army
was heavily attacked on its positions on both
sides of the western Morava, but repulsed the
enemy and took 95 prisoners. The 3rd Army
advanced more slowly towards Lipet, taking
3 officers, 500 men, and 2 machine guns. The
2nd Aimy met with considerable opposition,
but after desperate fighting registered good
progress and captured a considerable number
of prisoners.
In the northern sector the Austrians had
detached an important force for their triiunphal
entry to Belgrade, and reconnoitring parties,,
probably a fianl<-guard of observation, were-
observed in the direction of Slatina-Sopot-
Popovitch.
The signal successes of the first day's offen-
sive, coming, as they did, hard upon weeks of
discouraging bulletins, were hailed with en-
thusiasm by the Serbs. Yet their jubilation
was quiet and restrained. They recognized
that their enemy had been taken in more or
less degree by surprise, and they did not lose
sight of the fact that he remained in possession
of mountain positions of great natural strength,
from many of wliich he would have to be driven
at the point of the bayonet. But the soldiers
had recovered their moral, and pressing onward
^\ ith renewed courage, they swept the Haps-
burg armies before them with ever-increasing
rapidity. Tor after tor was stormed and taken,
and headquarters had scarce announced one
victory ere news was received of another.
By December 5 the 1st Army had recon-
quered the dominating height (802) of the
Suvobor range and the summit of Rajatz.
The 3rd Army had overcome a vigorous resis-
tance and advanced to Vrlaja during the daj%
and as the result of a night attack the Austrians
abandoned Lipet witli 2,000 prisoners. The
2nd Army had pushed steadily on to Kremen-
itza and Barosnevatz. The Uzitsha Armv
THE EVENING MEAL OF THE 3rd BAN.
t" 'I lu Titms " PhtUsruph.
386
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
SERBIAN SIEGE GUN IN ACTION.
continued to wage an unequal fight with the
right wing of the 16th Corps, but nevertheless
succeeded in holding its own. Thiis encouraged,
it, too, took the offensive with a night attack,
and the foUowmg morning saw the enemy
in full retreat towards Zelenibreg.
There was now little doubt that the third
invasion of Serbia would prove a greater
debacle than the first. The three Army Corps
on the Austrian centre and right had been
completely broken, and were retreating in
disordered fiight towards Valievo and Roga-
titza, ceding thousands of prisoners and
abandoning enormous quantities of impedi-
menta of war. On December 7 the Uzitsha
Army reached Pozega, the 1st Army quicldy
overcame the last enemy resistance on the
summit of Maljen, and took the line Maljen-
Ruda-Donia-Toplitza. The 3rd Army pushed
on with great vigour and reached Milovatz-
liochnyanovitch-Dudovitza, making a great
haul of guns and prisoners.
Only the 2nd Army failed to make headway,
for the Austrian command, doubtless regarding
the situation on Suvobor as irretrievably
lost, attempted to create a diversion on the
north. The 8th and Combined Corps had, in
effect, held their ground more stubbornly
than those opposed to the Serbian Ist and Srd
Armies, and they not only succeeded in check-
ing the 2nd Army, but somewhat audaciously
opened an attack on the position held by the
'"Detachment of Belgi'ade " at Kosmai and
Varoonitza. The Serbs had, however, no occasion
for discontent with this day's operations, for
their booty included 29 officers, 6,472 men.
27 field guns, 1 mountain gun, 15 gun carriages.
56 wagons of artillery armniinition, and be-
tween 500 and 600 transport wagons. They
had also decided the issue in the south, and the
13th, 15th, and 16th Austrian Army Corps
were flying — ^a disordered rabble — before the
armies of General Stiirm (3rd Army) and
General Mishitch.
On December 8 the Uzitsha Army met with
considerable opposition before the town of
that name, but the Serbian soldiers were
not to be denied, and the remnants of the
famous 16th Austrian Corps turned tail and
fled for the frontier. The 1st Army, con-
tinuing its triumphal progress, recaptvu"ed
Valievo. The 3i'd Army lilcewise reached the
Kolubara (at its junction with the Lyg), and,
deploying one division eastward, tlireatened
the right flanlv of the Austrians on Cooka,
and permitted the 2nd Army to carry the posi-
tion. By this success the Serbians drove in
a wedge and completely cut off the tliree
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
387
fugitive corps in the south from the two which
were still manifesting some measure of martial
activity in the north.
The operations towards the west and north-
west now resolved themselves into a race for
the frontier. There was little fighting, for
the fugitive Austrians sou,!.'ht only to put a
safe distance between thejQselves and their
pursuers, and jettisoned enortnous quantities
of war material, which littered the routes to
Banjabashta, Rogatitza, Loznitza, and Shabatz.
From this stage railifary interest centred
in the operations against Belgrade. On Decem-
ber 8 and 9 the " Detachment of Belgrade "
had been hard pressed on the line Kosmai-
Varoonitza ; but the completeness of the
Austrian debacle in other theatres enabled
General Putnik to rearrange his troops. He
therefore dispatched the left wing of the 3rd
Army against Obrenovatz, attached the re-
mainder of the 3rd Army and the Cavalry
Division to the 2nd Army, and placed this com-
bined force, together with the " Detachment
of Belgrade," imder the supreme command of
Voivode Stepanovitch, the hero of the fii'st
battle on the Tzer Mountains.
Voivode Stepanovitch was typical of the
peasant stock from which he sprang. Short,
fat, and stvunpy, he was distinguished by a
roimd, chubby head, a well-lined ruddy face.
and smiling blue eyes which radiated kindli-
ne.-s. Towards his ofificers he maintained
v4 severe and vmcompromising attitude ; he
was intolerant of incapacity or idiosyncrasy,
and his morose temperament and preferenct-
for his own society rendered him at times
a most difficult chief. Yet towards his
soldiers his demeanour was entirely different.
It is no exaggeration to say that he loved them
as children, made their comfort and well-
being his first consideration, and became, in
consequence, the idol of the ranlc and file.
In the piping times of peace Stepanovitch
devoted much time to quiet reflection. Each
day he sauntered from his Belgrade home to
the most remote park of the capital, and,
seating himself in a lonely spot, was wont
to study visions in the azure space. If any
interloper arrived on the scene the General
would glare at him with undisguised annoy-
ance, and move off into solitude. So accus-
tomed had the Belgradians become to this
habit of one of their most famous military
leaders, that a seat in the park was known and
respected as the Voivode's own. The Geneml
carried the same dislike of intrusion into war,
and oft-times declined conversation with his
Staff for hours on end, the better to preserve
an uninterrupted flow of thought. Yet he
was a great General. The castles which he
[■■ The Times" l'lwlji;rnpl .
AUSTRIAN PRISONERS EN ROUTE TO VALIEVO.
388
THE TIMES HISTUUY OF THE WAR.
SERBIAN PEASANT WOMAN MINISTER-
ING TO WOUNDED SOLDIER.
built were strategical plans which had a habit
of maturing to the discomfort of his enemy,
and although an exclusively home-growm pro-
duct, he was able to point to a distinguished
military record.
Wlien, on December 10, Voivode Stepano-
vitch took up the command of the movement
towards Belgrade the 3rd Army was pressing
onwards towards Obrenovatz ; the cavalry
division held the left banlc of the river Bel-
janitza ; the 2nd Army wero on the line
Volujak-Sibnitza-Nemenikuchir ; "The Detach-
ment of Belgrade " maintained the positions
on Kosmai-Varoonitza, and the detacliment
from Semendria had come up and occupied
Pudarchi. The troops thus occupied a semi-
circular front practically stretching from the
Save to the Danube rivers.
The Austrian main positions stretched from
Obrenovatz up the right bank of the Kolubara
to Konatitcho, and then across to Grocka
tlirough Boran-Boshdarevatz-Vlashko-Lipa-
Krajkov^o-bara.
A general advance was ordered for De-
cember 11, and, particular importance being
attached to the control of the railway, the
centre pushed rapidly ahead, and after over-
coming a desperate resistance stormed and
captured the summit of Vlasliko the same
evening, thereby securing control of the rail-
head at Ralia, the virtual terminus of the line,
since a tiuincl a few kilometres north had been
blown vip by the Serbs after their evacuation
of Belgrade. The next day the left wing of
the 3rd Army reached Obrenovatz and its riglit
occupied a line Konatitche-Borak-Boshdare-
vatz Tlie 2nd Army occupied the summits
418 and 287, and the Belgrade force advanced
to a front Koviona-Lipa-Krajkovo-bara.
Thus, with disconcerting suiftnes-s, the
Austrians were being pushed up into the
triangular sector of Serbian soil which ha.s its
apex at Belgrade. They contested the ground
inch by inch, and, despite the cativstrophe
which had befallen them farther south, they
manifested a grim determination to retain
possession of the capital. Although the enemy
had been driven in rout from all the territory
lying between the Save and the Drina b\-
December 13, with such desperation did In-
cling to Belgrade that he delivered re2:)catcd
counter-attacks upon the positions of Koviona
and Krajkovo-bara before ho finally retired
north in a dense column of panic. The vic-
torious Serbians followed up the retreat with
great vigour and jjressed along the banks
of the Topchiderska river on the left and up
the main road on the right. The Austrians
now attempted to block the advance ])y
heavy rearguard forces entrenched on the
several strong positions which distinguish
that part of the comitry. The hills command-
ing the road north of Ralia, for example, are
strategic points of inunens& inihtary im-
portance, but the Serbs pushed ahead •n-ith
ever-mcreasing energy, so that on the morning
of December 14 they approached the line
Ekmekluli-Dedigne-Banovobrdo, the southern
defences of Belgrade. Upon these hills the
Austrians had tlarown up extensive eartli-
works consistmg of well-executed entrench-
ments and numerous gun emplacements, and
it was evident that they had calculated there
to make a determined stand. Their troops
were, however, now in a demoralized con-
dition, and though the combats which ensued
were of a very sanguinary nature, nightfall found
the Serbs in possession of the heights.
In the meantime the Cavahy Division had
been engaged in a meritorious attempt to
work along the banks of the Save and cut off
the Austrian retreat. They were faced, how-
ever, by the flat, marshy plain of Makesh.
where the fire from hostile guns on Topchider
and two monitors in the river effectually barred
their progress.
The invaders comnnenced the repassage of
the Save on the morning of December 14
Throughout the day, as the news became
more and more serious, the movement increased
in intensity, and during the night developed
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
389
into a huiried scamper across the river. Next
day at dawn the Serbians got their guns on
one of the . surrounding hills, shelled and
broke the pontoon bridge, and rendered
further escape impossible. A detachment of
cavalry then descended from Torlak, and while
it was engaged in street fighting with a party
of Hvingarians who refused to surrender,
King Peter drove into his capital, and pro-
ceeded to the cathedral to render thanks for
the success of Serbian arms.
The Special Correspondent of The Times,
writing after his return to Kragujevatz, thus
described his impressions of the great battle :
The road to Suvobor follows a pleasant enough valley,
now winding and twisting round cliff or crag, now striding
some half-dry waterway over a crude bridge, and again
bisopting a little village that seems all church and coffee
shop. Then, as we left the low foothills and were
pushed up the ever-rising slopes of tho range, we topped
a domineering ledge and entered the battlefield.
Here was the aftermath of war. Deep-diig trenches,
fields spitted with gaping holes bored by falling shells
that had shot the earth up fountain-like, broken rifles,
bits of clothing, knapsacks., and still unbuvied corpses.
Ploughed land and stubble that had been flattened by
thousands of warring feet as the tide of victory ebbed
and flowed ; well-worked Serbian earthworl<s in the
rear and then little mounds thrown up by the advancing
infantry as they crept onwards to the enemy. Then
the signs of the final rush that sent the Austrians head-
long towards Valievo.
It had been no sudden flight, this retreat from Suvobor.
Rather had the wave of disaster risen in a rreacendn from
a small beginning until it reached the dimensions of
dihdcle. At first there had b?en time and to spare, for
the early prizes consisted of mountain howitzers placed
in almost inaccessible positions and limbers from which
the guns had been lifted at no little pain and carefully
buried. We =aw them there, neatly interred on the
mountain-side in graves surmounted, like those of fallen
warriors, with a wooden cross, the better to conceal
their hiding.
Farther along were heavy siege guns left by the road-
side, their breechblocks removed and every accessory
easilj' transportable carried off. Thus early the retreat
was difficult to understand. The Austrians had held
well-entrenched positions of undoubted military value.
Line after line of rising crests, each commanding the
other, pdl with an excellent field of fire over the country
before them, had been held and well foitified. The
approacfies were always of the most arduous. Yet,
more and more impetuously as the battle progressed
these strongholds had been successively abandoned,
until, shortly after the Lyg and the little ''illage of
Gukoshi were left behind, the real, live, panic-stricken
rout commenced.
One might as well seek to print the lily as try to
describe the scene. Take the tableau near Gomi
Toplitza, where the road winds round a commanding
promontory which overhangs the valley. Right on the
edge of the cliff, protected by a copse of prune trees, the
Austrians had placed a battery of field guns, while in the
road were placed a score of ammunition wagons, from
whence the guns were served by crude little two-wheeled
carts. Deploying on the flank of this position, the
Serbian gunners had covered it w ith a terrible enfilading
fire, and men, horses, carts, w.agons, lay in a mangled
heap upon the ground. There were dead horses in the
shafts of the carts with dead men's hands still clutching
the bridles — all shot down by a veritable torrent of
shell. Some few had tried to escape, and as they ran
AUSTRIAN PRISONERS CARRYING SERBIAN WOUNDED.
390
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
SERBIAN SOLDIERS COMPLETING TRENCHES AND PUTTING WIRE
ENTANGLEMENTS AROUND THE FORTS OF BELGRADE.
they jettisoned caps, cartridges, and haversacks, only
to meet death themselves ere they could reach the shelter
of a neighbouring ravine. It was a pathetic, moving
picture of bewildered flight.
Thereafter the Austrians had but one thought — to
get outside the range of Serbian guns. Everything was
cast off. Cannon were left perfect and iminjured ;
maxims abandoned in the trenches ; accoutrements of
every description fairly littered the road. Some ammu-
nition wagons were left fullj' charged ; from others the
live shell had been pitched otit upon the roadway to
lighten the load until, with the increasing pressure of
the pursuit, the vehicles themselves had been left
behind. Jumbled up with this mass of artillery were
countless transport wagons and innumerable field ovens.
Horses, fallen by the roadside, were loft to die if injured,
shot if they had but succumbed to fatigue.
Wounded \vaiTiors were abandoned to their fate ; dead
soldiers uncountable left to add a touch of blue-grey
colour to the mass of dark -green carriages. There were
rifles by the thousand, dropped by their flying owners.
Most were whole, others splintered by shot or broken in
some of the fierce hand-to-hand fighting that preceded
the rout. Ammunition littered the route like the
coloured tissues of a paper-chase ; sometimes in batches
where they had been tipped out of the wagons, and again
sprinkled over the earth as the fugitives had emptied
their belts to ease the burden by a few oiuices.
Thus for mile upon naile. At every few yards some
discarded trophy ; in every ditch gun or rifle ammuni-
tion ; and towards the end the gunners had cut the
traces of their teams and fled onwards with the horses,
'i'here were few dead to be seen now, for the Austrians
no longor stayed to fight. Nothing seemingly mattered
save to put a distance between themselves and the
pursuing Serbians.
Before Valievo itself the garrison holding the town
had prepared the defence. The approach by the main
road had been entrenched and guns were in position.
But the Serbs were inconsiderate. They went along the
road, it is true ; but their main force deployed round
the hills and the Austrians wore taken as completely by
surprise as if they had never heard of their coming.
While the fugitives hurried through the town towards
Loznitza and Shabatz, a rearguard of Hungarians on the
hills to the north-west put up an indifferent fight before
they, too, fled in disorder. The last of them were caught
by the Serbian artillery, and on the rising ground I saw
nigh a hundred lying stretched out on the road, shot
down as they ran. A few — severely wounded — sat
nursing their sores amid their dead comrades, tended only
by a little Serbian lad who fetched water to soothe their
raging thirst.
All along this highway of tragedy we had jostled two
streams of hapless sufferers. Going in our own direction
were streams of refugees, their oxen, in divers stages of
life and death, yoked up to every conceivable manner of
sprinErless wagon piled high with the few odds and ends
of furniture and bedding which they had snatched up
when they fled before the Austrian advance. Atop the
bundles lay starving and sick children, wan with want
and exposure ; by the side of the convej'ances, urging
the emaciated cattle along with weird cries and curses
walked sore-footed and weary women-folk returning to
the devastated remains of what were once their homes.
Crossing us came a continuous procession of Austrian
prisoners. Now and again there would be a thousand
or more marching along in charge of a couple of Serbians.
They were men of every age, and of every race which
that hotch-potch of nationalities called .4ustria-Hungary
can provide — recruits, common Army, the Landwehr
and the Landsturni ; Austrians, Hungarians, Musulmans ,
Serbs, Czechs, Moravians, Slovanes, Rumanians, Rus-
sians, &c. A sorry enough crowd, and of them all I
liked best the Bosnian Musulmans.
In between the convoys straggled men who had fallec
out bj' the way. Weary, pain-stricken souls, these, who
groaned and panted as they staggered along by the aid
of a supporting stick hewn from the roadside trees.
Many of them, footsore, had sking their boots across
their shoulders and walked with feet enwrapped Ln rags
of sack -cloth. And ever and anon we passed some blue-
gi'ey soldier stretched out by the way, awaiting death,
alone and unbefriended.
For almost two months until November 11, when I
liad to flee with the Headquarters Staff, Valievo had
been the centre of my wanderings, and it was pleasant
to retread its cobbled streets. The town had, however.
a strange and deserted appearance. Crowds of Austrians
and but a handful of Serbs gave it the air of still being
I
THE TIMES! HISTORY OF THE WAB.
391
under enemy occupation. Save for one barracks and two
houses burned, the place was outwardly intact, and the
few inhabitants who had remained had not been molested.
But never were external impressions more misleading,
for every unoccupied house had been pillaged from floor
to ceiling. Room after room had been ransacked, eveiy-
thing of value pilfered, and pictures of the Serbian royal
family defaced.
What surprised one most, however, was the state of
indescribable filth which these people left behind them
and in which they had obviously lived. The bedrooms
which had been occupied by officers and men alike were
positively pestilential. Worse, indeed, were the hospitals.
Three thousand Austrian woimded had been left in the
charge of 13 doctors with ambulance staffs, and yet the
men were lying anywhere and anyhow on handfuls of
hay, suffering and dying in a condition of appalling filth.
It cannot be suggested that Austrian doctors knew no
better ; but this experience, taken with the many other
evidences of indifference to the well-being of the troops
which I have observed of late, forces me to the conclusion
(hat, in the eyes of his superiors, the Austrian soldier
ceases to be worthy of consideration the moment he is
indefinitely pvit out of action. He is just " cannon-
fodder,"' as the Prussian has it.
From Valievo I hastened onwards towards Belgrade
and 48 hours later, ^-cached the outskirts of the capital.
The previous daj' (December 14) had seen fighting of a
very deterniined character. Driven back on to a ring
of commanding hills, of v/hich Torlak may be taken as
the centre, the Austrians had there put up their last
defence. These positions were captured the same
evening, not, however, without heavy sacrifice. The
Commandant of the Serbian force which attacked this
sector stated that his men alone had buried 1,800 dead
Austrians, and he described the fighting as the stiflest
of the campaign.
When we arrived in the rear of the Army on the 15th
the Serbian gunners were firing through a cloud of fog
and rain against the pontoon bridge over the Save, and
on a hostile reaiguard without the city. The opposition
was soon overcome, and a detachment of cavalry rode
in, closely followed by King Peter. The Serbian Monarch
is an old campaigner, and the fact that street fighting
was still going on had no more effect on his enthusiasm
than the inclemency of the weather. He stayed to
trample under foot a Hungarian flag freshly hauled down
from the Palace, and then attended a hastily arranged
Te Deum at the Cathedral.
Ninety minutes later the Cro^vn Prince Alexander,
accompanied by his brother. Prince George, a strong
cavalry escort, and the British Military Attache, ap-
proached Belgrade. They were met on the outskirts by
a crowd of poor women and children who, with few
exceptions, were the only inhabitants who had remained.
These joyous souls, themselves dependent upon a pittance
from the municipality which had ceased with the evacua-
tion, brought their all. They had quickly collected
masses of chrysanthemums, and with these they bom-
barded and decorated the incoming heroes until they
pranced over a veritable pathway of flowers. The maidens
brought the embroidered scarves and sashes which they
had worked in preparation for marriage, and these they
hung about the cavaliers till the men looked like so
many garcons d'honneur at a Serbian village wedding.
Hugo tricolor streamers now hung from the mansions ;
little bits of dirty flags from the cottages. There was a
touch of heartfelt simplicity about this welcome from
deserted Belgrade that, to the looker-on, was most
impressive.
The Austrian occupation of Belgrade had
lasted but for foiu-teen days, and even in the
retrospect had something of the unfinished
about it. The invaders had evidently settled
down for a prolonged stay. Under the guidance
of their late military attache in Serbia, they
established themselves in the best available
buildings, commenced to repair the roads
which they had themselves ripped oi^en by
shell fire, and setup a pretence of city adminis-
tration. On the Torlak hiUs solid earthworlcs
I^rotected by barbed wire entanglements had
been constructed, and concrete foundations
were ready for the big guns. Yet they had
scarcely had time to decide what they would
do with Belgrade before the Serbian hosts
swooped down and drove them helter-skelter
back across the Save. Thus the good and
evil which was the city's lot depended largely
upon individual benevolence or malice. Two
currents — the one respect for civilians and the
DRAWING WATER FOR THE TROOPS.
392
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAB.
other the product of Prussian example — ran
side by side. The buildings occupied by one
military authority remained cleanly and intact,
even King Peter's photograph being left vm-
damaged ; in others filth was everywhere,
furniture destroyed, and the Royal image shot
and slashed to ribbons. Entire sections of the
town escaped pillage ; other quarters were
pitilessly looted from end to end. While tlie
Cathedral and various other churches were
not seriously damaged, the General Post OfTfice
was completely wrecked ; all the furniture in
the Parliament House was destroyed and
broken, and the Royal Palace was officially
stripped from floor to ceiling, and the contents
carted off into Hungary in furniture vans
brought specially from Semlin for the
piu-pose.
The troops of the Dual Monarchy made their
unopposed entry into the capital with flags
flying and bands playing. There was much
merry making, much feasting and drinking.
The Hixngarian banner floated from the Palace,
and twelve peasants were hanged in the centre
of the town. The news of the " conquest "
was flashed to Vienna and Berlin, where it was
the occasion of great and enthusiastic rejoicings.
Yet, even at this epoch, when easy victory
over the Serbians seemed beyond doubt, the
Austrian authorities manifested that same
indifference for the welfare of their soldiery
which had been so painfully apparent at
Valievo. Their medical service was hopelessly
disorganised. With the army of occupation
came 800 wounded from other theatres. They
had spent many days on the road, racked with
pain and unattended, and on arrival at Bel-
grade, they were unloaded upon the small
American Red Cross unit already burdened
with a charge of 1,200 manned Serbians.
Day by day further batches of dirty, neglected
Austrian warriors, their sufferings augmented
by hunger and inattention, were deposited in
the American Hospital, until it sheltered nearly
3,000 patients. Althougli the Staff strove
heroically to cope with the avalanche which
had thus suddenly descended upon them,
they received no assistance from the Aastrian
doctors, who were manifestly incompetent or
luiwilling either to instal hospitals of their
own or to assist the overwrought little band
of American surgeons and nurses. Up in th
town the Staffs were banquetting and cele-
brating their " victory "' in a debauch of wine ;
down in the hospital the woiinded starved
imtil Dr. Ryan — the energetic haad of the
A FIELD HOSPITAL NEAR THE BATTLEFIELD.
THE TIMES HISTOBY OF THE WAR.
393
EFFECT OF SHELL FIRE ON SOME SHOPS IN BELGRADE.
mission — took a brougham and forcibly com-
mandeered 400 loaves from a military bakery.
When the evacuation commenced, the
Austrians took not their own people, but the
wounded Serbians, whom thej^ transported
into Hungary to swell the numbers of their
prisoners of war. Several hundred natives
of Belgrade — the exact number will probably
never be established — were led captive into
Austria-Hungary. A few of these were males,
and included a boy of nine years of age and an
old man, deaf and dumb ; the rest were women
and girls.
It was on the morning of December 14, that
the real preparation for departiu-e conunenced.
A Staff officer visited Dr. Ryan, and requested
him to take charge of the Austrian wounded
who must needs be abandoned, and thence-
forth there went a procession of wagons across
the Save and along the road to Semlin. As
the day wore on, and the news from Torlak
became more and more serious, the movement
developed into a wild rush for the other shore,
and the pontoons were choked with transport.
Cannon, it is stated on very good authority,
were unlimbered and thrown into the river, and
troops fought among themselves for precedence.
All through the night the panic-stricken
retreat continued, until, on th(> early inorning
of the 15tli, the Serbian gunners shot away
three of the pontoons. At that time the
stream of fugitives stretched from the bridge
away down the road towards Obrenovatz. In
the streets of Belgrade the Austrians left five
cannon, eight ammiinition wagons, 1,000
hoi'ses, and 440 transport wagons — many of the
latter filled with loot from the city. Some
150 junior officers and 10,000 men likewise
found their retreat thus suddenly cut off,
but among them there were few officers of
high rank. The army chiefs were among the
first to leave. In the officers' mess lay the
evening meal of the 14 th — the soup half
consumed, the wine half drunlv.
Thus ignominiously ended the third Austrian
invasion of Serbia. Of the army of 300,000
men who crossed the Drina and Save rivers,
certainly not more than 200,000 returned.
In the last 13 days of combat the Serbs cap-
tured 41,538 prisoners (including 323 officers),
and an enormous booty, including 133 cannon,
71 machine guns, 29 gun carriages, 386 ammuni-
tion wagons, 45 portable ovens, 3,350 tran-
sport wagons, 2,243 horses and 1,078 oxen.
The Austrian killed and wounded numbered
not less than 60,000.
Though there were successes more vast, it
is doubtful whether any had a more important
394
THE TIMl^:S HISTORY OF THE WAR.
ALBANIAN RECRUITS AT MEAL TIME.
bearing upon the progress of the great war.
Kouinanovo, Monastir and the Jadar did
much to establish the martial prestige of Serbia ;
but the victory of Suvobor constitutes one of
the finest deeds in military history, and is
unique in its example of the manner in which
an army, ill-equipped and without reserves,
was able, notwithstanding the absence of
material and the fatigue of unceasing work in
the trenches, and with almost certain defeat
staring it in the face, to rise up. and snatch a
brilliant and decisive victory out of a menacing
and dangerous situation.
The presence -of the King in the firing line,
the strategy of the Staff, the arrival of the
gun ammunition, and the leadership of
Mishitch, all contributed to the glorious
result of this great battle ; but the pride of
place <must be accorded to the gallant Serbian
peasant soldiers who, worn out by years of
warfare, suffering from hardships luiheard of
in other": armies, and demoralized by weeks of
unaccustomed retreat, rose up with renewed
courage at their country's call, and, with
xinsur passed vigour and elan, drove the well-
armed and disciplined armies of the Hapsbiu-gs
beyond their frontiers in utter rout.
THE AUSTRIAN ATROCITIES.
The Austrian " Straf expedition " of August
1914, resulted in ignominious -failure ; the first
invasion of Serbia ended in the headlong flight
of the Imperial and Royal soldiers ; but the
Serbian nation was, nevertheless, punished
in a manner so cruel and savage as scarce
finds a parallel in the bloodstained pages of
Balkan history. The calamity was not, of
course, so vast as that which overtook Belgium :
but in proportion to the population it was
infinitely greater. The Austrian armies " out-
Prussianized the Prussians " in their treatment
of the peaceable peasant population of the
country they had invaded.
Even the trumpery excuse that troops had
been fired on from private houses was in this
case absent, for the villages were denuded of
firearms, and all males, save those too young
or too old, or those suffering from some physical
incapacity, were with the colours. Yet the
Austrians, beaten on the battlefield, avenged
themselves by the slaughter of defenceless
women and children.
In the course of the description of the battle
of the Jadar, reference was made to the recaj)-
ture of the position of Marianovitchevis, when
an Austrian officer and 500 men were taken
prisoners. The officer in question was a Major
Baltzarek — a Moravian by nationality. He
was afforded every courtesy, and, as befitted his
rank, sent to Valievo under escort of a Serbian
officer. Shortly after his departure the SerLs
discovered near the position seventeen jiersons
— old men, women, and children — who had been
bound together and massacred. Peasants
declared that the outrage had been committed
at the order of Baltzarek ; one of the victims —
an old man who had had the veins of his wrists
severed — was still alive and supported the
accusation.
A telephone message sped along the wires
which follow the road ; the murderer was re-
called, and, now bound and under a guard of
soldiers with fixed bayonets, brought back
and confronted with the results of his ghastly
deed. Then, whining for mercy for himself
and pity for his wife and family in iNIoravia,
he was conducted to Valievo to stand his trial
by court-martial. Before the door of the tri-
bunal, his cords were unloosed, and, darting
a hand from pocket to mouth, he swallowed
a tablet of poison, tottered, and fell at the feet
of his warders.
The truth of the massacre at Marianovitchevis,
like others perpetrated in the same lo'^ality,
was attested by a commission which included
Dr. A. van Tienhoven, of The Hague.
A factor which served to augment the suffer-
ings of the populations was the advice gi\en to
the inhabitants to go quietly about their affairs
when the AiLstrians entered. This war, they
were told, differed from the two preceding
campaigns in that it was being wag-^d with a
civilized European Power, and r. on -combat mts
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
395
had, therefore, nothing to fear. Yet there is
no doubt that many crimes were at least
condoned by Austrian officers. Even the order
issued by the " Imperial and Royal Command-
ment " having regard to the " Instructions
for the conduct of the troops towards the popu-
lation in Serbia," was a direct incentive to
massacre :
" You are engaged in war," read this instructive
document, a copy of which was found on tlie body of
a wounded officer, " in a hostile country inhabited by
a population possessed of a fanatical hatred towards
us ; in a country where cowardly assassination, as
the catastrophe of Sarajevo showed, is held to be per-
missible even by the upper classes, and where it is glori-
fied as an act of heroism.
" For such a population any disposition towards
humanity or kindliness would be entirely misplaced ;
it would even be fraught with danger, for such sentiments,
which may occasionally be exercised in time of war,
would here constitute a continual menace to the security
of our troops.
" I therefore order that during the military operations
everyone shall be treated with the greatest suspicion
and harshness.
" In the first place, I will not allow persons armed,
but wearing no uniform, to be taken prisoners ; they
must be executed without exception.*
"■ In any case (in passing through a hostile village)
hostages — priests, schoolmasters and rich men — must be
* The true import of this paragraph will be realized
when it is remembered that, as the Austrians well
knew, the Serbians had not received their new uni-
forms. At least one-third of their Army was obliged
to take the field in ordinary peasants' dress.
taken and kept until the last house has been passed,
and they must be all killed if a single shot is fired at the
troops.
"Any person encountered outside an inhabited
place, and, above all, in forests, must be considered
only as a member of an irregular band who has hidden
his arms somewheie."
It will be remembered that the mountain
range of Tzer practically divided the two chief
theatres in which the battle of the Jadar
was fought. In the northern sector the
Austrians retreated westward and northward,
and it is significant that between the Dobrava
and the Drina rivers there stretched a chain of
villages, viz. : — Grushitch, Tsulkovit(5h, Des-
sitch, Belareka, Chokeshina, Leshnitza and
Prnjavor, in which the fugitives left their
bloody mark.
While every hamlet through which they
passed had its story of murder, pillage, and out-
rage to tell, while every roadside displayed
its advertisement of Austrian savagery, the
first outstanding example was presented by
the village of Grushitch. There all the houses
were looted, the mayor and twenty other of
the inhabitants — mostly young women, youths,
and children — were put to death, and many
of the aged males carried off into captivity.
The neighbouring village of Tsulkovitch
through which the Hapsburg soldiers retired
SERBIAN SOLDIERS RESTING.
390
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAU.
rA-
J
IN THE TRENCHES.
after their first defeat on Belikamen, was the
subject of special attention. As the advance
guard of the Serbians le.ft a village where they
had discovered a group of three men and two
old women lying with their throats cut, they
entered a neighbouring ravine which offered
the desolating spectacle of an indiscriminate
mass of twenty-five boys aged 12 to 16 years,
and two old women of over 60, all riddled with
bullets and mutilated by bayonet thrusts.
In the village itself, one terrifying picture
after another met their sickened gaze.
From the neighbouring village of Dessitch,
lying a few miles to the south-west, the entire
population had fled, leaving the deserted
cottages to the care of five women, four old
men, and five infants — all slaughtered before
the " Swaba " left.
The Austrians thoroughly looted Chokeshina,
a little hamlet consisting of but a sprinkling
of houses. At Leshnitza. on August 19,
they shot fifty peasants before the eyes of
an assembly of women and children of the
locality, with the object of terrorizing the
population. The town was pitilessly sacked ;
all objects which could be carted off were
taken, and the rest, such as stores of grain, were
soaked with petroleum and fired. Before the
retreat a further massacre was ordered, and
over one himdred of its victims were buried
in a trench dug in front of tlic railwaj' station.
Nearly fifty persons were led off into captivity.
Prnjavor was another of those towns which
the Austrians, for some unexplained reason,
singled out for special treatment. They re-
duced half of it to a smoking shambles.
Immediately upon the entry of the Imperial
and Royal soldiery, many of the male inhabi-
tants were seized and shot in the cafe of jNIilan
Milutinovitch, and all stores were confiscated.
The houses were perquisitioned, and everything
of value removed, particular affection being
shown for the bridal robes of young women. A
reign of terror for the unfortunate inhabitants
accompanied the occupation. The destruc-
tion of the town followed the reception of the
order to retreat. In many cases the owners
of the habitations were driven inside their
property before fire was applied, and thus
perished in the flames, and it was no uncommon
thing to discover among the debris the chaired
bodies of young mothers clutching their infants
to their breasts.
At Shabatz the Austrians allowed their
savagery full and unbridled demonstration.
Immediately after their entry a patrol arrived
before the house of a rich resident, with a
written document, and demanded the delivery
of six valuable horses which occupied his
stables. Later on they burned down his house.
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
397
Animals, stores of fodder, and such like were
commandeered in a formal, if irregular manner.
Houses were occupied in accordance with the
laws of warfare, and the inhabitants were
assured by proclamation of their personal
safety.
Presently the official control was relaxed ;
soldiers commenced to steal objects of minor
value but military utility. Then came a raid
upon provisions in any shape or form, to be
•crowned, prior to evacuation, by the general
looting of the town. Not a house or a shop
escaped this pillage. Every habitation was
ransacked from floor to ceiling, and everjrthing
of value was carted off across the Save. Shops
were turned inside out and their contents
thrown into the streets ; banks and offices
■wrecked and safes prized open and the contents
rifled. In fact, the appearance of the whole
place suggested that an army of expert burglars
had descended upon it, worked their will for
some time, only to be disturbed with the job
still unfinished. Drawers and cupboards had
been hurriedly sacked, and their contents
scattered about in the hunt for valuables, and
so they were left, standing open amid the litter
of the rooms, no time havmg been availabk'
even to close them. A strange, cruel air of
devastation permeated the streets where mer-
chandize, gramophones, broken furniture, and
safes lay jumbled up with wine and spirit
barrels, whose contents had been let rim to
waste along the cobbled gutters.
Incessant shell fire wrecked all the public
buildings and hundreds of houses and shops,
and what the guns failed to accomplish Austrian
soldiers completed by fire. The fine old church
(which served as a stable during the occupation)
was pitilessly bombarded, and stood the centre
of a scene of destruction resembling nothing
so much as the effect of some tremendous
earthquake. The prefecture was riddled by
shot and sheJI, and the same description applied
to countless habitations in all directions —
of the extensive artillery barracks but the four
walls were left standing
In the region of the Jadar valley similar, if
less extensive, ma.ssacre marked the Austrian
retreat.
At Pushcarevatz, Maidan, and Draghintse,
pillage, outrage, and murder were freely in-
dulged in. Many women were outraged. In
the villages of Cohuritze, Tsikoti, Dvomitsa,
Moikovitch, Chlivoir, Stave, Bastavi, and
Breziak, a total of 49 men and 34 women were
left massacred and mutilated.
There was, fortunately, little repetition of
this ghastly savagery during the retreat which
RUINS IN BELGRADE.
View from the Royal Palace windows.
398
THE TIMEFi HISTOBY OF THE WAB
SERBIAN SOLDIER OF THE 3rd BAN.
followed the third Austrian invasion. So
terrible had been the disillusionment of the
Serbians after the battle of the Jadar that
when the enemy came again the people flung
a little bedding into tlieir oxen wagons and fled
in terror. Those who had no conveyance
walked. Throughout the great Serbian retreat
the roads leading from the front were blocked
with a constant stream of fugitives who,
hvingry and rain -sodden, struggled along the
muddy roads in the bitter cold in their search
for sanctuarv.
Thus originated the problem of the Serbian
refugees. In normal times there is no poverty
in S(!rbia — the distribution of wealth is very
equal, and all have sufficient for their meagre
requirements. But now they lost all. More
than half a million people were reduced to
beggary, and the towns became choked with
applicants for food and lodging. Even more
disastrous was the fever which the Austrian.^
left behind them after " Suvobor." Its germs
infected the devastated homesteads, to which
many of the refugees returned, and, more
powerful than the Hapsburg soldiers, it deci-
mated the ranks of the Serbian Army.
The better to preserve an approximate
chronological order in the story of the
Austro-Serbian Campaign, it will be advan-
tageous to take, as an epoch in the military
history of Belgrade, that period which began
at 1 a.m. on July 29, 1914, when a detachment
of irregulars beat off a river steamer and two
troop -laden barges which attempted to approach
the Serbian shore, and ended at 9.27 a.m. on
December 15 of the same year with the entry of
King Peter at the head of his victorious army.
During these momentous four and a half months
Belgrade and its inhabitants tasted of all the
varied experiences of modern warfare. The
thiuider of cannon and the screaming of shells
flrst startled and then coldly interested tham ;
attacks and counter-attacks on riverside islands
degenerated from an excitement to a common-
place ; ruined edifices, wrecked houses, and
slaughtered civilians became an luunarked
portion of their everyday life. In quick suc-
cession they passed through the varied emotions
occasioned by the evacuation of Serbian troops
and the entry of unopposed Austrians with
flaunting banners and blaring bands ; they saw
their women and children taken as hostages,^
and their citizens hanged, their houses looted
and their homes despoiled, and then, to the
music of booming guns and crackling rifles, they
watched the hostile rabble fight its way back
across the Save, until, in delirious joy, they
went without the city walls and cheered the
Serbian victors of the greatest battle in Balkan
history.
For the gi-eater part of the period under dis-
cussion Austrian cannon on land and river poured
shell, shrapnel, and incendiary bombs into an
undefended town with intent to destroy the
evidences of State, civilization, and cultiu-e
which had there been erected during the
iiundred odd years of Serbian independence.
THE TIMES HISTOBY OF THE WAR
399
Both Belgrade and its environs were devoid
of permanent defensive works, and no effoit
was, in fact, made to protect the capital.
Those military precautions wliich were under
taken were directed against any attempted
passage of the rivers Save or Danube, and.
for this reason also, the island of Tsiganlia
to the west of the railway bridge, continued
to enjoy a considerable measure of importance.
With the exception of the troops engaged in
the occasional expeditions against Bezanin
and those stationed sometimes in and sometimes
against Tsiganlia, the infantry played littk-
part in the work of defence, but a frequent
use was made of artillery. Surrounded as he
was by a series of dominating heights of great
strategic value. General Djivkovitch had a
plethora of excellent gun positions at his
disposal, and he moved his batteries from one
to the other as the exigencies of the ever-
changing situation required. Banovo brdo, to
the south-west, and Topchider and Dedigne
to the south, were, however, outstanding
summits upon which cannon were more or less
permanently installed, and it was from these
points that an almost continuous artillery
duel was fought with the Austrian gunners
on Be/ania.
The bombardment of Belgrade will rank
as one of those inexcusable acts of vandalism
which disgraced the European war. It was
unprovoked, served no military purpose what-
soever., and could have had for its object only
the wanton destruction of private and State
property. During the period under discussion
over 700 buildings were struck by bombs,
shell, or shrapnel, and of these but sixty
were the property of the State. Nothing was
sacred. The old, unarmed fortress, with its
memories of the Turkish occupation ; the
University, where centred Serbian culture ;
the riverside factories, which represented her
industrial progress ; the museum, which housed
priceless relics of Rome and Macedon ; even
foreign legations, hospitals, and pharmacies —
all suffered in the lust for revenge. The
cigarette factory belonging to the State mono-
poly was wrecked by shell and fired by grenades;
tobacco and machinery to the value of £320,000
were destroyed in the flames. The foimdries,
bakeries, and all the factories along the Serbian
shore of the river were razed to -the ground. The
King's Palace bore little evidence of external
injury, but Austrian howitzers dropped sholl
through the roof until Uttle remained of the once
SERBIAN SOLDIER OF THE 1st BAN.
gorgeous interior. The University was riddled
until the building, with its classrooms, labora-
tories, libraries, and workshops, was entirely
demolished. Even the cellars were destroyed
by groat shells, which broke down the wal.s
and pierced their way into the very bowels of
the earth and there exploded. In an ineiiective
attempt to destroy the State and other banks,
one street rumiing up from the water's edge
was ripped open from edge to edge.
Nowhere were the terrible effects of modern
artillery more visible than in the streets
400
THE TIMES HISTORY OE THE WAR.
SERBIAN INFANTRY HAULING ARTILLERY. V The Times" Phoiograpk
themselves. Missiles pierced the wood paving
and its concrete foundations bj'^ a small hole,
pressed then* way underground for some dis-
tance and then exploded, throwing particles
of the roadway far and wide, and exposing
an immense hole often measuring 15 feet
in diameter by 12 feet in depth.
Though the greater part of Belgrade's
population fled the city with the Government,
there remained many too poor, or, for divers
reasons, unable to move. It was inevitable,
therefore, that a certain loss of life should
have been caused. Most of the victims were
quietly sitting in their own homes when a shell
fell and buried their dead or maimed bodies
in the debris of the shattered walls. More
intrepid spirits were in the streets when an
unawaited shot laid them low. Yet others
were foully murdered, for Austrian sharp-
shooters were placed in positions covering
certain exposed streets, whence they wantonly
fired on passing civilians. In all, some thirty
non-combatants were killed and 150 wounded.
The losses among the mihtary were confined
to a few gendarmes on police duty.
The installation of two French 14 cm.
naval gmis at the beginning of November
put an end to the activities of the Austrian
monitors which had previously been able to
steam into the river and shell the city with
impunit3\ The Frenchmen sent their first
message into Hungary on November 8. The
damage inflicted so impressed the monitors
that they feared to venture again within
range. INIoreover, spies, with whom there is
every reason to beUeve Belgrade was still
infested, had doubtless advised the Aus-
trians that the mining of the river had been
scientifically carried out. Preparations for
offensive operations were, therefore, afoot
when the sudden and vmwelcome order was
received to abandon the city and retire south-
ward with all the material that could be saved.
The French saw themselves obliged to sacrifice
their cannon, but, in the early morning, they
fired off their stock of 240 rounds of ammunition
and in little more than half an hour deposited
some twelve tons of melinite on the enemy
forts at Bezania, with such terrifying effect
that the garrison fled 12 miles into the interior.
Thus it came to pass that the two strongholds,
having snarled at one another across the divid-
ing waters of the Save for nearly five months,
were both evacuated at the same time.
CHAPTER LXI.
THE AUTUMN AND WINTER
CAMPAIGN IN EASTERN FRANCE.
The Eastern Front — Before and After the Passage of the Aisne — -Argonne — Woevre —
Lorraine — Vosges — Upper Alsace — Distribution of Armies — The French Mistakes in
Alsace — The German Advance towards Verdun — Situation at End of August — The Line
of Fortresses — Fall of Manonviller — The Defence of Nancy and Toul — Heroes of
Lorraine — German Atrocities — -The Fight for Nancy — German Failure and Retreat —
The German Crowt;? Prince and the Verdun Objective— Camp des Romains Destroyed —
The St. Mihiel Wedge — Fau^ure to Reach Verdun— The Turn of the Tide — The Argonne
Fighting — The Winter Campaign — -Campaign in Alsace — Position at End of February, 19 lu.
ON the eastern frontier of France the
war during the opening months fol-
lowed in one respect the same course
as it did farther north. Up to the
date of the battle of the I\Iarne there was a
period of more or less important skirmishes
and battles in the open field, all along the line
from Verdun to the Swiss frontier. By the end
of that time, or soon after the passage of the
Aisne, both sides had strongly entrenched them-
selves in the positions which they had won or
to which they had been driven back, and from
the beginning of October onwards there was
hardly any change in the ground occupied by
the opposing armies. For the time being the
spectacular battles of the old style, with the
huge loss of life which they entailed, had come
to an end. Along a front of more than 200
miles (from Verdun to Pfetterhausen) French
and Germans faced one another from the shelter
of two almost continuous lines of trenches, often
not more than forty or fifty yards or even less
a[)art. The day of the saj^per and miner had
come, backed up by artillery bombardments
from positions well in the rear, which prepared
the way for short charges and counter-charges
Vol. III.— Part 37 401
by the infantry. The cavalry were dismounted
and were armed with rifles and spades instead
of swords and lances. In the language of
Rugby football, the struggle had settled down
into a tight scrummage in mid-field. Until it
')roke up, neither side was likely to score any
goiils.
The first of these two periods, while the
r'^lative strength and fighting qualities of the
<>;jponents were still miknown, was incomparably
I he more interesting. There ■«ere more in^por-
t ant ups and downs in it, first one side and then
the other seeming to hold the advantage, and
it was always full of dramatic possibilities.
Unlike the operr*tions farther north, where the
allied forces retreated or advanced as a compact
whole, in obedience to one concerted plan or
necessity of action, the fighting in the Argonne,
the Woevre, Lorraine, the Vosges, and Upper
Alsace was split up into several sub -sections,
more or less closely corresponding with these
territorial divisions. In each of them almost
anything might have happened.
There was first, between Reims and Verdun,
what a special correspondent of The Times called
the guerre des apaches between the Third French
102
THE TIMES TITSTOnV OF THE IF. 17?.
ijpn'Tr'
AFTER A FRENCH VICTORY IN ALSACE.
. German prisoners being brought into Belfort.
Army under General Sarrail and the force com-
manded by the Crown Prince, which was to
have been the connecting Unk between the
armies which entered France by way of Bel-
gium and those which advanced by the. legiti-
mate avenue of attack between the Dnchy of
Luxemburg and the Vosges. In the Woevre,
between the Meuse and the Moselle, the chief
issue was the repulse of the efforts of the Army
of Metz to join the Crown Prince in investing
Verdun, which resulted in the peculiar bulge
in the German line at St. Mihiel. East of the
Woevre the triangle between Pont-a-Mousson,
Nancy, and Cirey, at tiie head of the Vo?ges,
was the theatre of the second great German
objective, the capture of the unfortified capital
of French Lorraine. Below Cirey, along the
west side of the Vosges as far as Epinal, the
fighting was partly connected with the attack
on Nancy, and partly with the French advance
into Alsace through the passes of the Vosges and
the Trouee of Belfort : and lastly, this French
offensive in Alsace was itself a flanking move-
ment intended to support the cjiuckly abandoned
advance of om" allies into the annexed province
of Lorraine.
Broadlj^ speaking, each of these separate
movements fonned part of the general
scheme of operations by which the Germans
tried to attack and the French succeeded in
protecting the great frontier fortresses of
Belfort, Epinal, Toul, and Verdim. The
offensive tactics of the French failed badly in
Lorraine and were only moderately successful in
Alsace. But the balance was in their favour.
The capture or at any rate the masking of the
fortresses was essential to the triumph of the
German plan of campaign. Except the fall
of Paris, there was no object that they were at
the beginning so bent on or so confident of
attaining. After six months of persistent effort
they were fm"ther from it than they were at the
end of the first week. Tliat in itself was a \ic-
tory of the first magnitude for the arms of our
allies. It was mainly due to the heroic stand
made in front of Nancy by the Armj' of General
do Castelnau, supported by General Dubail and
the First Army, during the last days of August
nnd the beginning of September. No chapter in
the history of the first part of (he \\ ar was more
glorious for the French, and none more vital.
If Nancy liad fallen, Toul and \'erdun would
ahuost certainly have followed suit, and the
battle of the Marne would have been fought in
vain, perhaps miglit never ha\-e been fought at
all. No doubt it was the issue of that battle
which was the final cause of the retirement of
the Germans in Lorraine. But that does not in
the least detract from the splendour and the
value of the defence of Nancy by the famous
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
403
Vingtieme Corps, and the other gallant army
Corps of the Annies of the East.*
The achievement was all the more meritorious
because the prelude to it was the serious defeat
*For various reasons it is dil'licult to give the com-
position of the cliftLM-ent armies with absolute accuracy,
but the following analysis of the troops on which they
were based niny }>e of some assistance in following the
operations in Knstern France from the !)eginning of the
A-ar. The Belfort Command, from which was drawn
the army that operated in Alsace, consisted of the
garrison of the fortress imder Genera! Therenet, and the
Vllth Army Corps (General Bonneaii). The garrison
troops were : infantry, the 35th and 42nd Regiments (14th
Division), and 171st and 172ad (Independent Division);
cavalry, 11th Dragoons ; garrison artillery, 9th Regi-
ment : field artillery, 47th Regiment. The Vllth
Army Corps: infantry, 23rd, 35th, 42nd, 133rd (14th
Divi-iion), 44th, 60th, and 152nd (13th Division); the
5th and 15th Chasseurs-a-pied ; the 11th and 18th
Dragoons, the 4th, 11th, 14th Chasseurs-a-cheval, the
12th Hussars ; the 8th and 9th Garrison Artillery, and
the 4th, 5th, 47th, and G2nd Field ArtUlery. Their
business was to guard the Trouee of Belfort, and conduct
the offensive in Alsace. The First Army (General
Dubail) was based on Epinal, and its original sphere
extended along the Vosges as far as Luneville. It was
niade up of the Epinal garrison and Field Army (170th
Infantry, 1st, 3rd, 10th, 17th, 20th, 21st and 31st
Chasseurs-a-pied, the 11th Engineers, and the 6th
Colonial Artillery) ; and the XXIst Army Corps :
infantry, 21st, 109th, 112th (13th Division), and 149th
and 158th (43rd Division), and the 12th, 59th, 61st Fiold
Artillery. The men composing this army came from
at ^Nlorhange, between ]\Ietz and Saarbiu-g.
That unfortunate calamity was the outcome
of what was to many minds the great surprise
and even the great mistake of the beginning of
Lyon, Epinal, St. Die, Raon I'Etape, and other places in
the foothills of the Vosges ; ^hey fought mostly in their
own country, and also helped to defen i Nancy.
The Second Army, General de Castelnau'.s, about
200,000 men strong at first, guarded the frontier line
between Metz and the Vosges, especially Nancy and
Toul. It consisted of the Toul garrison, the IXth,
X.Kth, XVth and XVIth Army Corps, and the 50th,
68th, and another Division of reserve. In the Toul
garrison were the 167th, 16§th, and 169th Regiments of
infantry, the 2nd and 4th Chasseurs-a-pied, the 10th and
20th Engineers, and the 4th and 6th Garrison Artillery.
The two divisions of theXXth or L( rraine Arrny Corps,
commanded by General Foch, were the 39th (the 146th,
153rd, 156th and 160th infantry regiments) and the 11th
(the 26th, 69th, 37th and 79th). To this last Divi.siou,
the special Nancy contingent, known as the Division do
Fer, ^^e^e added the 5th Hu.ssars, the 8th Field Artillery,
and the 20th Engineers and 4th Garrison .Artillery
■stationed at Toul ; and the other troops of the Army
Corps were the 8th, 12th and 31st Dragoons, the 17th
and 18th Chasseurs-a-cheval, the 39th and 60th Field
Artillery, and the 20th Legion of Gendarmerie. The
IXth Army Coqjs was commanded by General Dubois.
Its infantry, drawn from the Tours district, were the
32nd, 66th, 77th and 135th (18th Divi-^ion), and the
68th, 90th, 125th, and 114th (17th Division). For
cavalry it had the 5th and 8th Cuirassiers, the 2oth
Dragoons, the 7th Hussars, and the picked squadron of
S.°-unuu' : the 20th, 33rd, and 49th Field .-Artillery, and
'^...'iKs^
■A. i
THE FRliNGH IN ALSACE.
A railway station at Burnauf, near MUlhausen, occupied by the French after a severe engagement.
404
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAIL
AFTER THE BATTLE.
The Place de Baccarat and a corner of Gerbeviller.
the war. For some reason a large number of
strategists, professional as well as amateur, had
formed the opinion that the only wise course
the 6th Kegiment of Enj,'inecri. The XVlth Army
Corps (General Taverna) recruited, from the Pyrenees,
Carcanonne, Montpellier and Lozdre, contained the 96th.,
81st, 142nd, 122nd, 15th, 143rd, 53rd, and 80th Regi-
ments, of the 31st and 32nd Divisions, the 19th
Dragoons, 1st Hussars, and 2nd Engineers, and the 3rd,
9th, and 5Cth Regiments of Field Artillery. A special
tribute is due to the airmen attached to General de
Castelnau's army, who were stationed at Toul and
Mancy. Apart from their business of watching and
pursuing the enemy areoplanes, which were constanth'
dropping bombs on Nancy, they did splendid recon-
naissance work over the enemy's lines and military
centres, such as Metz and Strassburg. They were
always ready to take great risks ; and unfortunately
one of the most valuable of them, the Senator Reyn^^ond,
met his death while flying too low over the Germans
during an engagement. There was a three hours' fight
for the possession of his body, which was won by the
French. When they picked hun up he was still alive. He
had pretended to be dead in order to deceive the enemy,
and was thus able, before he actually did die a few
hours afterwards, to give to the General the information
which he had collected as the result of his too daring flight.
The XVtli Army Corps (General Espinasse) ^vas also
a frontier force, recruited from Nice, Grasse, Mentone,
Marseilles, Toulon, and other places on the Mediterranean
coast. The regiments composing it were the 3rd, 111th,
ll4th and !41st (20th Division), the 40th, 55th, 58th
for the French was to await the enemy's attack
in their own country. General Jotfre thouglit
otherwise. When there was no longer any
and 61st (30th Division), the 163rd and 173rd (Inde-
pendent Division), the 22nd Colonial Infantry and 3rd
Colonial Artillery, the 0th, 7th, 2.3rd, 24th and 27th
Chasseurs Alpins, the 6th and 11th Hussars, the 7th
Engineers, the 7th and 10th G^irrison Artillery, the
19th, 3Sth. and 55th Field Artiller\', and two Legions of
Gendarmerie.
The Third Army (General Sarrail), consi.^tiiig ot the
Vlth and VIITth Ai-my Corps, wa> based on Vordnn ;
the garrison and Field Arn;y of which was made up of
the 164th, 16?th, and 166th Infantry, the 8th, 16th,
19th, 25th, 26th and 29th Chassems-i'i-pied. In the
Vlth Army Corps there were three infantry Divisions,
the 12th (the 9ist, 132nd, 147th and 148th), tl<e 42nd
(the 94th, 106th, 151st, and lG2nd), and the 40th (the
150th, 161st, 154th and 155th) together with the 3rd,
6th, and 9th Cuirassiers, the 4th, 16th, 21st, 2?nd,
28th, and 30th Dragoons, the 5th, 10th, 12th, and 15th
Chasseur.s-.'i-cheval, and the 2nd and 4th Hussars.
These men belonged to the district between Chalons and
Commercy.
'J'he Vlllth Army Corps (General de Ca.'-telli) drew its
forces from the centre of France, and contained two
infantry Divisions, the 15th (the 10th, 27th, 29th, and
o6th Regiments), and the 16th (the 13th, 85th, 95th,
and 134th Regiments), the 17th and 26th Dragoons,
the 8th, 14th, and 16th (!;hasscurs-i-chevai, the 7th
Engineers, t'ne 1st, 37tli, and 48th Field Artillery, and
the 8th Legion oi Ciendarmerie.
AFTER THE STORMING OF STEINBACH.
French troops standing in front of houses destroyed by the heavy shells of the Germans.
right is a post that divides France and Germany.
On the
THE TIMES HISTOBY OF THE WAR.
405
doubt as to the violation of Belgian territory
by the Germans he ordered a special Alsace
Army, built up round the regular frontier force
of the Belfort district, to occupy Miilhausen,
the commercial capital of Alsace, to cut the
Rhine bridges at Huningue and below it, and
to flank the attack of the first and second armies
which were to advance into German Lorraine.
The sequel was tersely described in a French
summary of events published on March 22 :
In Alsace this operation was badly carried out by a
leader who was at once relieved of his command. Our
troops, after having carried Miilhouse ( Jliilhausen), lose it,
and were thrown back on Belfort. The work had there-
fore to be recommenced afresh, and this wa. done from
August 14 under a new conmiani') *
-Alulhouse was taken (for tlie second time) on the 19th
alter a brilliant fight at Dornach. Twenty-four guns
were captured from the enemy. On the 20th we held
the approaches to Colmar, both by the plain and by the
Vosges. The enemy had undergone enormous losses
and abandoned great stores of shells and forage, but
from this moment what was happening in Lorraine and
on our left prevented us from carrying our successes
farther, for our troops in Alsace were needed elsewhere.
On August 28 the Alsace Army was broken up, only a
small part remaining to hold the regions of Thann and
the Vosges.
That is a clear and accurate statement of
V hat happened. The second occupation of Miil-
hausen was brought to an end by a voluntary
* General Pau.
retirement, and not by pressure from the
Germans. But the first force, which marched
unopposed into the town on August 8, con-
sisted of only one Division, and was not strong
enough for the task it had been set to accom-
plish. On the following day it fell into a trap
which ought to have been foreseen. It was
badly defeated between Miilhausen and the
Hartz forest by an army much stronger than
itself, reinforced by troops which were brought
south from Colmar, and was lucky in being
able to fall back on Belfort without having
its retreat cut off. Little, therefore, was
apparently gained by the invasion of Alsace,
except the excellent moral effect produced
throughout France by the feeling that part,
at all events, of the ravished provinces was
once more occupied by the soldiers of the
Republic. That, however, was a very real
gain, upon which Gt>neral Joffre had doubtless
counted. But he had also a simple miUtary
aim in view, which had escap^ the attention
of most of liis critics. It was given as follows
in the summary of events quoted above :
The purpose of the operations in Alsace — nam.ely,
to retain a large part of the enemy's forces far from the
northern theatre of operations — it was for our oSensive in
Lorraine to pursue still more directly by holding before
THE FRENCH INVASION OF ALSACE.
A notable scene In a small Alsatian town, the Inhabitants of which have never faltered In their
allegiance to France.
37—2
406
THE TIMES HISTOHY OF THE WAR.
it the GeiTuan Amiy Corps operating to the south of
Metz. This offeusive bi'gan brillinntly on August 14.
On the 19th wo had reached the region of Saarburg,
and that of the Etang^ ; we held Dieuze, Morhange,
Dpiine, and Chateau-Salins. On the 20th our success was
stopped. The cause is to be found in the strong organi-
zation of the region, in the power of the enemy's artil-
lery, operating over ground which had been minutely
surveyed, and finally in the default of certain units.
On the 22nd. in spite of the splendid behaviour of
several of our Army Corps, and notably th».t of Nancy,
our troops were brought back on to the Grand Couronno,
while on the 23rd and 24th the Germans concentrated
reinforcements — three Army Corps at least — in the
region of Luneville, and forced us to retire to the south.
Little need be added to this account beyond
the main facts that the defaulting units belonged
A FRENCH COLONIAL.
An Algerian Infantryman.
to the Fifteenth Army Corps (which, however, did
excellent work later on both in Lorraine and the
Argonne) and that the leading French troops
had got too far in advance of their artillery.
This last was an unfortunate mistake, as was
also the choice of an Army Corps recruited in
the south to form the vanguard, since the
troops composing it could not be expected
to have the same racial interest in the reconquest
of the province as the troops native to Lorraine.
The whole movement appears to have been
executed in too light-hearted a spirit. It
began with a series of facile victories by which
the invading army was lured on till it suffered
a crushing defeat at the hands of oxerwhelm-
ingly superior forces. The slaughter was
terrible and the retreat that followed was at
first a rout, till the flying troops were rallied
and steadied by the 20th Army Corps and the
other regiments in reserve, though they, too,
were obliged to fall back ahnost as far as Nancy,
fighting a strong rearguard action as they
retired. For the time being the triumph of
the Gfennans was complete. The effort to
recover the lost province had ended in a dismal
and costly failure, and there were grave fears
for the safety of Nancy and, what was more
important, of Toul. Only one advantage had
been gained. The offensive, although it had
not succeeded, had, as General Joffre expected,
necessitated the presence in Alsace and Lorraine
of a very considerable German force. It
remained to be seen whether the armies of
General de Castelnau and General Dubail were
strong enough to resist it.
L"p to tliis date (the beginning of the fourth
week in August) the fighting on the rest of the
frontier was not of great importance. In the
hope of avoiding hostilities the French for some
days before war broke out withdrew their troops
a few miles from the border. The Germans not
only did not follow their example but precipi-
tated the conflict by sending small bodies of
patrols into French territory in three or four
different places (Longlaville, Cirey, and Petit-
Croix) before war was declared. Consequently
when it did begin they were first in the field.
To begin with, they distinctly scored by this
typical example of German " preparedness."'
While the French were marcliing eastwards in
front of Belfort, Epinal, and Toul, the van-
guards of armies from Strassburg and ^letz,
vmder General von Strantz and the CrowTi
Prince of Bavaria, advanctti in the opposite
direction into France. On August 5, 6, and 8,
to the south of the army wliich was penetrating
into German Lorraine, they bombarded and
occupied Cirey, Badonviller, and Baccarat,
tliree small towns close to the frontier, and to
the north of it the guns of St. Blaize, one of the
forts of Metz, shelled Pagny-sur-jNIoselle and
Pont-a-ilousson. Still farther north a naore
important demonstration was made by the Army
of Metz, which quickly occupied Briey, Conflans,
]Mangiennes, Damvillers, and Spincourt, and so
got within about 15 miles of Verdim. Above
this district, on August 22, the Crown Prince's
Army, which had crossed the frontier close to the
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
407
w
l-H
H
Z
o
OS
u
c
U E
O
■
o
u
z z
fc -
u
u
c
408
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
Luxemburg border near Longwy (which did not
however fall till the 27th), flung back a French
offensive from the INIeuse in tliis region and
pushed the French before it across the Mouse
at Dun, 23 miles north of Verdun, and, making
a detour to the north-west of the fortress, con-
tinued to press them back till finally it took up
its position facing eastwards between Bar le
Due and the Ardenne forest, and having the
army of General Sarrail opposite to it along the
left bank of the Meuse. Further west the army
of the Duke of Wiirtemberg, working south-
wards on the Crown Prince's right, had also
routed the French advancing from the Meuse
into the Ardennes and had crossed the Meuse
-lower down near Meziores, and following a course
parallel to his had advanced almost in step with
liim till it was deployed along a line facing
south between his right wing and Eprrnay.
During tliese operations the French gained
certain minor successes (as at Dinant, where
the Duke of Wurtemberg's army corps were
momentarily repulsed on August 15), but the
net result was that they were steadily and
surely driven back.
Generally speaking, therefore, at the end of
August and the beginning of September, the
French prospects on the right wing of the Allies'
line were no brighter than they were in front
of Paris. The special Alsace army had retired
on Belfort, and had taken the place of part of
the First Army about as far north a.s Gerardmer,
below St. Die. The First Army, tmder Genera!
Dubail, after occupying the crests of the X'osges
had been obliged, as a consequence of the defeat
at jNIorhango, to fall back in front of Epinal, and
in the footlulls of the Vosges and the \alley of
the Mortagne as far as Baccarat was fighting
hard to keep the pursuing Germans at ba}-.
General de Castelnau with the Second Army (the
sphere of which after the violation of Belgium
had been extended westwards from the Moselle
to Verdun), was liolding the Grand Couronne
east and north of Nancy against several army
corps from Strassburg and Saarburg under
General von Strantz. At the same time it was
facing the garrison army from ^letz between
A FRENCH SOLDIER'S FUNERAL.
An impressive funeral service over two Garibaldian heroes.
Inset : Infantryman in his du;g-out.
THE TIMES HlSTOm OF THE WAB.
409
LIFE IN THE FRENCH TRENCHES.
French officer making observations from a first-
line trench.
Inset : Receiving a message by telephone."
Pont-a-Mousson and Commercy (where it had
the support of the Toul garrison), and from
Commercy northwards along the valley of the
]\Ieuse past St. JVIiloiel tiU its left rested on the
garrison defences of Verdun. The line was
then continued by the Verdun garrison force
facing outwards to the east, north, and west of
the fortress round to the south-west, where it
joined the third army under General Sarrail (now
back to back with the left wing of the Second
Army on the other side of the Meuse), wMch
with the Foiu-th Army under General Langle de
Gary was hard pressed by the forces of the
Cro^vn Prince and the Duke of Wurtemberg.
On the whole of their front, therefore, except
behind the lower part of the Vosges, the position
of our alhes was extremely critical, especially at
the places where they had been driven back —
to the south-east, east, and north of Nancy,
and between Verdim and Reims. The way in
which little by little they pressed the enemy
back till it was they and not the French who
were acting on the defensive was a splendid
example of unfailing covzrage and determination.
The opening disasters and faults of generalship,
instead of unnerving the French, steadied them
and filled them with fresh spirit. From the
moment when the armies felt that they were
in touch with each other, and standing shoulder
to shoulder in one unbroken line, with their
backs against the wall, they began slowly to
make ground instead of yielding it.
This wall was no imaginary figvire of sp(>ech.
It was the forty-mile Une of fortresses planted
along the JMeuse from Verdun to Toul. For the
plans of General Joffre and the safety of France
it had to be held. It could only be held if the
whole of the front on the Allies' right wing stood
lirni. Looked at as a series of straight lines, that
front was at tliis time likr tlio side \i(>w of a
Windsor chair, of which the line Verdun to
Toul was the back, Toul to Nomen_\- the seat,
and Nomeny to St. Die the front log, with
Epinal at the foot of the back loir. Aotnaliy it
410
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
GENERAL MAUNOURY.
The saviour of Paris. He led the Sixth French
Army out of the French capital in taxi-cabs
and motor omnibuses, and turned von Kluck's
flank on the Ourcq.
did not qviite follow these lines, but extended
from Verdiin to just above Commercy (a few
miles short of Toul and west of the Verdun-
Toul line), and from there to Pont-a-Mousson
and Nomeny, whence it curved slightly inwards
between Nancy and Luneville before, reaching
St. Die.
In front of this position there was the
solitary fort of Manonviller, ten niiles to
the east of Lvuieville, of which great things
were expected by the Germans as well as the
French. These expectations were not realized.
On August 28 its garrison of 900 men surren-
dered after a two days' bombardment, probably
carried out by two Austrian 305 guns stationed
at Avricourt on the frontier. Many stories were
told of its fall ; the most clearly established
facts appear to be that the fort was totally
demolished, that its own guns were never fired,
that the garrison only lost four or five killed
and wounded, and that the telephone communi-
cation with Toul was found to have been cut
off at the beginning of the bombardment — a
combination of circumstances which present a
not very satisfactory contrast with the story of
the defences of Fort Troyon and Longwy.
Although Manonviller did not fall till six
days after the occupation of Luneville, when
the main German armies were already several
miles further west, it played practically no
part in delaying the ad\ance of the enemy.
The real bulwark of Nancy consisted in the field
armies of do Castelnau and Dubail. The
troops composing them were some of the finest
in France. Both by training and tradition
they were the frontier force of the Repubhc.
In time of peace they held the post of honour
along the vulnerable border-line between Metz
and the Vosges, always ready for war, as their
ancestors had been for generation after genera-
tion. Many of the beat generals of France
had served their novitiate in these famous
army corps, and ever since 1870 officers and
men, nearly all of them children of the soil,
were bound together at first by the desire for
la revanche, and later, when that died out,
by the feeling that when the threatened German
invasion came the task and the glory of repelling
it would be theirs. The people and army corps
of Lorraine were therefore something apart ;
they occupied much the same position in relation
to the rest of the army as the British frontier
force in India to our own Regular Army.
Now they were to be put to the test. On them
depended the fate not only of Nancy and of
Toul, but in aU probability of the whole of the
Verdun-Toul line of fortresses. The Germans
were already maldng desperate efforts to
approach and if possible burst through th?.i/
line, but for the time being it was Nancy,
GENERAL BELIN,
One of General JoflFre's principal executive
officers.
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAB.
411
DINNER TIME.
French officer testing soup prepared for the men
under his command.
Inset : Taking food to the trenches.
or rather the entrenched positions in front of it,
which took up most of their energy. It was
perhaps fortimate for the French that it was a
field army and not a fortress with which their
enemy had to deal at this particular point.
This was the conclusion arrived at on the spot
by the special correspondent of The Times on
the French eastern frontier :
When Bismarck interfered in 1874 to prevent the con-
struction of fortifications ronnd the town by threatening
to renew the war of 1870 he was, without knowing it,
working against the interest of his country rather than
for it. If Nancy had been encircled by a ring of stereo-
typed forts it is almost a certainty that the French
would have fallen back on the protection of their guns,
and that tlie town would have been taken long ago.
It is because Nanny did not, because it could not, put
its trust in forts that the German ad\'ance has been
checked (and will perhaps be checkmated) at this one
point only on the whole line.
Further south the enemy have crossed the difficult
barrier of the Vosges mountains, and by the Col de
Sainte Marie, the Col du Bonhomme and the Col du
Donon and other passes have penetrated some little
distance into France. To the north the whole of the
rest of their line has swung across Belgium and France
to Compiegne and then part of the way back again,
like a bar (though never a straight nor a rigid bar),
hini^ed to a fixed point. And the immovable pivot
which tlii-ee months' eon-tant sapping on three sides
has not been able to undeiinine is the open and unpro-
tected town of Nancy. That is one of the wonders and
one of the chief lessons of tlie war.
Before, however, the wonder was finally
accomplished there was for the French a period
of heroic fighting and acute suspense to go
through. The quiet and confident way in
which the people of Lorraine faced the anxiety
was another of the war's marvels. Their
town was attacked (and the nearest phase of
the attack was kept up for three weeks) from
412
THi'J TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
foiir directions at once. Yet they never lost
heart, and even when its streets and barracks
were thronged with wretched refugees, and
its hospitals with wounded from the burnt and
ruined villages and blood-drenched battle-
fields only a few miles off, the life of the place
went on with very little change. The inhabi-
tants of the town, like the army in front of it,
felt that they stood at the outposts of the State
and that they owed a duty to France. They
had at their head two exceptional men, who
were able to work together with perfect
unanimity. Monsieur Leon Mirman (once
a chasseur-a-pied and " soldat-depute " for
Reims) had resigned his position as Directeur de
I'Assistance Publique at Paris in order to take
up at Nancy the anxious and sometimes
dangerous office of Prefect of Meurthe et
Moselle. Monsieur Simon, whose appointment
as Mayor also dated from the beginning of
the war, was unanimously chosen by his
municipal colleagues as the fittest man for
the post in the unexampled emergency. It
was largely due to the personal example of
these two men and the official and emergency
staffs which they gathered round them that the
population kept its head and it^ bonne humeur
all through the difficult and trying days when
the enemy stood at its gates. At night, jus
at Verdun, Commercy, Toul, Epinal, and
Belfort, very few people were to be seen
abroad in the darkened streets. But by day,
except for the convoys of prisoners, of wounded,
and of ravilaillemcnt, the constant going and
coming of long columns of troops, and the
never-ceasing sound of the guns, there was httle
to show that teclinically the town was in a
state of siege. Everyone had his or her work
to do (Madame Mirman, like her husband, was
untiring in the organization of relief for the
refugees and the wounded), everyone did it
willingly and even cheerfully, and everjom-
refused to despair of the Republic.
Meanwhile the attack was in full swing.
It came, after the retreat from Morhange, by
Pont-a-Mousson to the north, Chateau-Salins
to the north-east, Cirey to the east, and St.
Die to the south-east. The routes chosen
by the Germans were naturally the easiest for
reaching their objective. From St. Die along
the wide valleys of the Mei'j-the and its tributary
the Mortagne ; from Cirey past Luneville
down another Meurthe tributary, the Vezouse ;
from Chateau-Salins by the main road across
the frontier between the forests of Champenoux
and St. Paul ; and from Metz southwards past
Pont-a-Mousson up the chamiel of the Moselle
A STREET IN VITREMONT BUKNT BY THE GERMANS.
Monsieur Leon Mirman, Prefet of the Meurthe and Moselle Department (inset). On the right of
picture M. Mirman is talking to a homeless villager.
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
413
LOOKING FOR THE ENEMY.
Chasseurs scouting along a road.
and the Meurthe, the ways into Nancy are
straightforward and the ground for the most
part flat and unbroken. But, besides the
villages and towns by which they pass (most
of which were used by the French in delaying
the advance of the Bavarian troops), there
is, at irregular intervals between them, a
ring-fence of wooded heights, proudly known
as. the Grand Couronne of Nancy, which served
as the main hne of the defence. To the north
these hills rise to a height of about 1,000 feet
on each side of the Meurthe and encircle Nancy
from the south, along the side away from the
frontier, rovind to a point a little east of north.
Through the remaining segment of the circle
of which the town is the centre, towards the
frontier on the east and south-east, a wide
plain rises gently to the horizon five miles
away, with more hills and forests springing
out of it. The most important of these land-
marks are the Plateau of Amance, six miles
north-east of the town, with the forests of
Champenoux and St. Paul just beyond it, north
and south of the Chateau-Salins road, and
secondly, more to the east, in the direction of
Luneville and Cirey, the forests of Vitrimont
and Parroy.
At the beginning of August, as we have seen,
the opposing forces were making several for-
ward movements in opposite directions, each in
front of one of the rival fortresses of Verdun and
]\Ietz, Toul and Saarburg, Epinal and Strass-
burg, the garrison armies of which, before the
^\ ar began, were waiting like kennelled watch-
dogs, ready once they were let loose to fly at
one another's throats. By the fourth week of
the month, except in Alsace, all these cross-
cvu-rents were setting in the same direction,
converging steadily on Luneville and Nancy
(wliich is only ten miles from the frontier), as
the French fell back before the pursuing Ger-
mans. Once the retreat had begun in the north
the result was felt all along the line. In the
centre the Germans reoccupied Cirey and
Badonviller, from which they had fallen back
earlier in the month, and occupied Blamont,
between Cirey and Limeville. Lower down
their second army took possession of St. Die,
Raon I'Etape, and other small towns between
Epinal and the Vosges, and General Dubail
with the First French Army gradually retired
westwards, which had the effect of straightening
the French line. There %^as some very severe
fighting at the Col du Chipotte (where the
losses on both sides were exceedingly heavy)
and other places in the spurs of the Vosges at
the end of August and the beginning of Sep-
tember, in which the French behaved with great
gallantry and were not content with acting on
the defensive. But the general result was tliat
37—3
414
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
the Germans, though they could never get as
far west as Epinal, at first ahvays lield the
upper hand.
Farther north, as the French fell back from
Saarburg and Morhange, they rallied first at a
position marked by the river Meurthe to the
south of Luneville and the Marne canal and
the bovmdary river, the Seille, above it, and
tlien farther west along a front that began in
the valley of the Mortagne and extended in the
same line in the direction of Champenoux.
Beyond that line, which practically coincides
with the Grand Couronne of Nancy, the Germans
FRENCH COLONIAL.
An officer taking observations.
never advanced. The position was well chosen.
Beginning in the north at Mount Toulon,
it was based first on the heights of Mont
St. Jean, La Rochette, and Amance (the
rock on which the attack broke), then pro-
tected by the forests of Chanapenoux, St Paul,
and Crevic, and finally by the forest of Vitrimont,
and a short stretch of the Mortagne. The most
important of the towns which stood between it
and the frontier was Luneville, which the
Germans entered without resistance on August
22, and held till September 12. It was de-
liberately and wisely sacrificed by the French
m order to gain the advantage of the stronger
position behind it. The first two army corps
engaged in the invasion of Lorraine started
from Strassburg and, entering France
by the upper pa.sses of the Vosges and
between Cirey and Baccarat, advanced along
the three river valleys on Luneville and the
group of villages siurounding it. All of these
villages suffered severely from the shells of
both sides and the still more destructive
incendiarism of the Germans, especially Ger-
beviller and Badonviller, in each of which the
French put up a stiff fight. Badonviller, three
times occupied by the enemy, was the scene of
nearly continuous fighting for the first month
of the war. The second arrival of the Germans
on August 23 was described as follows by one of
the special correspondents of The Times :
At 8 in the morning the French hurriedly evacuated
Badonviller and took up a position at Pexonnes, about
two miles to the rear, and the Germans, after a desiiltory
bombardment, which went on all day, marched in at
6 in the evening. For the next few hours there wa.s
furious fighting in and around the town between the
Chasseurs Alpins and the Chasseurs d'Afriqne on the
one side and on the other the Bavarians, the I..andwehr,
the 162nd Regiment of Strassburg, and the regiment
of the notorious Lieutenant Von Forstner (since reported
killed), the 99th of Zabcrn. The Germans, as soon as
they entered the town, began ordering the terrified
inhabitants to come out of the cellars in which they had
taken refuge, when suddenly they were interrupted by a
furious counter-attack of the Chasseurs, and driven out
of the town at the point of the bayonet. Once more
the natives shiit them.selves up in the cellars and listened
panic-stricken to the noise and confusion of the struggle
overhead. One comfort they had in their alarm. All
the time, above the din of the fighting, they heard the
stirring notes of the French bugles sounding the charge,
and all the time the voices of the French soldiers singing,
as they charged, the famous Sidi-'Brahim bugle march :
Pan ! Pan ! L'Arbi !
Los Chacals sont par ici !
Mais plus haut c'est las Turcos !
Little by little, as the Germans retreated, the sounds
died away in the distance, and then suddenly began
again as the Chasseurs, still chanting the Sidi-'Brahim,
marched back through the town and retired to their
position at Pexonnes. Then once more the Gernianf,
and at last the silence of the night.
The church . . . was the part of the town that
suffered most from the bombardment. Dome and roof
have both been entirely shot away ; shattered fragments
of the pillars in front of the church and the shapeles.*
remains of the four walls are all that is left. Except for
one thing — a statue of Joan of Arc, with one arm broken
off short at the shoulder, standing erect and serene on
its pedestal, surrounded by the piles of stone and mortar
and timber and glass that litter the floor of the roofless
nave. ... In the rest of the town comparatively little
damage has been done by the shells. And there is this
curious fact to note, that the bombardment which did
the mischief took place while the town was actually
occupied by German troops. They were .simply ordered
to keep out of the range of the fire, which meant away
from the neighbourhood of the church. These troops —
they were Bavarians — completed the work of destruction
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
415
" LA TRICOTEUSE," THE HEAVY FRENCH 120 MM. GUN.
A powerful gun of the French Heavy Artillery concealed from the enemy's observation.
416
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
SEEKING A FALLEN COMRADE ON THE BATTLEFIELD.
A French soldier searching for a friend after an attack on a German trench.
by b'lrning tVie quarter of the town nearest to the
GkTniau frontier, some 30 houses in all, besides pillaging
many others. They also phot 12 of the inliabitants,
including jMadame Benoit, the wife of the heroic mayor,
another woman and the child she was holding in her
arms, and an old man of 78, who was sitting peacefully
by hi^ window.
But it was at Gerbeviller, a small town about
five miles south of Luneville, that the systematic
German policy of terrorising the population
by shooting civilians and burning their houses
reached its height. According to the accoimt
given by the same correspondent, less than
ten houses out of more than 460 remained
habitable after the Germans were finally driven
from the town. On the day on which they
first attacked it it was defended with splendid
courage by a body of 60 or 70 Chasseiu-s
against a force of three or four thousand.
When they were at length forced to retire, a
few of their number who got separated from
the rest hid till nightfall in a cellar, and, as
they were making their escape, shot a sentry
who had been jjosted at the lower end of the
town. By this time the place was full of
German troops. Roused to fury by the
heroic resistance which had kept them so long
at bay, and assuming, without any justification,
that tlie sentry had been killed by a non-
combatant, they set to work to wreak their
vengeance on tlie unfortunate to\\-n, of wliich
they I«>ft practically nothing standing except
a melancholy desolation of blackened and
tottering walls. The autliors of the outrage
were eventually driven out by the French
artillery. But it was not the two bombard-
ments suffered by the to%An that did the mis-
cliief . It was caused by deliberate incendiarism,
carried out by petrol, and at least two different
kinds of firelighters, which the soldiers had
ready in their haversacks. One by one the
churches and houses were set on fire and burned,
in many cases burying in their ruins the charred
bodies of the inhabitants in hiding in the
cellars. Nor were these the only victims of the
insensate lust for blood of the German soldiery.
The French Government have in their posses-
sion a photograjah taken bj' a responsible
official of m'ne white-headed old men, whose
dead bodies were found after the German with-
drawal, lying in a field close to the to%vn. Their
hands were bound together, their trousers had
been imbuttoned, and were clinging rottnd their
knees, either as a cruel insult, or else — the
irony of it — to prevent them from running
away, and they had been shot down in cold
blood. The Avretched inhabitants, when they
were able to come back to gaze sadly at the
crumbling heaps of stone that had once been
their homes, said that many more of their
acquaintances and relations had been "judici-
ally murdered " in the same ^va}-. The one
bright spot in the story of the nightmare of
barbarism was the fuie coiu-age of Sceur Julie,
the brave religieuse who, vnXh. other sisters of
her order, stuck to her post through all the
horrors of the double bombardment and the
incendiary fires, and nursed the wounded of
both sides. She richlj- deserved the decoration
of the cross of the Legion of Honour which she
received from the hand of the President of the
Republic.
As for the Germans, almost everywhere
that ihey went in this part of France at
Nomeny, at Baccarat, at Remereville, and
scores of other towais and \illages in Lorraine,
the Vosges and the Woevre, endless stories
were told by responsible level-headed eye-
witnesses, not only of indiscriminate house-
burnings (the evidence of which remained
for aU the world to see), but of women and
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
417
•children, shot Uke rabbits at their windows or
in the streets, for the mere pleasure of killing,
■of horrible rapes, and of disgusting bestialities.
There were, of course, many men and many
officers who had no hand in these atrocious
acts. In some cases their occupation
of conquered villages and towns was free
from the stain of them ; in others the stories
told were no doubt untrue or exaggerated.
In Luneville, for instance, though they wantonJy
burnt down about forty houses in one of the
subxirbs, shot some of the inhabitants (more
probably from nervousness than brutality), and
helped themselves freely to their belongings,
the record of their three weeks' stay, during
part of which they were being hotly bom-
barded by the French, was not for them a
particularly black one. It is true that the
fact that the town got off comparatively lightly
was chiefly due to the firm and courageous and
dignified conduct of M. Minier, the sous-prefet,
M. Keller, the mayor, and M. Mequillet, the
-deputy of the town, who, sometimes at the risk
of their own lives, boldly stood up to the Ger-
nnan military authorities, and at the same time
kept a hold over their fellow citizens. But to
rank the Germans' treatment of Luneville as
■one of their minor misdoings is enough in itself
to expose the gravity of the case against them.
After making all reasonable allowances, far
more than enough evidence remains to convict
the Bavarian and Prussian troops which in-
vaded the east of France of callous cruelties
and acts of degraded grossness which, except
in rare instances, ought to have been imheard
of in the national army of a modern civilized
State. The names of Gerbeviller and Nomeny
were blots that could not soon nor easily be
wiped out from the escutcheon of German
" Kultur." In Eastern France no less than in
Belgium, the campaign proved to demonstration
the poisonous influence of the German teaching
that in war might must be right. It had resulted
in a general lowering of the ethical and moral
standard of the German people and army — even
as compared with 1870 — and by suppressing the
finer impulses of human nature had brought to
the surface its more cruel and brutal instincts.
The great final fight for the possession of
Nancy was now definitely staged. The two
first invading armies had made good as far as
Luneville. The Third, and main army, which
also consisted of Bavarians, with more and
heavier guns, and some Prussian cavalry in
the shape of Uhlans, and the White Cuirassiers
of the Guard, marched from Chateau- Salins
and engaged in a violent series of conflicts
with the French in and about a group of villages
round the forest of Champenoux. At the same
time part of the Army of Metz, which began by
marching westwards towards Verdun, wheeled
round facing south, between the Meuse and the
Moselle, with its left resting on Pont-a-Mousson.
and joined in the attack on the Lorraine capital.
AFTER A BATTLE.
Dead German soldiers left on the battlefield after a French charge.
■lis
THE TIMES HISTOBY OF THE WAR.
The Genuan plans had so lar succeeded
that they were now nearly in a position to
advance from two directions at once on the
plateau of Amance, the hill on which General
de Castelnau had concentrated the bulk of
his artillery. Before they could cooperate
in this attempt with the armies coming from
Saarburg and Strassburg, the Northern or Metz
Army, after occupying Nomeny on August 20,
had to take the village of Ste. Genevieve, about
ten miles north-west of Amance, where a
moderately strong French force under General
Foch had been posted. They started from
Pont-a-Mousson on August 22 full of enthusiasm
with confident cries of " Ste. Genevieve to-
night : to-morrow Nancy 1 " Three miles
up the river they left the main road at Loisy to
climb the hill to Ste. Genevieve, and foimd
themselves confronted by the wire entangle-
ments which the French had erected about
tliree-quarters of a mile in front of and to the
left of their trenches. This obliged them to
make the attack from their own left front, and
they decided to prepare the way with field
guns and some heavier artillery, which, in
the course of the next 75 hours, poured into
Ste. Genevieve over 4,000 shells. The French
had only one regiment of infantrj- in the village
(about 3,000 men against 12,000), but they
v\ ere well sheltered in their trenches, and only
lost three killed and soine 20 wounded in the
course of the bombardment. The batteries
in support were so well hidden that the enemy's
aeroplanes failed to locate them, and they
allowed the Germans to waste their ammunition
without firing a shot in return. They knew
that the position was critical and that the safety
of Nancy in all probability depended on their
success. The brilliant fight that followed wa.s
described as follows by the special correspondent
of The Times :
On the evening of the 24tli the German comniandor,
deceived by their silence and imagining that the infantry
force had been crushed by the bombardment, ga\ e the
order to attack, and his formidable little army, still
covered by the fire of its artillery, advanced on Ste. (^ne-
vieve in massed columns. Then at last, when they had
come to a convenient rnncre, the 7.5's opened on their
WINE CASKS AS A BARRICADE.
Scene in the streets of Nomeny, Eastern France. Inset : French troops in the trenches.
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAB.
419
THE DEUTSGHES THOR, METZ,
Known to the French of the City as La Porte des Allemands.
closely-formed rank?. Most of the work fell on one
particular battery from Toul, as the others were so
placed that they could not fire effectively without
endangering their own infantrj-. For three hours they
pounded the Germans, cutting them up badly, and then,
when he had fired his last shell, the captain of the
battery ordered his men to fix bayonets and join the
infantry (the 314th Regiment) in a last effort
to check the assault, to which the Germans at
once advanced, crouching low as they came on up
the slope.
The order had been given to the infantry to let them
got within 300 yards. When they reached that distance
the French officers shouted at the top of their voices
the command which, of all others, the Germans dislike,
'' En avant a la bai'onnette." But the infantry had also
been warned that, on hearing this word of command,
instead of charging they were to stay in the trenches
and fire a succession of volleys. It was a neat idea, and
it came off. Hearing the order and the bugle sounding
the charge, the German front ranks quickly rose from
their crouching position and hurriedly fixed bayonets
to repel the attack. The first volley caught them just
as they reached the wire entanglements in front of the
trenches, and mowed them do«^ in hundreds. They
fell in such dense masses that the uien who came on
from behind climbed over their bodies and the first row
of entanglements at the same time. But they could get
no farther. The French Lebols wiped them out, and
the only result of their fine courage — for they came onto
the assault four separate times — was that they left 4,000
dead in front of those murderous trenches. Then,
almost at nightfall, they gave up the attempt, and fell
back on Atton, the village in front of Pont-i-Mousson,
through which they had passed bo cheerfully three
days before with their cries of " Nancy domain." For
the moment their demoralization was complete. In
the darkness some of them lost their way, and stumbling
on the wire entanglements in front of Loisy foil into the
river and were drowned. The survivors, when they
reached Atton, christened Ste. Goiievi6ve " The Hole of
Death."
The attack on Amance and Nancy from tJio
east was a more protracted affair, but it was
equally unsuccessful. At first the struggle
was most severe along the French right, on
the Nancy side of Lun^ville (which is 15 miles
from the Lorraine capital), round Haraucourt,
Rosieres, and Dombasle, the last of which places
was occupied by the Germans on August 22,
though they were quickly driven out and retired
on the heights and woods of Crevic. Next day
there was the same sort of give-and-take fighting
along the low hills north of the Dombasle-
Lun6ville road, and at Leomont, Crevic and
Vitrimont, where thousands of German dead
were left in the forest. On the 25th, between
Courbesseau and Drouville, a strong German
position was attacked by five French infantry
regiments. Owing, however, to insufficient
support by their artillery, they suffered
severely. One regiment lost 65 per cent, of
its men killed and wovmded, and for the time
being the attack failed. But the spirit of
the whole army remained excellent. During
that long drawn out fortnight of fierce charge
and counter-charge, in the fields and forests,
and the streets of the ruined and smoking
villages, the fighting was so continuous that
sometimes even to pick up the dead and
wounded was impossible. There were places,
too, where the Germans, hidden in the v\ oods,
pcsrsistently fired on any of the wounded who
moved a limb and anyone who went to their
rescue even after the engagements had stopped.
Some of th(>m lay and suffered, without food
■^" (Vlo n b S^ Martin
r'^^-
.N>^^
'■k $m^i,
<&.
&.
'■■'■w.U.''.
-^■•;5^ ::»,,-^ . ,^i^/: ^1:=^^
■%
r-'/;;
^OrPeuit' ••■.■•>;v//^
•'tel
'^ «?-
«_- §-r,"^ife
,^V- ' '•^- llWV ' •^.; S.4.
,ai. 'It''- ■\iW' ,- . ''^'."'.,'l>\-,ui;;'?^r'
hSarthi
eaurepaire
IJlfANDPR
»«• o*-:'^'
LTerm^
'//ii''
■///-<!
I9S
Vieux,
.mil,
"■■ AT--
J lesHosiersFT
be
m
JBois d'Jiorva^ ,,
■^^randHa
,^..^ leGravelel
lentin «/ ,,^1
^.des
7S5
'illni''
l\v ■ a a-'
'NNW^iv.^l-
;*>!/'/,
A'J.^ie
I'EcTi^,
lie
i'lf'jy^:'-. cC-
OxHllStePudenbienne q,*^
/ ,, '^■^r *■ ^ *^- • '■tViV'///'';7S=-s,v -
AV^^^
^
Mil'/'
"//CBOI4
'.///.
V^,
'^/%fii%J^ JrouBricoh
^^VVNi^^--
■^^
■S?^^M^
ff>^-'>'.
<s
'^^-
^_ ,.„^.. ^^ „ Cernay-e/7-r-'
!i)\<(Malsons de Champagn^M^ChaussoriF'r^Pes^'i.l^Ch^pelJeF:
m
us<
I'wi
Bea
fS0U£
v!?,)'.'''!' 'ws^v
;^.,
siges
%
^^7/5
i%>
/65
_esni' "
sur-
fp/^','v^' ' A •^-.CdbdneebPuibs o;» a. ». o. aASi===¥r
-.^rS^tbomj
,--v\\ ./,VC-
'/>.\SS.
?:>;■-/
^ 'n\.
'/.'^'^■-■■'i.'i...
'aviaux.
ia^^a/Ze '^~^"^<
iNeuvilU
.s^-
"-" V"4: "V_a- a
pmriie-Bioime
BuSSyVe Chateau
la
v^W--'
WN\;,^>li;_
iOfbe
V.('>."'.'
^
al^.-
fW
impierP^
Auve
Scale oF Miles
Rapsecourt
„^ampierre
V leCHateau
'ri- 1
Bra\
42U
MAP ILLUSTRATING THE FIGHTING
..a-"
Landrei_
'7|iChaTnpigneuille
/ . •'^^.i.- Bourrutr^
Bantheville
.<a.~?ra,6oiandreCh3
£dledeChatillon- ^- ^ -'£-'
^■^z8il-Ar~^
Cevieresf
I.'olieF
luvm
laMasardeFT
Somme
m
'i - d'^ y '• Bagatelle'- .■■'Ifei
^ ^i^: 209-' W /l/ip ^,9rC^"^o'^«.'<
": zosfJB. de Marcq.^-i^'
orna^
Font^SfPJ^ ^.^^_
421
iE CHAMPAGNE AND THE ARGONNE.
422
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
or drink, for as much as five days. But even
they, or those of them who survived tlie ordeal,
only asked to be cured of their wounds that they
might go out and fight again. They had but
one thought — to defend Lorraine and avenge its
sufferings.
Further north along the line a series of
violent engagements at Remereville, Erbeviller,
and other places round the forests of Cham-
penoux and St. Paul, culminated in a
sustained attack on the plateau of Amance.
The bombardment lasted for more than a week,
night and day. Before it began, on August 30
and 31, there was a trying period of suspense
for the men who were working the guns on
AERIAL WARFARE.
Machine that winds up the rope of the
French captive balloon.
the top of the plateau. They were surrounded
by a thick fog. They had a feeling that
the enemy were near, but could see
nothing. All that they could do was to
work at the entrencliments which they had
been constructing since their arrival from
Toul and to shell the roads likely to be used
by the enemy.
Meanwhile, as they suspected, the Germans
were placing their heavy guns in position.
\Vhen the fog had cleared away German airmen
flew over the plateau at a great height, and
once they had made out the position of the
French artillery their gunners had little rest.
Fotir batteries opened fire uj^on them, and the
shells fell thick and fast, mth a deafening din.
At one time the fire was so severe that the
drivers and most of the men serving the guns
were ordered to retire to the village behind the
hill. But here as well they were quickly de-
tected by the enemy war planes and captive bal-
loons, and followed by a rain of shells which .sent
the villagers scuttling to their cellars or flying
over the fields. After a time the French artil-
lery men made a dash for the plateau through a
storm of flame and iron and reached the trenches
near the guns, which were well concealed and
had not been touched. Their wounded they
were obhged to take into the trenches with
them. The fire was so hot that it was out of
the question to show even a hand. Tlien at
last it began to show signs of slackening, and
the battery commanders and gun layers, who
had been waiting for this moment in the little
wood on the plateau, were able to get back to
their pieces, which were soon once more in full
action.
Up to September 8 the battle was fought
with increasing violence all along the 25 niiles
of the French front, which at its nearest point
\\ as within about six miles of Nancy. To break
through that Une had become for the Germans
a matter of urgent importance. West of
Verdun their armies were being steadily pushed
back beyond the IVIame. In front of Amance
one of their divisions had been heavily defeated
on the 7th in the forest of Champenoux. On
the 8th they braced themselves for a final effort
vmder the eye of the Kaiser, who in spite of the
gravity of the situation on the Mame, had
journeyed to the eastern front to give to his
armies there the encouragement of his presence
and authority. If he had been able, as he
probably expected, to enter Nancy in triumph
at the head of liis victorious troops, the moral
effect both in France and in Germany would
have been immense. But before that was
possible the heights of Amance must be stormed.
When the order for the assault was given the
Germans came out of the woods a mile away,
and headed by their fifes and drums, as if they
were on parade, advanced sr lemnly and
pompously to the attack of the French infantry
positions halfway tip the east side of the liill.
The French guns were silent. There was no-
tliing to show whether they had been put out
of action or were onlj- biding their time.
Except the music of the bands there was not a
sound, for the infantry also reser\-ed their fire
till the enemy were within 200 yards. Then
suddenly, with loud shouts of " Vive la France,"
they sprang from the trenches and charged
with fixed bayonets. The two lines met with
a violent shock, and the German ranks broke.
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAE.
423
As they fled to the shelter of the forest the
75's came into action, and firing at short range,
mowed theiw down rank by rank. But the
Kaiser was there to inspire them. The work
that he had given them to do was still undone,
and they fought on with wonderful coiu-age
and tenacity. Six times they advanced to the
attack, and six times they were driven back
again to the woods. At some places at the foot
of that deadly hill the bodies were piled up
five or six feet high, and when the survivors
took shelter behind the heaps of dead and
wounded the 75's still raked them through and
through,' smothering dead and Uving in a
horrible mire of flesh and blood, wlaile the
155's, firing over the heads of the front ranks,
finished off the work farther back in the forest.
The German losses were enormous. Thousands
of their dead were left lying on the plain, and
in the evening they asked and were granted a
four hours' truce to bury them. It was
believed by the French that they took advantage
of the opportunity to place in position near
the village of Cercenil the heavy guns which
shelled Nancy on the night of September
9, They might have saved themselves the
trouble.
The bombardment, which should have
been the dramatic finale of the assault on
the town, was instead a rather feeble anti-
climax. It began at about half-past eleven,
when most of the inhabitants were in bed. A
violent storm was raging, and at first the sound
of the bursting shells was mistaken for claps of
thunder, till everyone was roused by the crash
of falling masonry and the roar of the French
guns replying to the attack, which they com-
pletely silenced in about an hour's time.
About 70 shells were fired, kilUng and womiding
a few civilians and damaging a certain number
of houses. As a military manoeuvre the
bombardment was purposeless and futile, and
was so quickly over that it scarcely had the
effect of alarming the population, though some
of the more timid retired the next day to towns
further removed from the enemy and the
frontier. But they were the exception. The
great majority showed the same confidence in
the armies of General de Castelnau and General
Dubail as their Prefect, whose response to the
bombardment was to send for his young son
and daughters to come and live with him and
Madame Mirman at Nancy. The watchwords
of the whole town w^ere courage and duty. A
good example of the prevailing spirit was given
by one of the very few Englislimen who were
in Nancy at the time. He had under his charge
an important municipal usine, containing
several big boilers, which, if they had been
burst by a shell, would have caused widespread
damage. His first thought when the firing
began was to empty them, and though liis
works and the streets leading to them were
exactly in the line where the shells were falling,
he started off at once from his hotel, went
down to the works, and did what was necessary
r
FRENCH BALLOON AT VALMY.
Taking observations above the famous old mill.
z
z
o
o
OS
*s:
>.
u
u
E
*rf
H
Z
s
~*
E
u
>^
O
^
ca
•oe
<
cs
en
[I]
U
Z
J3
Qd
CU
c
Z
o
J3
O
«
o
a
oa
a
u
>•
z
'a
a
^
ci
w
a
ca
n
>.
«rf
u
B
58
K
a
H
J3
U.
o
O
e
b
H
U.
«:
ri
u
H
0S
H
U
SS
U
S
H
42i
THE TIMES HISTOBY OF THE WAE.
425
to make the boilers liarmless. That was typical
of the waj' in wluch almost everyone behaved,
not only at the time of the bombardment, but
during and after the formidable and prolonged
efforts of the enemy to invest the town. At
the Prefectixre, the Mairie, and the Chamber
of Commerce, in the temporary and permanent
hospitals (where the regular staffs were supple-
mented by devoted bands of nurses and some
of the foremost civilian doctors of France), in
all the various organizations which busied them-
selves with the care of the refugees and tlie
poorer inliabitants, there was everywhere the
same activity and the same undismayed
resolution and devotion to duty. The local
newspapers, in spite of the galling and some-
times absurd restrictions vmder which they were
placed, always maintained a high standard of
patriotic loyalty to the one supreme cause and
of unswerving faith in its sure and certain
triumph. Lorraine, like France, had become
a united whole. The common danger and tlie
common effort had put an end to the dislike
and distrust between Church and Stat(> and
all the other differences of French political and
public life. The armies of the Eastern frontier,
which shared and were fortified by this new-
born spirit of luianimity, had their minds anr'
their hands free for their own special business.
Tlie victory on the Marne put the finishing-
touch to the work that they had done and the
fight that they had so gallantly fought before
xsancy. The bombardment of the town was
the Germans' parting shot. On September 10
they evacuated ront-a-Mousson, and on the
12th Lunevillc, Baccarat, Raon-l'Etape, and
St. Die ; there was a general advance along
the wliole French front, and though the enemy
still held a bare footing on the edge of Lorraine
and in the department of the Vosge^ the effec-
tive occupation of the two provinces was at an
end. The attack on the Epinal-Verdim line
by way of Nancy had completely failed. The
Kaiser and his men had looked at the promised
land and turned their backs on it.
From this time onwards the weight of the
attack was shifted from the soutliern to the
northern half of the barrier line of fortresses —
between Toul and Verdim — and Verdun took
the place of Nancy as the main German
objective. The army of the Crown Prince of
Bavaria occupied a front extending to the
north-west from the frontier opjiosite Lunevillc,
past Thiaucourt to Consenvoye on the Meuse
ten or twelve miles north of Verdim, where its
riglit rested on the left of the Crown Prince's
army. Its left w ing as far as Thiaucoiu-t was
kept busy in preventing the French from
advancing on Saarburg and Metz ; its centre
and right began about this time a serious
forward movement across the plain of the
Woevre to the wooded heights of the Meuse.
It had two objects in view : to break tlirough
the line of fortresses, and then to cross the river
and join hands with the right wing of the Crown
Prince's army so as to encircle Verdun.
The fortress of Toul is almost exactly half
way between Epinal and Verdun, 40 miles from
each. In the lower stretch of country, the
Trouee de Chamies, there are no forts, and the
failure of the Germans to break through in
this region and so approach Toul from the
south is the strongest possible testimony to
the generalship of Dubail and the magnificent
resistance of the Chasseiu-s-a-pied and 75's of
the First Army. Between Toul and Verdun
the French position was far stronger. East
of the Meuse the wooded Hauts de Meuse
slope gradually down to the river, broken at
intervals by a series of deep and precipitous
ravineS; guarded by forts, ancient and modern.
On the north the district is bounded by the
Verdun-Metz railway, below which is the plain
of the Woevre, and on the south by the quick -
flowing Rupt de Mad, which runs from Com-
mercy on the Meuse north-east past Thiaucourt
to Arnaville, where it falls into the Moselle a few
miles south of Metz. All along the INIevise,
on both sides of the stream, there is a chain
of forts. South of the Rupt de Mad, between
Commercy and the Moselle, the forts of Liou-
ville, Gironville, Jouy, I^ucey, Bruley and St.
Michel point their guns to the east and north,
towards the German frontier. Lower down,
on the right bank of the river, the guns of the
Camp des Romains, a little south of St. Mihiel,
and of Forts Troy on and Genicourt to the
north of the town, are trained on the rixcr,
ready to dispute its passage, and still further
north are the southern defences of Verdun,
facing up the channel of the stream, on
the fm'ther or left bank of which the Fort
des Paroches. between Troyon and St. Mihiel,
faces to the east. This was the formidable
position which the Germans had to attack
in earnest, as a riposte to the battle of the
IVIarne and their repulse in front of Nancy.
They had already, from September 8 to 13,
hotly bombarded Troyon (which the Crown
Prince had also made a rather feeble attempt
4-26
THE TIMES HI, STORY OF THE WAR.
WAITING FOR THE ENEMY.
French troops have a quiet half-hour in the trenches on the banks of a French river.
to bombard from the other side of tlie river).
The defence of the fort was one of the most
gallant feats of the 1914 camjjaign. In the
first three hours of the bombardment the
German loO's dropped shells into it at.the rate
of one a minute, firing from positions in the
ravines which the French artillerymen were
unable to reach, and a nimiber of French
120's and 90's were destroyed by an explosion
caused by a " Grosse Marmite " (a 210 shell)
which burst in a store of melinite. On tlie
other side of the river the enemy were retreating
on the Marne, but no one could come to the
lielp of Troyon. Telephone messages from
Verdun told the Commandant that on his
resistance depended the success of the big
movement to the west, and that he must at
all costs hold out. At the same time the
Commandant of the fort at Paroches tele-
phoned that his guns could not reach the
positions of the Germans who were bombarding
Troyon. There was, therefore, notliing left
for its garrison but to fight on as best it could
while the fort gradually crumbled to pieces
round them. On the 9th two German officers
and a bugler arrived and three tiines called
upon it to siu-render. The Commandant
proudly refused. " Never,"' he said ; " the
fort has been trusted to me by France, and I
would sooner blow it up," and finally told
them to decamp, as he had had enough of
their company, though he wished thein au revoir
— at Metz. Then the Germans brought heavier
guns to bear on the place, 280"s and 305's. and
during the night their infantry advanced and
cut the wire entanglements in front of. the
fort. Their charge was, however, checked by
the French mitrailleuses, and further German
onslaughts in dense masses on the 10th and 11th
were repulsed with great slaughter by the
garrison, aided by a battery of 7o's and the
2nd Cavalry Division from Toul. The same
fate befell a final German charge on the 13th,
and they were at last compelled to give up
the attack on the fort, in front of wliich they
lost from seven to ten thousand men, and to
retire on the frontier.
On September 20 they reoccupied Thiau-
court (often confounded, even in the official
reports, with Triaucourt, in the Argonne)
and once more advanced on the line of fortresses
and began a fresh bombardment of Troyon,
Les Paroches, and the Camp des Romains,
from a front extending north and south in
front of them, between Tresauvaux and
Heudicourt, a distance of about 12 miles. In
the covu-se of the next few days, as the result
of flank attacks on the ^Nletz army by the
garrison of Toul from the south and the garrison
of Verdun from the north, coupled with a
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
427
FRENCH ARTILLERY IN NORTHERN FRANCE.
Firing a heavy gun at a German position. The report from these guns is so terrific that some of
the gunners have to protect their ears. Many have been rendered completely deaf.
determined advance of the Germans in the
centre, the dispositions of their troops were
altered till they took the double alignment that
came to be known as the St. Mihiel pocket or
wedge, from which there was to be no material
change for a period of many weeks. The effect
of the change was that the German front was
pushed forwards from the Thiaucourt-Fresnes
line (the 17 mile base of the triangle of which
St. Mihiel is the apex) so as to occupy the two
sides of the triangle, St. Miliiel-Fresnes and
St. Miliiel-Thiaucourt, each 14 miles long.
This advance was not due to any defeat of
the French in the Woevre. It simply meant
that the Germans marched forwards as far
as they could, till they were brought up short
by the fire of the forts along the line of the
Mense and the line of the Second French Army,
almost at right angles to it, wliich extended
from the Meuse north of Commercy to the
frontier north-east of Nancy. Their position
then was that they still had to reckon with
Troyon, the Camp des Romains, and the other
forts before they could hope to cross the Meuse,
and that they also had to guard their left
flank fron^ the army of General do Castelnau
to the south. Their double front was not
therefore a matter of their own choosing.
It was imposed upon theixi by the disposition
of the French lines of defence, which was in
part due to the fact that before the war began
the Gennans had trespassed on the neutral
zone established and respected by the French.
At the same time the loss of St. Miliiel was
obviously not a part of the French programme.
It appears to have been due to a miscalculation
on their part. They were said, rightly or
wrongly, to have come to the conclusion that
the enemy, discouraged by the heavy losses
they had suffered, had given up the idea of
crossing the Meuse. At all events, it was
thought safe to move a number of battalions
away from the river to reinforce the troops
on the Moselle and to the east of it where there
were signs of an impending German advance.
Intelligence of what had happened was quickly
carried to the enemy, and while the French
ri"ht was engaged beyond Champenoux and
its^eft was pushing back the main body of
the 14th German Army Corps on the Rupt de
Mud, the movement was made which resulted
in the occupation of St. Mihiel. The right wing
of the Army of Mete executed a bold flank
march up the left or north bank of the Mad,
and the advance guard on arriving at St.
Mihiel foiuid that it was empty of Frencli
troops. I'rac'tically without opi)osition they
had [lenetrated into the heart of the barrier
4-28
THE TIMES HJSTOliY OE THE WAR.
SCEUR JULIE AND MONSIEUR
DOMINIQUE BONNARD.
Soeur Julie received the Cross of the Legion of
Honour for her courage and devotion to duty.
of fortresses, midway between Verdun and
Toul.
The next thing was to cross the Mense.
On the evening of September 25 the main
body of their army reached the right barJc,
to the north of tlie to^^•n. To resist them
there was on the other side of the river a single
battaUon of Territorials, but no artillery.
The French troops managed, however, to
delay their advance as long as dayUght
lasted, and diu"ing the night, thoiigh they
were in a minority of one to ten, with
rifle-fire only they prevented the German
engineers from making a pontoon-bridge.
Early on the morning of the 26th the position
suddenly changed. The enemy placed Sonne
heavy gims on the right bank, and after that
further resistance was useless. The French
artillerymen in the Camp des Romains were
unable, o\\ing to the intervem'ng heights, to
bring an effective fire to bear on the troops
crossing the river, the Territorials were obliged
to fall back, carrying their wounded with them,
• and by midday the Germans were across the
Mouse, marcliing in the direction of the valley
of the Aire. At la.st it must have seemed to
them that the moment had come when their
dreams of encircling Verdun were on the point
of being realized. The French, however, were
fully alive to the gravity of the situation, and
two forces were hurrying to dispute the enemy's
advance. From the north General Sarrail.
who was pushing the Crown Prince's Army
before him towards the Argonne, was able to
detach a body of cavalry to hold them in check.
But the main work fell on the shoulders of the
20th Army Corps who had hastily been ordered
back from Champenoux when the news of
St. ISIiliiel was received. Fresh from their
engagement in Lorraine they marched through
the night of the 25th and the morning and
afternoon of the next day, and at 5 o'clock in
the evening their advance guard of cavalry
which had crossed the Meuse at I^erouville,
just above Commercj', got into touch with the
enemy some miles to the north in the vallej- of
the Aire. The dragoons attacked at once with
mitrailleuses, and so gave time, first for the
artillery and then for the infantry to come up
to their support. Tliree times the Germans
made ^■iolent attempts to dislodge them from
tlie heights of the Aire, but all tliree, after
furious fighting, were repulsed, and during
the night, after suffering severe losses, the
enemy were obliged to fall back on the Meuse.
The bold attempt of the Metz Army to come
to the help of the Crown Prince had failed. All
that they could do was to entrench themselves
at St. Mihiel (still keeping their footing in the
part of the town on the left bank of the river)
and from there continue their bombardment
of the French forts. The Camp des Romains
(the nearest of them, and, for their piirjDose, the
most important) they completely destroyed,
the garrison being compelled to surrender after
a most gallant resistance. This, or rather the
new fort which they constriicted close to it,
since notliing was left of the old, made theii-
position in St. Miliiel secure, and for the next
few months .all the attempts of the French to
dislodge them were unsuccessful. But the
strategic advantage that they gained by their
continued occvipation of the point at the end
of the St. ]\Iihiel wedge was always doubtful.
It enabled them to keep vmder (but not to take)
Troyon, Les Paroches, and the rest of the
lesser Meuse forts, and to bombard open towns
and villages like Sampigny and Lerouvillc.
But it also, as was said in 2' he Times,
THE TIMES HISTOBY OF THE WAR.
4-29
ARTILLERY DUEL IN THE AR(iONNE.
Cleverly concealed Erench batteries replying to the German guns, which directed a searciiing
shrapnel fire.
430
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
GERMAN MOUNTS IN HIDDEN STABLES IN THE ARGONNE.
Each horse has a tent to protect it from the cold ; the tent is covered with branches to hide it
from the enemy.
kept a large part of their force in a
position of considerable danger ; all through
the winter the trenches forming the legs of the
compasses of which St. IVIihiel was the pivot,
were gradually closing in on them and im-
perilling their chances of retreat in case it was
forced upon them.
On the west side of the Meuse th^ other
effort to invest Verdun had proved equally
unsuccessful. At first things went well for the
Crown Prince's army, though it was said that
his Imperial father was seriously annoyed at
his prolonged failure to reduce the fort of
Longwy and by the great number of lives that
were sacrificed before it fell. Still, fall it did,
on August 27, after a siege of 24 days, in spite
of the splendid defence of its commander,
Colonel Darche, and its garrison of only one
battalion, and from then till September 7 the
Crown Prince and his army shared in the
general triumphant advance of the German
centre and right. He had under him the
XVI., XVIII., and XXI. Army Corps, on his
right the Duke of Wm-temberg, commanding
the IV., XI. and XIII. Corps, in front of Mm
General Sarrail and the VI. and VIII. French
Corps. On the day after the fall of Long^vy
these two German armies, tlie 4th and oth,
erossed the Meuse at Mezeires, Sedan, and
Stenay, 50, 40, and 25 miles nearly due north of
Verdun, the armies of Langle de Cary and
Sarrail retiring before them. On the same day,
the 28th, the Crown Prince reached Dun, five
miles liigher up the INIeuse, on September I
Clermont in the Argonne, 14 miles west of
Verdun, and on the 3rd Ste. Menehould, a little
further west, on the opposite edge of the forest
of the Argonne, halfway between Verdun and
Chalons, with the Duke of Wurtemberg's army
always on his right, between Ste. Menehould
and Reims. Two days later, after what was
known as the battle ol Reims, the French fell
back still fiu-ther, but on September 6 the
retreat from the ]\Ieuse to the Marne had almost
reached its furthest limit. The Crown Prince's
army was now occupying a front of about
' 20 miles, from a point south-west of Verdun
and quite close to it as far as Revigny, just short
of Bar-le-Duc, facing almost due east, with
Sarrail between him and the ^leuse, and on his
right the Gtemian 4th army extended west-
wards past Vitry-le-Fran9ois on the Marne,
facing rather more to the south. The loop
round Verdun and on both sides of the Verdim-
Toul line was now nearly completed ; the only
opening in it was the 30-mile stretch to the
south, between Bar-le-Duc and Toul.
But here, too, just as on September 26, in the
valley of the Aire, after the Germans crossed the
Meuse at St. Mihiel, the cup was snatched from
their lips at the last moment. The retreat of
the French was over. The time for the advance
had come, and while Troyon was being bom-
barded on the east bank of the Meuse they
began to drive the enemy northwards towards
the Aisne in two divisions, one each side of
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
431
Bar-le-Duc. To the west of the town they
pursued them hotly past the forest of the
Three Fountains and Revigny, across the
Ornain to the forest of Belnoue ; to the east
they forced them to abandon the line of the
Saulx, which they had strongly entrenched, and
followed them up past Vavincourt, and then
on to the forest of Argonne, where the whole
German line split in two, like a torrent dashed
against a huge rock in mid-stream, and flowed
on right and left, leaving the plateau liigh and
dry in the centre. From this time onwards
there was constant fighting in and round the
forest — an arduous campaign of fierce combats
in which the French showed extraordinary
patience and pertina3ity, and the enemy an
equally dogged spirit of resistance. The local
conditions are difificult in the extreme. The
forest is a narrow rocky plateau, about 30 miles
long by 8 wide, in the angle between the Aisne
and its tributary the Aire. Its shelv-ing slopes
are covered with den' e masses of oak, beech,
and hornbeam, and a very thick undergrowth,
broken only by occasional glades and sides and
hardly any roads. It runs nearly due north
and south, and as a rule is highest on its east
side, from which a number of small burns,
rimning at the bottom of deep-cut ravines with
precipitous sides sometimes 150 feet high, drop
down into the Aire. The road and railway
between Ste. Menehould and Clermont, wliich
lie opposite to each other on its left and right
borders, about on a level with Verdun, divide
the forest into two nearly equal parts. Five
or six miles north of this road is another,
between Vierme-la-Ville (just below Vienne-la-
IN THE ARGONNE DISTRICT.
A French outpost in the woods around Bagatelle. Inset : In a German trench. The wire netting seen
above is used as a protection against hand-grenades.
e
3
o
u
e
u
4>
a
u
u
a
on
u
z
Z u
ai
J3
o
e
Z JS
■a
2;
o
a
■OS
9
-a
a
-J s
c ^
en
JS
o
c
432
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
433
Cliateaii) and Varennes, in a part of tlie forest
known as the Bois de la Grurie, and two miles
above this again a rough track, too small for
wheeled traffic, which runs left to right from
Servon to Montblainville. One or two other
places that were constantly referred to in the
official accounts of the Argonne operations
from September to February are, on the Vienne-
Varennes road, La Harazee, the Four de Paris,
and la Barricade, and, bet\\een Servon and
Montblainville, the Pavilion of Bagatelle — tiny
little hamlets, gamekeepers' cottages, and
roijfless slieds, but none the less important
landmarks in the intricate story of the fighting
in the forest.
On September 15 the Germans were on oppo-
site sides of the forest, at Vienne-la-Ville
and Varennes, nine miles apart. The French
threw themselves into the interior between these
tMO positions with the object of preventing
communication between them and eventualh-
of enveloping one or the other, and entrenched
tlie space between the two roads, a rectangle of
about nine miles by three, the right side of
which, from Bagatelle, past a little hovel called
St. Hubert and Fontaine Madame to Barricade,
faced the east section of the German Army at
Varennes, while the left faced the enemy along
the line Binarville-Servon-Vienne. In this
tiny theatre of war, in spite of constant en-
counters of the fiercest description, the relative
positions remained practically unchanged from
the end of September all through the winter
months. On the west side of the rectangle,
where they had to deal as well with the French
troops posted at Melzicourt, at the jiuiotion of
t)>e Aisne and the Tombe, the Germans were
never able to encroach on the forest. Their
thief efforts were all made on the other side,
fr()n\ their position between Varennes and
Mon blainville. As the result of a series of
det3rmined attacks between October .3 and
October 20 the XVI. Army Corijs, forming
part of the Crown Prince's army, succeeded at
last in forcing their way at this point into the
Bois de la Grurie between the two roads. On
the 12th they took Bagatelle and on the ir)th
St. Hubert and the Barricade. From here
they advanced along the lower or Varennes-
Vienne road to within a quarter of a mile of
tlie Fom- de Paris, and extending their left front,
occupied the Bois Bolante and Bois de la
Chalade, just south of the road.
Then came the French riposte. From Octo-
ber 21, all through November, they fought their
way steadily back, with infinite determination
and great gallantry, through these four or five
miles of bloodstained forest, till on the 29th,
after six weeks of charge and counter-charge,
they once more reached Bagatelle and occupied
tlie same front as in the middle of September,
except that the enemy still had a footing at
Barricade. During December, January, and
February fighting of this kind went on day
after day with hardly a break, and still with no
modification of the rectangle of forest held by
the French. But though they could claim
nothing tangible in the way of an advance
since September 15 they had gained here, as on
the whole of the rest of the front, one enormous
advantage. They still had to turn the enemy
out of their two positions— especially that
l)etween \^arennes and Montblainville — but on
the whole, as compared with the first weeks of
the war, it was they and not the Germans who
\\ere the attacking partj-.
The moral as well as military importance
of this bouleversement of the original con-
ditions was immense. It was won by
heroic perseverance on the part of all
the troops engaged, including the gallant
Garibaldian contingent, which fought for a
long time in this district. Much of the fighting
consisted of attacks and counter-attacks on
trenches extraordinarily close to one another,
especially in the Bois Bolante, where they were
often only from ten yards to the length of a
cricket-pitch apart. These attacks were
generally preceded by the explosion of mines,
to the making of which the clayey soil — though
an added difficulty in the way of infantry
charges — was admirably adapted. In the re-
treat before the battle of the Marne, no less
than at the critical moment when they stood
with their backs to the Meuse before they in
turn became the pursuers, the army of General
Sarrail show-ed all the traditional qualities of
the French soldier. But the finest, as it was
the most anxious and trying, work that they
did during the first six months of the war was
the trench-to-trench struggle in those few
square miles of deep ravines and trackless
thickets, the short furious bursts and rushes
and the patient sapping and mining of the
hiind-man's-buff fighting in the Forest of the
Argonne.
To the west of the Argonne and the Third
Army there were at the time of the retreat to
the Marne three other French armies between
General Sarrail and the British Expeditionary
434
THE TIMES HlSTOIiY OF THE WAl!.
Force, those of General Langle de Gary, General
Foch and General Franchet d'Esperey. Unlike
the first three armies they had no concern with
the line of frontier fortresses. They were
defending the heart of France, the huge open
roIUng plain of Champagne, in the district
north of Chalons and east of Reims. There is
one obvious difference between it and the
country farther east which had a direct bearing
on the course of the war. The big rivers, the
Seine, the Mame and the Aisne, run from west
to east, instead of from south to north like the
Meuse, the IMoselle, and the ^Vlortagne. In the
plains through which they flow there are no
steep bhiffs and deep-cut ravines, and no
forestS; but numbers of httle fir woods, of geo-
metric regularity, with wide, bare spaces
between them. The soil is dry and chalky,
and the work of digging trenches corresponding-
ly easy. The villages on the watercourses in
the hollows of the wide, shallow valleys can be
seen from great distances, and for the same
reason the movements of troops are both
difficult and costly.
The distance due north from Chalons on the
Marne to Rethel on the Aisne is about 30 miles ;
Reims lies halfway between them, a little to
the west of the direct line from river to river.
On September 6 the Duke of A^'urtemberg and
General von Hansen, commanding respectively
the IVth, Xlth, and Xlllth Army Corps and
the Xllth, XlXth and the Guard, occupied
a front of 50 miles extending from Revigny,
past Vitry-le-Fran9ois and the Camp de Mailly,
which is about 20 miles south of Chalons, to
the plateau of Sezanne. On the next two days
the French in front of them retreated still
farther south, but on September 9 General
Foch, reinforced bj?^ the Xth Army Corps (part
of the army of General Franchet d'Esperey)
repulsed an attack of General von Hansen and
the Prussian Guard, pushing them back on
Vitry-le-Frangois. On the 11th there was a
general advance all along the line, and tliree
days later the French had driven General
von Hansen and the Dulce of Wurtemberg back
more than 30 miles across the plain to a position
north of Reims (which they re-occupied on the
14th) and to Souain. This village, which lies
just above the Camp de Chalons, about inidway
between Reims and the German position at
Vienne in the Forest of the Argonne, became
from that time the centre of most of the fighting
in the Champagne district. Between it and
the Forest of the Argonne the railway from
\'ouzieres to Ste. Menehould runs up the valley
of the Aisne, skirting the west edge of the
forest. At the north end of the forest, in the
narrow passage which separates it from the
Forest of Boule, a branch line from this railway
follows the channel of the Aire southwards
along the east side of the Argonne to the other
German position at Montblainville. The pos-
session of this passage, wliich is called the Gap
of Grand-Pre, was therefore of great strategical
importance, and became the chief French
objective in this direction,, so as to force the
enemy away from the Forest of the Argonne.
On September 19 they repelled a strong German
attack on their centre and succeeded in taking
Souain, but after that the position remained
stationary all through October and November,
the French line extending from Souain and the
neighbouring village of Perthe les Hurlus. past
Ville-sur-Tourbe to join, on the other side of
the forest. General Sarrail's front reaching as
far as Charny and Eix, a few miles north and
north-east of Verdun. From December on-
wards there was almost daily fighting round
Souain, Perthe-les-Hiu-lus, Tahiu-e, Beausejour
and Le Mesnil, all within a iew miles of each
other. Great slaughter and little progress
(though what there was was in fa\"our of the
French and towards the north) was the story
of the fighting here through December, January
and Februarj-, in which months the Germans
alone lost 10,000 men. The severity of the
struggle was a clear proof of the importance of
the position in the eyes of both of the com-
batants. The Germans probably felt that a
French advance here, if it reached the Gap of
Grand-Pre, would so seriously threaten their
lines of communication that it might prove the
beginning of that piercing of their line which,
since the battle of the Aisne and the beginning
of the war of trenches, had necessarily become
the chief object of the Allies — and the chief
fear of the enemy.
For the conditions of the war had by now
completely changed. Not only in the north of
Champagne and in the Argonne, but east of
Verdun, between the Meuse and the Moselle,
in the valley of the ^Moselle towards Metz, and
all along the frontier to the Vosges, the first
force of the characteristic Germanic invasion
had spent itself. Everywhere the Germans
were besieged, and their efforts to advance
became more like the sorties of a beleaguered
garrison than the impetuous onrushes of an
army of attack. Even in the AA'oevre and the
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
435
St. Mihiel wedge, in spite of their apparently
tlireatening position, it was their lines much
more than Verdun that were in a state of siege.
Verdun, indeed, in spite of numerous German
statements to the contrary, had not been
besieged at all. General Sarrail, believing
strongly in the maxim, " ville assiegee, ville
prise," had seen to that, by extending its
fortifications many miles in advance of the
original zone. But though the day of the old-
fashioned rampart had gone, the value as well
as the power of artillery had enormously
increased, and the guns on both sides played a
prominent part in the autumn and winter
operations. A good idea of the way in which
they were employed, and of the ordinary life
of the infantry when not actually in the trenches
was given in an article written by the Paris
correspondent of The Times, in which he
described a visit to Verdun in December :
Verdun, he wrote, summarizes a development in the
art of siege operations. It is a walled, battlemented city,
with moat, drawbridges, and portcullis, protected by an-
outer ring of forts, which were modern a few months ago.
Now every height and every valley in the country for
20 miles aroinid has been so laboured at that there are
fields ploughed by trenches and hillsides so closely dotted
with short poles supporting barbed wire that they recall
the vineyards of Champagne when the vines have been
cut in the autumn.
In the valleys through which we passed on our way
to a vantage point in the Meuse heights from which to
survey an artillery duel in progress we gained more
clearly than in the plains of Flanders some idea of the way
in which war is a test of national efficiency, and the
completeness with which an army is self-contained.
Regiinents were at work making new roads and remaking
old where they were worn by the constant stream of
food and ammunition convoys, of artillery on the march,
of rushing motor-cars, and of ponderously moving heavy
g\ms. In the woods other regiments were felling trees,
clearing the fire-zone of some hidden battery. Others
were weaving twigs into basliets wliich, filled with earth,
will strengthen the scattered defences. In the liilU
others, again, were cutting the trunks of young trees
into stakes for barbed ^^'ire entanglements, preparing
planks for the roofing of trenches, or for the manufacture
of hospital beds, or for the construction of the niar-
vellous winter dwellings which the handy soldier of
Franco is building for himself in these exposed regions.
Gazing from the observation station the eye was
caught here and there by clusters of men busy as bees.
White ribbon-like roads were speckled with slowly,
moving dots of motor convoys, of the ever gay-hearted
French artilleryman going or returning from his posi-
tion in the battery emplacements, constructed with
marvellous skill by French engineers in the exposed
hillsides around Verdun.
By giving free rein to the initiative and constructive
abilities of the private in the Frencli artillery, the whole
of this section of the front is dotted with charming
artillery " garden cities," made by the men themselves
without any supervision from their officers. A huge
scoop is taken out of the wooded, sandy hillside and the
\illage nestles right into the heart of the hill. About
FRENCH GUNNERS AT WORK.
The famous 75 mm. gun in action in the Argonne Forest.
4^C,
THE TIMES HISTOUY OF THE WAB.
it is a firorowned crest over \vl;ic!i the guns firo at
point " 4ti " on " X " lull some mile.-- away. Below
it stretches a valley flaked with the blue smoke of the
soldier-woodmen's fires. Over the distant range of hills
float-; a captive balloon. Here and there is a glmt of sun
upon the wings of a speeding aeroplane. The battery
itself contributes nothing to the general view. Its
four gun.=, each in its little stall of turf, are covered with
branches of spruce. The cottages of the men are built
of straw or covered with the branches of trees and are
lost in the general covmtryside. When wo approached
the " village " the men tumbled out of the porches and
lined up for inspection by the General. They seemed
At first sight to be the only sign of war in the whole
valley. It was perfectly preposterous to think that at
any moment a distant thud and a strange whistling
■sound would either send everybody scuttling to splinter-
proof shelters or to the removal of the spruce branches
in front of the battery and the dispatch of several tons
of steel and explosives towards the distant, unseen, and
tnysterious point " 4G " far awaj' on the other side of the
hill. An artiUery duel is a curious affair.
Climbing higher up the hillside — indeed quite to the
very crest of the range — we had a wider view of the
battlefield of the Meuse, which stretches, taking the
German line, from Vauquois, through the Bois de Mont-
tancon to the north-east, through Flabas to Azannes,
then south to Ornes to the east of £tain, then south-west
to Maizeray, then south-west to Les Epargos, thence
almost in a straight line through Amorville to St. Mihiel.
From the point upon which we were standing, facing
north-east, a ragged white line in the plain marked the
German trenches. Behind it, across the wood of IMont-
faucon, set like a piece of jade in the silver of innumerable
lakes and streams, rose the pointed spire of ]\Iontfaucon,
its outline blurred by a cloud of smoke hanging over the
village. The sound of guns firing upon Montfaucon was
mnftied by the cushion of the intervening hill and forest.
Never was there such a pleasantly peaceful afternoon.
Suddenly, with a soaring roar over the woods in the
foreground, four shells from the battery near which we
stood sped out towards the hidden Germans. It all
seemed very aimless until General Sarrail,- pointing
overhead, explained this sudden activity. An aeroplane
wr>rking with this battery had transmitted by wireless
IN THE CHAMPAGNE DISTRICT.
French soldiers searching for Germans in a
village farmhouse.
the result of its reconnaissance. Little speckq of lij^ht,
such as splinter the darkness of the night on an overhead
electric tramway, showed bright even against the day-
light sky as battery after battery came into action. All
seemed as if anxious to join in the conversation — bass,
alto and tenor mado their voices heard — and down in
the jjlain along the tree-lined roa<! the men in the trenches
stopped their game of dominoes and prepared to add an
asthmatic soprano of musketry to the general '^horu.s.
Day and night this apparently aimless artillery duel
fills the hills with the sound of the banging of big gongs.
Day and night French cavolry patrol the two neutral
zones, the no-n^an's land left between Etain and Haute-
Cour, between Hermevillc and Warcq, watching for
any sign of advance by the enemy through these two
inviting corridors, stumbling every now and again upon
a German patrol engaged upon the same mission, and
adding their weekly quota to the list of killed and
wounded.
It is the men in the trenches who are giving Verdun
her elbow room. It is the artillery which renders their
existence possible.
Tt was the same story all along tlie line. The
men in t'le trenches gave Verdun and Toul
and Epinal and Belfort elbow room, and the
artillery made their existence possible. As the
result of their combined operations the Germans
were everywhere pressed slowly back, or at least
prevented fron^ advancing, through the five
months from October to February. Between
\'erdun and the Vosges this pressure on the
enemy's Unes was most severe at certain point."^
of particular strategic value. Thus in the
Woevre, though it was kept up without inter-
mission on both sides of the St. IMihiel wedge,
it was most vigorous in the neighbourhood of
liltain, on the line between Fresnes and St.
Mihiel, and on the southern side of the wedge at
the forest of Apremont and the Bois de Mort-
Mare, a little south of Thiaucovui;. The
reasons for this were two-fold. It was never
the French policy to clear the enemy out of the
Woevre by hammering at the point of the
wedge. The strength of the fort in the Camp
des Remains, close to St. Mihiel, made its
western extremity almost impregnable, except
a the cost of very heavy losses. Their main
idea, therefore, was to compel the Germans to
evacuate St. Mihiel and the Camp des Romains
by bringing lateral presstore to bear at the other
end of the two sides, so as to press them to-
gether hke the legs of a pair of compasses.
At the same time they \\ ished to get at the
strategic railway by which the enemy brought
their supplies to St. Mihiel througli the Trouee
de Spada. The fighting was therefore most
severe at the points wliich best lent themselves
to the prosecution of these two objects, both of
which were intended to compel the retreat of
the Germans from the point of the wedge.
North of Nancy there was in the same way a
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
481
prolonged succession of infantry and artillery
engagements all through the winter, near Pont-
a-Mousson, in the Bois le Pretre. Very slowly,
foot by foot and trench by trench, and not
without splendid courage and many costly
rebuffs, the French fought their way through
the wood, and therefore along the valley of the
Moselle, towards Metz. Measured in miles,
or even yards, the advantage gained, at great
expense, was trifling. But it prepared the way
for a possible advance on the fortress in that
direction, and at the same time pressed the
enemy bac^k towards the frontier, in the same
way as the less well known operations lower
down ill the forest of Pasroy, and in front of
Badonviller. As the Germans were actually
at first, and technically afterwards, the attack-
ing force, they could hardly look upon the
general result of the winter campaign on this
part of the line as satisfactory. They had
killed or deported as Hostages a large number
BARBED WIRE DEFENCES IN FRANCE.
French sentry in his dugout behind entanglements
on a main road. Inset : Bringing in the wounded
in the Argonne.
of innocent non-combatants, and had pillaged
and bvu-nt the villages and towns in which they
lived, and they had driven back the French
aniij' which tried to invade Lorraine. But at
the end of February they were almost as far
from their original goal as they were before the
war began, and much further from it than at the
end of August.
Alsace and the Vosges.
In Alsace and the Vosges they fared still
worse, since here the French had still a strong
footing, though their positions were not as far
advanced as they were at the beginning of the
war, when at one time they penetrated within
ten miles of the Rhine. For this partial
retirement there were two reasons. It was
due, in the first part of the campaign, to mis-
takes of generalship which followed on the
brilliant opening. After the first occupation of
Miilhausen, the French retreated because they
were obliged to by a defeat on the spot. They
fell back from Miilhausen the second time
because of the reverses suffered further nortli, at
Morhange and elsewhere, as the result of which
General Joffre decided to reduce the size of tlie
army in Alsace, so as to concentrate stronger
forces at the points where the need for the time
being was greatest. In subsequent operations
during the course of the \\'inter on practically
every occasion when the French withdrew
nearer to their own frontier, they did so in
order to avoid useless loss of life in holding
438
THE TIMKS HISTORY OF THE WAR.
ptxsitions not so strong or so strategically
important as others further back.
From a mihtary point of view the campaign
in Alsace up to the end of February was not
of great importance. There was plenty of liard
fighting in the Vosges and the long narrow
plateau, twenty miles across, between them and
the Rhine, but neither side made use of such
large bodies of troops as were employed along
the rest of the front. The moral effect, how-
ever, of the continued PVench occupation of
part of the annexed province w-as considerable
in both coimtries. The French were elated and
the Germans proportionately depressed by the
partial undoing of one of the visible results of
the war of 1870. In Alsace itself the behaviour
of the Germans greatly increased the disUke
with which they were already regarded by a
large part of the inhabitants. In the big
towns, from the beginning of the war, they
systematically kept them in a state of complete
ignorance of everything that did not tell in their
favour. In MUlhausen, for instance, and also in
jVIetz and Strassburg, the news of the battle of
the Marne and of everj^ other success of the
Allies was carefully concealed, and on the other
hand the extent of German triumphs was
greatly exaggerated. Spies and informers made
life intolerable for all who were suspected of
pro -French sympathies, and even the speaking
of French was automatically suspended, as it
was certain to lead to denunciation. No one
dared to risk it. When the German troops came
back to Miilhausen after the first occupation,
they proceeded to round up two or three
hundred of the male inliabitants who were
foreigners, including a large nmnber of French
Alsatians, and imprisoned them for varj'ing
periods in the interior of Germany. There
Mere people of all classes and ages among them,
rich manufacti.u'ers and poor artizans, old and
young, and all were treated with the same
callous inhumanity (their only crime being
that they were not Germans),- except that the
handful of English, whatever their station,
were bvillied and browbeaten more than the
rest and set to tio the most degrading tasks.
On the evening of their arrest, before they were
taken away from Miilhausen, the whole body of
the prisoners were suddenly ordered to form
themselves into ranks, and the first rank were
then placed against a wall opposite to a few
files of soldiers who M-ent through the motions
of loading and presenting their rifles. The
unfortunate men naturally concluded that their
last hour had come, wlien suddenly the oflficfp
who was presiding over the heartless ceremoiij
stepped forward and explained brutally that
now they knew what would happen to theni if
they showed any signs of insubordination.
In all the sliameful story of the callous cruelty
of the Germans during the war it would be
difficult to find a more glaring example of I he
way in which the lust of conquest had blinded
a part of the nation to the most elementary
principles of right and wrong.
After the second retreat from Miilhausen the
army of Alsace, very much weakened l)y the
removal of some of its units to different parts
of the frontier, proceeded to entrench itself in
front of Belfort along a line of about 25 miles,
starting from Thann at the foot of the Vosges,
and passing between Dannemarie and Altkircli
to Moos, near the jimction of the Frencli,
German and Swiss frontiers. Supported by
the garrison of Belfort they held this line all
through the autimin, in spite of many deter-
mined efforts to dislodge them, besides making
it the base for constant reconnaissances in force,
which sometimes advanced 20 miles into the
enemy's country. During the winter, when
the rain-soaked ground l:)egan to make mana:'u-
\Tes of this kind ahnost impossible, in order to
avoid wintering in the open country and
because of the floods which threatened to cut
them off from their base of supply, they fell
back a little nearer to Belfort, on the railway
between Daiuiemarie and Pfetterhausen, in the
A'allej? of the Largue. The enemy, who com-
manded the railway north of Pfirt by Altkirch
to Miilhausen, and from there to Cernay, did
not suffer from the same difficulties of transport,
and were able to occupy tlie various positions
as they were evacuated by the French, but
only after they had retired of their own accord.
Not one of them ^^•as taken by assault, and
through most of December there was hardlj-
any fighting in Haute Alsace beyond trifling
skirmishes and affairs between the outposts.
But about Christmas snow began to fall, and
as soon as the frost had made marcliing more
possible the French resumed the offensive.
They had in the meantime received reinforce-
ments, consisting partly of Alpine troojis who
were used to manoeuvring in the snow, and
they succeeded quickly in gaining several
important strategic jjositions near Steinbach
and Altkirch, from which they w^ere able to
tlu-eaten IVIiilhausen from two directions at
once. To this the Germans replied by bringing
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
439
down fresh troops from the north of France
and strengthening their artillery, which up to
that time had been rather weak. From now
onwards the campaign in Haute Alsace settled
down for the most part into tiie stubborn
snails pace warfare of the trenches. But every
now and then there \\ere exceptions. Between
Deceiliber 27 and January 8 there was fierce
fighting for the possession <>f tlie point 425
r.ear Cernay. and the Germans finally succeeded
by a characteristic attack in column, in estab-
lishing themselves on the side of the hill.
Another position in the same district, a sliort
distance farther to the north, a few miles above
Thann, which became the centre of a prolonged
struggle, was the hill of Hartmannsweilerkopf,
2,8G8 feet above the level of the sea. At the
end of December the Germans held the east
slope and the French the west. In the first
days of the new year the French captured the
.sunuuit, and established on it a post of about
one company in strength. A German detach-
ment of two battalions was ordered to dislodge
them. Approaching the hill from the east,
they attacked two bodies of French troops,
first at Hirzenstein, to the south of their
objt'Ctive, and then in the depression between
Hartmaiuisweilerkopf and Molkenrein, another
steep mountain a mile or two to the west of it,
a dangerous but clever movement which was
rewarded with success. The small detachment
of Alpine troops on the top of Hartmanns-
weilerkojjf was thijs completely cut oE from
its base, but for several days from their strongly
entrenched position kept up a gallant fight
against the much stronger force of the enemy.
At last about 40 of the chasseurs, mounted on
skis, determined to make a sortie and try to
join the main body. The order was given to
fix bayonets, and, headed by two officers, \\itli
loud cries of " Vive la France," the little body
of heroes ghssaded down over the frozen snow
right, into the middle of the enemy. At the
end of a few minutes of fierce hand to hand
fighting not a single Frenchman was left alive.
The rest of the company at the top of the hill
fought on bravelv till two-thirds of tlieir number
and all of their ammunition was gone, and then
were finally' overcome. For the time being
Hartmannsweilerkopf was lost to the Frs^neh,
but they still held the almost impregnable
mountain of Molkenrein, the chief peak of the
di.strict, 3,375 feet high, close to it, and effec-
tually barring the entrance to the middle and
upper parts of the valley.
From the end of Januarv onwards both sides
CHASSEURS ALPINS NEGOTIATING A MOUNTAIN STREAM
440
THE TIMES HISTOHY OF THE WAR.
tnade several attacks in various parts of Alsace
without gaining any material advantage.
Cernay, Miilhausen, and the Rhine-Rhone canal
were the chief objectives of the French ; the
most vigorous fighting was round Altkirch.
between Aspach and Heidweiler, to the north
(if the t >un, and in the forest of Hirzbach, just
south of it. The affair at Aspach wa,s par-
ticularlj' violent, and in the end the French,
as the result of a brilliant bayonet charge,
succeeded in establishing themselves well in
front of their original position. Generally
speaking, the fighting in the rest of Alsace up
to the end of February consisted chiefly of a
violent series of artillery duels, though even
these were conducted with great difficulty
owing to the flooded state of the country. Both
sides were waiting for the spring to come, and
there was little change in the relative position.s
of the two armies. But the net result was in
favour of the French. They held not only the
crests of the Vosges, but the valleys running
down through them to the plain of the Rhine,
and at the lower ends of the valleys they
continued to resist successfully the efforts of
the Germans to force a way up them into
France. South of the range they had estab-
lished a strong line across the entrance to the
Trouee of Belfort, and by advancing towards
Miilhausen and Altkirch had practically shut
them out from any hope they might have had
of making a direct attack on the famous fortress.
Before the coming of spring, therefore, it
seemed likely that Belfort (which was further
protected by many miles of newly constructed
entrenchments) would remain, as in 1870,
unsubdued and even unattacked.
But that was the one solitary point in which
there was any resemblance at all between the
state of affairs in 1870 and at the beginning of
1915. Everything else was diiferent, and the
whole of the change was strongly in fav-our of
France and her allies. The Germans had come
once again, but they had not conquered. The
France that they found this time was a united
France, headed by a united Government, and
defended by a united anny — an army purged
of its incompetent officers, biu-ning with
indignation at the wanton attack that had been
made upon the freedom of France and of
Europe, and unflinching in its resolve to fight
and to go on fighting, no matter how great the
cost, till all fears of another such attack were
at an end.
rffi ^ -li^ "
x
(C^^^
s>
^ ,^^
•^^
/
>r '-^-
4/
Frnncp a'^'hi) fires pric h-s
Facsimile of official vise of the Mayor of Eadonviller, Monsieur Benoit, on
the passport of the "Times" special correspondent in the East of France.
Badonviller was three times occupied by the Germans, who took away all
the official stamps of the town except the one pictured above, which is
that of the " Tueries," a local slaughter-house. The wife of the N.'ayor
(whose signature forms part of the iist) was shot by the Germans in the
street before his eyts.
CHAPTER LXII.
THE BATTLE OF YPRES
(FIRST PHASE).
The Opening Moves of the Battle of Ypres — The French Advance to Roulers, and the
British on Menin and Lille — Duke of Wurtemberg Heavily Reinforced — Victory of the
Germans at Roulers — Arrival of Sir Douglas Haig and I. Corps — Situation on October 19
The Field of Battle — Strong and Weak Points of the Ai.lied Position — Attempt of
Sir Douglas Haig to Break the German Centre North of the Lys — The Allies Obliged to
Fight a Defensive Battle — Le Gheir Lost — General Hunter-Weston Retakes it on the
21st The Battle of October 22 ; Retirement of Sir Horace Smith-Dorrien to the Line
Givenchy-Neuve Chapelle-Fauquissart ; Cavalry Corps Reinforced by Indian Infantry ;
The 7th Infantry Division in Danger ; The Line of the I. Corps Broken near Pilkem —
Battle of October 23 ; The British Drive Back the Germans and Save the Day — Arrival
OF French 9th Coups.
WHILE, as related in Chapter LIV.,
the Duke of Wurtemberg from
October 16 to 23 was struggling m
face of the Belgian Army and
Ronarc'h's Marines to cross the Yser, a battle
of the most desperate natiire was proceeding
from Dixmude to Armentieres and trom
Armentieres to La Bassee. It arose out of the
efforts of the Allies to take the initiative against
the Germans.
The plan of campaign adopted by Joffre and
French was to fight a defensive battle with the
left wing of their armies on the Yser and to
attack with their centre in front of Ypres and
with their right south of the Lys On the
17th, when the Germans were shelling the
Belgians in the villages east of the Yser,
the cavalry of De Mitry cleared the Forest of
Houthulst of the Germans ; the 3rd British
Cavalry Division extended its left to West-
roosebeke and its right to Droogonbroodlioek.
The next day (the 18th) Ronarc'h rcoccupied
Eessen, the mounted African troops threatened
Bovekerke and the woods of Couckelaerc,
Vol. III.— Part 38
De Mitry's cavalry entered Cortemarck and
Roulers, the 7th British Infantry Division
marched on Menin, and our Cavalry Corps
pressed down the north bank of the Lys to
assist in captm-ing the bridge-heads over the
river.
The III. Corps, north of the Lys, on the 17th
had occupied Le Gheir at the eastern edge of
the Bois de I'loogsteert opposite Pont Rouge,
and its centre and right wing extended over
the Lys towards Radinghem on the ridge be-
tween the Lys and the La Bassee-Lille Canal.*
Though the enemy had been heavily rein-
forced, on the 18th Pulteney captured Rading-
hem, Ennetieres. Capinghem, at which last-
mentioned village the British troops were
between Forts Englos and Carnot, the two
works guarding Lille from an attack on flio
west. The left of the III. Corps was astride
the Lys, 400 yards south of Frelinghien,
its right in touch with Conncau's Cavalry
Corps. Beyond Conneau's Cavalry the II.
* The Corps of the Britisii Expeditionary Force ai*o
numbered in Roman figures.
441
442
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
ON GUARD.
A British sentry on the walls of a ruined
chateau.
Corps had on the 1 7th taken Aubers on
the ridge and Herlies to its south, and the
next day it gallantly repulsed several severe
counter-attacks. If the ridge could be held,
the Germans might be driven from Lille
and La Ba*!s6e.
So far the only misadventure in the battle had
been the repulse of the 7th Infantry Division,
which had been unable to take Menin. Mr.
Underwood, an interpreter to the Staff of the
21st Infantry Brigade, describes some of the
fighting of that Division on the 18th. The
21st Brigade before dawn had marched to
Becelaere and moved on Terhand :
The troops marched out of Gheluvelt at 4.30 a.m.,
and arrived at Becelaere 7.30 a.m. The 22nd R.F.A.
opened fire on our left, and the battle began. This was
the baptism of fire for most of our brigade, and they
stuck it well. At 8.30 a.m. the whole line advanced to
Terhand. At 11 a.m. our first casualties were reported :
1 officer killed and 2 wounded in the Bedfordshires, and
20 men wounded. We took up our quarters at five
o'clock in a farmhouse 200 yards in rear of Terhand wind-
mill. A battery of our gims was posted there, and
opened fire on the enemy. The farmer, his wife, two
daughters, and one son, with two refugee women and
three children from Ghent, were also there. The battery
had hardly opened fire when the enemy replied, -and
soon the shells were whirring right over the farmhouse,
much to the discomfiture of the inmates. By six o'clock
our guns had silenced the enemy's batteries, and we were
once more at peace ; but the shells had done a good deal
of damage to Terhand village. We did not undress that
night, as we expected a night attack. This, however
did not mature.
The explanation of the Allied offensive
north of the Lys is a simple one. For their
operations against the AlUed line north of
the Lys the Gtermans were bound to keep
hold of the Menin-Roulers-Thourout-Ostend
highway, because from it proceeded west-
wards all the roads by which they could
approach the Allied line between Ypres and he
sea. Moreover, a little to the east of it ran the
Lille-Menin-Thourout-Ostend railway, joined
at Roulers, Lichtervelde, and Thourout by
lines connecting with Liege and thence with
the strategic railways of Germany. Joffre's
object was to cut the Menin-Ostend road and
railroad.
On the morning of the 19th, though Menin
had not been taken by the 7th Infantry
Division, Roulers was in the possession of .the
French, and French cavalry was menacing from
Cortemarck both Lichtervelde and Thourout,
and the African horsemen near Couckelaere
were advancing north-east of the latter town.
Other troops were coming up ; the I. Corps
(Sir Douglas Haig's) was detraining between
St. Omer and Hazebrouck, and marching on
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
443
Ypres ; the Lahore Division of the Indian
Army was assembling behind the IT. Corps.
The British monitors and destroyers, com-
manded by Rear-Admiral Hood, had made
their unexpected appearance off the coast,
and were protecting the left wing of the
Belgians along the Yser.
On their side the Germans had been heavily
reinforced. For example, three Reserve Corps
(Nos. 26, 27, and 28) had reached Courtrai
from Germany. Each company in them was
composed of 100 Volunteers — some of whom
had had about six or seven weeks' training —
100 Reservists (Landwehr Reserve), aged
from thirty-one to thirty-six, and 40 Landwehr-
Ersatz Reserve between thirtj'-six and thirty-
nine years of> age. The officers and equipment
(many soldiers had obsolete rifles) might be of
inferior quality but the men were full of enthu-
siasm. An inhabitant of Courtrai, on whom
three officers — respectively an evangelical
clergyman, a doctor of classical philology,
and a commercial traveller — were quartered,
relates that, in answer to his question whether
they " expected to meet the British," one of
his " guests," who two days later was woiuided,
replied : " Oh, yes, we've come to see them run ;
that's all their long legs are good for. We shall
be in Calais before the end of the week." On
the 19th (Monday), as the men were about to
march to the field of battle, their officers
announced to them an encouraging piece of
news: "Boys," they said, "you'll be glad to
hear that Paris fell into our h-ands last night."
The soldiers, some of whom danced for joy,
sang the " Waeht ani Rhein," and a song
specially composed for the entry of the Germans
into Paris. One of them, who had been already
in the fighting line, however, observed : " Un-
fortunately, this is the fourth time we have
had the fall of Paris announced to us ! '' The
soldiers were given half-an-hour's leave to
drink to the triumph of the Fatherland, and
under the influence of stimulants such sceptical
utterances fell on unappreciative ears.
Reinforced on their centre and wings the
Germans on the 1 9th took the offensive. Issuing
from Ostend and exposing themselves to the
fire of the British flotilla, they assaulted
Lombartzyde, the Belgian advanced post in
front of Nieuport. Their attacks were repulsed
with heavy losses. On the right bank of the
Yser between Nieuport and Dixmude they fell
upon the Belgians in Keyem and Beerst.
Keyem held out, but Beerst was taken and
THE PERISCOPE.
Seein}* without bein^ seen.
444
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
then recaptured by the French Marines and
part of the Belgian 5th Division from Dixniud(\
Eventually the Allies were compelled to retire
from this point and also from Keyem, as the
Germans had captured Roulers, and thus were
able to threaten the right flank of the
Allied Arn"iy on the Yser. They had forced
bac^k the French cavalry demonstratmg
t(n\ai-{ls the Rouler.s-Thourout-Ostend road,
and they had advanced along the high road
wliich branches off from it three miles north of
RouJers to Hooglede. On the hill of Hooglede,
German artillery had been posted, and, covered
by it, the German infantry descended to attack
Roulers.
From the Bruges-Coirrtrai road other colmnns
Menin and establish himself on the Roulers-
Menin road. To cover the advance of the 7th
Infantry Division on Menin, Bj-ng's Cavalry
Division (the 3rd), placed on its left, had
pushed eastwards from the line Westroose-
beke-Moorslede. By 10 a.m. the 7th Ca\alry
of the Germans had marched on that town,
which was shelled from Ardoye and from
Iseghem. By nightfall Roulers was once
more held by the enemy and its defenders had
withdrawn to Oostnieuwkerke. The African
Cavalry on the extreme left were even brovight
back behind the Ypres-Yser canal.
While the battle of Roulers was proceeding,
another attempt was being made by Sir Henry
Rawlinson with the IV. Corps to capture
BELGIAN REFUGEES LEAVE THEIR
COUNTRY.
Top picture : Crowds at Ghent outside the Town
Hall waiting to obtain passports to permit them
to travel to England. Centre: Arrival of refugees
at the Gare du Nord, Paris. Bottom picture :
Waiting on the Quayside at Ostend.
Brigade was in touch \\-ith considerable bodies
of the enemy and had to fall back. North
of Moorslede " K " Battery of the Royal
Horse Artillerj^, which had been attached
to the brigade, came into action and afforded
it great assistance. From Moorslede and
Droogenbroodhoek the 6th Brigade, aided by
" C " Battery and jjrotected by the 7th Brigade,
liad pushed ahead to St. Pieter and thence
had crossed the Roulers-Menin road, and after
a brisk action occupied Ledeghem on the
Roulers-Menin railroad and RoUeghemcappelle.
In the meantime the 7th Infantry Brigade
from the edge of the belt of woods which to
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
445
■'^..-
•^3 .1 ^i
-..rfl'i^-iL- .2P^i>,*< .si'5^1^^- V,
THE BELGIANS IN THE TRENCHES.
The famous 7th Regiment of the Line.
the south and east of Ypres stretches from the
end of the Mont-des-Cats ridge to Zonnebeke
had been heavily engaged with the enemy,
who at Menin and Wervicq had crossed to the
north bank of the Lys. The Division made
some Uttle progress, and, with the 6th Cavalry
Brigade in Ledeghem and Rolleghemcappelle,
there was a prospect that Menin and Wervicq
might be taken.
But the German victory at Roulers, com-
bined with the movement of the enemy from
Courtrai on Ledeghem, obliged Sir Henry
Rawlinson to suspend the advance of Capper's
Division. The 7th Cavalry Brigade had
ha<l to be withdrawn to the high ground east
of Moorslede, on whicli village the 6th Cavalry
Brigade, ptirsued by considerable forces from
Courtrai, was being gradually brought back
from Ledeghem and Rolleghemcappelle.
Covered by the 7th Cavalry Brigade, it retired
through Moorslede, and at nightfall it was
in billets in and round Poelcappelle, south of
the Forest of Houtluilst, on the Hooglede-
Westroosebeke - Ypres highway. The 7th
Cavalry Brigade, mider a heavy shell fire,
effected its retreat to Zonnebeke, south of
Poelcappelle on the Roulers-Ypres railroad,
and French cavalry occupied Passchendaele
between Zonnebeke and Westroosebeke. The
7th Infantry Brigade by sunset was in its old
position from Zandvoorde through Kruiseik to
Gheluvelt, and to the north of that village ;
its left was prolonged by the 7th Cavalry
Brigade, and, beyond Zonnebeke, by the
French as far as Westroosebeke.
Thus the Germans on the 19th had recovered
most of the Roulers-Dixmudo road and all
the Menin-Roulers-Thourout-Ostend road and
I'ailroad; they were threatening the route from
Westroosebeke to Wervicq. The northern
end of it round Westroosebeke was held by
the French, but lower down towards Wervicq,
which was in the hands of the Germans, parties
of the enemy had crossed to the western side
of the road.
It was under such critical circumstances
that Sir John French on the night of the 19th
met Sir Douglas Haig. As, after Sir John,
Sir Douglas was perhaps the most important
British officer who took part in the battle of
Ypres, it may not here be out of place to
supply the reader with a brief biography of
the soldier whose name will always bo asso-
ciated with that of the I. Corps.
Three years the junior of Sir Horace Smith-
Dorrien — the other of Sir John- French's
principal lieutenants at the battles of Mons,
Le Cateau, the Marne, the Aisne and Ypres —
Sir Douglas Haig was born on June 29, 1861.
He was the youngest son of John Haig, J.P., of
Cameronbridge, Fife. He was educated at
Clifton College and at Brasenose College,
Oxford. In 1885 he was gazetted to the
7th Hussars, and was Adjutant of that regiment
from 1888 to 1892, and obtained his captaincy
in 1891. During this time he showed that he
was not only a studious soldier but a dashing
polo player. From April 28, 1894, to March 31.
1895, ho was A.D.C. to the Inspector-General
of Cavalry, and then passed tlirough tJio Staff
College.
His first active service was with Lord
Kitchener in the River War of 1898. Ho waa
present at the battles of the Atbara and
Omdurinan, and was mentioned in dispatches.
At the outbreak of the South African War
Major Haig was sent to Natal, and served
luider Sir John French at the actions of Filands-
38—2
446
THE TIMES HISTOriY OF THE WAR.
laagte, Rietfontein and Lombard's Kop. He
was on the Staff of Sir John French during the
operations round Colesbcrg at the beginning
of 1900, and accompanied him on his cele-
brated ride to Kimberley. Later he took part
hi the battles of Paardeberg, Poplar Grove,
Dreifontein. He was present at the actions
of Karee Siding, Vet River and Zand River, at
the takings of Johannesburg and Pretoria, at
the battle of Diamond Hill, and in the advance
to Middslbxorg and Komati Poort. When
I^itzinger invaded Cape Colony in December,
1900, Lord Kitchener gave Haig the command
of four columns sent in pursuit of the Boer
leader. Haig next joined in the abortive
efforts to capture De Wet, who had followed
Kritzinger and Hertzog into the Colony. When
De Wet and Hertzog returned to the Orange
PAY-DAY ON THE BATTLEFIELD.
German Infantry being paid in notes.
Free State, Haig was stationed in the southern
district, from which he was again transferred —
in April, 1901 — to Cape Colony. During
May he was hunting Kritzmger. On July 16,
1901, he became Lieutenant-Colonel of the
17th Lancers. During the remainder of
the war he assisted French in clearing Cape
Colony.
Haig left South Africa with a greatly enhanced
reputation, and, now a Colonel, he was appointed
by Lord Kitchener Inspector-General of Cavalry
in India (1903-6). Promoted a Major-General
in 1904, he returned to England in 1906 to
take up the post of Director of Military Training
at the War Office. In 1907 he became Director
of Staff Duties, and in 1909 Chief of the Staff
in India. Three years later he was given the
eonunand of the Aldershot District, which
formed practically the I. Army Corps.
In August, 1914, Haig, a Lieutenant-Ccneral,
proceeded to France at the head of the 1.
Corps. He brilliantly commanded the right
wing at the battle of INIons and during the
subsequent retreat, and at the battles of the
Marne and Aisne highly distinguished himself.
To what point in the battlefield was the
I. Corps to be directed ?
The bold offensive taken by French and
General d'Urbal had failed. The Germans at
Keyem and Beerst were on the banks of the
Yser. Its waters are carried from Dixmuda
to Nieuport in a channel raised some twenty-
five feet or so above the fields to the west,
easy for the Germans to hold if they were in
possession of it and difficult for the Allies to
retake. To the west of the banks of the canal
there were only the low enabanlanent of the
Dixmude-Nieuport railway and a number
of dykes and ditches to impede the enemy's
advance to Furnes. If this point were gained,
Nieuport and Dixmude would become un-
tenable, and the left of the Allies romid
Y^'pres could ba attacked by the Germans in
flank.
Between Dixmude and Ypros the position was
also precarious. Part of the Dixmude-Roulers
road had been lost, and, south of it, the Forest
of Houthulst was being reoccupied by the
enemy.
From Dixmude to Bixschoote the Allied
line ran along the Yser Canal to the old and
dismantled Fort de Ivnocke, then along the
Y^perlee Canal towards Y^pres. At Bixschoote
the Allied line st"uck east and roughly
formed two sides of a triangle, the apex of
which was Westroosebeke, eight miles or so
north-east of Ypres. The base of the triangle
might be said to be formed by the Yperlee
Canal, by the city of Ypres, and by the Y^pres-
Comines Canal as far as Houthem. A glance
at the map on pages 460-1 will sho^vthe reader
that an enemy debouching from the Forest
of Houthulst could attack the Bixschoote -
Langemarck-Poelcappelle-Westroosebeke side of
this triangle, which was about 7 miles in length.
The third side of the triangle was ten miles
long. The Allies, as related, held the main
road from Westroosebeke through Passchen-
daele to the neighbourhood ox Zonnebeke.
From Zonnebeke their lins stretched roimd
the woods to Gheluvelt on the Menhi- Ypres
road ; thence it proceeded over the fields
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAB.
447
to Ivruiseik ; from which point it bent west-
wards to Zandvoorde, and from Zandvoorde it
descended to Houthem on the Comines-Ypres
Canah Behind the Hne Zonnebeke -Houthem
the country, which is of a roIUng nature, was
in parts thickly wooded. North of Zonnebeke
the space in the triangle was fairly open, though
near the apex there were clumps of trees.
East of the line Zonnebeke-Westroosebeke,
towards Roulers, there were more woods.
Keeping in mind the distance to which
modern guns can throw shells, it is obvious
that if the Germans arranged their artillery
in a crescent from the north of Langemarck
round Westroosebeke to the east of Zonnebeke,
the position of the Allies in the area Zonnebeke-
Westroosebeke-Langemarck would become very
perilous. The distance between Zonnebeke
and Langemarck, which villages are connected
by a cross-road, is only four miles, and towards
the apex of the triangle, between Poelcappelle
and Passchendaele, the trenches of the defenders
facing north and east respectively, would be
scarcely three miles apart.
Thus on the north and the north-east the posi-
tion of the Allies was a bad one, but on the east
the belt of woods which extends south of Zonne-
beke to Gheluvelt and thence to HoUebeke on
the canal and thereafter to the eastern spurs
of the ridge of the Mont-des-Cats, opposed a
substantial barrier to an enemy moving on
Ypres from the north bank of the Lys between
Courtrai and Warneton. Llost of the trees,
on the 19th October, were still intact and
standing. In the tops of some of them sharp-
shooters or even machine guns could be en-
sconced, and the branches here and there to
some extent protected the troops from shrapnel.
The trunks of the trees stopped or diminished
tlie velocity of rifle bullets and the foliage
screened men and guns from hostile air-craft.
On the eastern side of the Comines-Ypres
Canal the main approaches to Ypres through
the woods which, be it noted, were not con-
tinuous, were — -beginning from the canal — the
road from Wervicq on the Lys by Zandvoorde-
Klein Zillebeke, and Zillebeke, that from Men in
through Gheluvelt and Hooge, and one from
Courtrai through Ledeghem-Dadizeele-Terhantl-
Becelaere to Gheluvelt and thence to Hoogi',
From the north the woods could be turned by
the road from Roulers by Moorslede and Zoiuie-
beke to Ypres.
In making their calculations. Sir John Frencli
and Sir Douglas Haig had to take into accoimt
that the Germans, who held all the crossings
of the Lys from Frelinghien, three miles north-
east of Armentieres, to Comines, as well as
those from Comines to Ghent, might attack
Ypres from the south.
The gap between Zandvoorde through the
woods to the eleven-mile-long ridge — in places
two miles wide and some hundreds of feet higli
— of the Mont-des-Cats, which from Gode-
waersvelde to Wytschaete and Messines crosses
the plain and divides the Poperinghe-Ypres
road from the Lys, was filled by the two
Divisions of the British Cavalry Corps. These
troops, the number of which could not much
have exceeded 4,000 horses, were now being
used principally as infantry. Crossing the Lj-s
at Warneton and at Comines the Germans
could advance on Ypres either through HoUe
beke or by the main road which leads from
Warneton to St. Eloi. The country south of
the line Messines-HoUebeke was sparsely
wooded. A cross road connected St. Eloi with
Vlamertinghe between Poperinghe and Ypres,
AN OLD METHOD REVIVED.
British troops throwing hand-grenades from the trenches.
448
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
and if St. Eloi, two miles south of Ypres, were
captured, not only could that city, which lies
in a hollow, be assaulted, but all the com-
munications of the Allies through Ypres south
of the Ypres-Poperinghe high road might be
cut and the ridge of the Mont-des-Cats attacked
from the north.
The ridge was of cardinal unportance to the
Allies. If it were occupied, Ypres, Vlamer-
tinghe and Poperinghe must be abandoned,
and the line of the Ypres-Dixmude-Nieuport
Canal could not be maintained. From the ridge
of the Mont-des-Cats the German artillery
would sweep the plain on both sides, and,
descending from the ridge, the German
infantry would be 'at Godewaersvelde on the
Hazebrouck-Poperinghe-Ypres railroad and at
Bailleul on the Hazebrouck-Armentieres rail-
way. These two lines were, with the Dunkirk-
Furnes-Dixmude railroad, the sole railways
going eastward from the line Dunkirk-Haze-
brouck-Merville. The ridge of the Mont-des-
BELGIAN PRISONERS DIGGING
TRENCHES, GUARDED BY
GERMAN SOLDIERS.
Inset : German observation post on top of a
haystack.
Cats was thus the key to the Allied position
north of the Lys.
At its eastern end, as already mentioned,
nestled on high ground the village of Wyt-
schaete and, south of it, the village of
Messines. Below Messines and flowing from the
west along the base of the ridge of the INIont-
des-Cats was the little river Douve. Beyond
it rose Hill 63, a knoll on a low ridge wliich
separated the Douve from the Lys. On the
other side of this ridge and divided by th&
Ypres - St. Eloi - Wytschaete - Messines - Ploeg -
steert-Armentieres chaussee was the Ploeg -
steert wood, called by the British troop:*
" Plug Street," a straggling patch of woodland
some 3,000 yards long by 1,500 wide. Tlie
ground under the trees was a treacherous bog,
the roads scarcely passable on account of mud.
The right flank of the Cavalry Corps rested
on tlie north-eastern end of the wood, a detach-
ment holding the hamlet of St. Yves. Along
the eastern and the south-eastern edges of the
Bois de Ploegsteert were entrenched units of
the left wing of the III. Corps. Le Gheir,
which is at the south-eastern corner of the
wood, was occupied by the British. Tlie
remainder of the III. Corps north of the Lys
was disposed between Le Gheir and the bank
of the ri\er 400 yards south of Frelingliien-
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
449
BELGIAN ARMY IN THE FIELD.
After a fortnight's fighting the Belgians
have been relieved and are
going back for a rest.
Inset : A message by telephone.
From the western outskirts of Frelinghien
the front of the III. Corps cxirved round
Armentieres to Radinghem, a village on the
long, low ridge which divides the flat and
usually waterlogged plain south of the Lys
from the La Bassee-Lille Canal. On it are
the villages of Radinghem, Fromelles, Aubers,
Violaines, Givenchy. The ridge is south of
Givenchy traversed by the La Bassee-Lille
Canal at Cuinchy. It extends beyond Cuinchy
to Vermelles.
Conneau's Cavalry Corps and, to its west,
the II. Corps, were disposed between Radinghem
and Givenchy. The II. Corps had captured
Givenchy, Violaines, Aubers, and HerUes, and
Major Daniell with the Royal Irish Regiment
had just stormed the village of Le Pilly.
South of the La Bassee-Lille Canal the right
wing of the II. Corps joined on to the left
wing of General de Maud'huy's Army.
The German forces operating against this
fifty or so miles long line of the Allies between the
sea and La Bassee were in greatly superior
numbers. The II. Corps and Conneau's Cavalry
Corps had been originally opposed by a part
of the 14th German Corps, four Cavalry
Divisions and several battalions of Jaegers, but
from the 19th to the 31st the enemy here were
reinforced by the remainder of the 14th Corps,
by a Division of the 7th Corps, and by a
brigade of the 3rd Corps. The British III.
Corps, which was astride the Lys, holding a
line from thirteen to fifteen miles long, was also
outnumbered and outgunned. On the 18th
Sir John French had directed its corrunander.
General Pulteney, to drive the enemy eastward
towards Lille and then to assist the Cavalr\'
Corps to cross the Lys east of Frelinghien.
Confronted by the 19th Saxon Corps, at least
one Division of the 7th Corps, and three or four
Divisions of Cavalry, and the German troop?-
being constantly reinforced from Lille, the
Cavalry Corps and III. Corps foimd themselves
unable to accomplish the task set them. The
road from Lille to Frelinghien remained in
the German possession, as also the high road
which from Lille passes Fort Carnot and crosses
the Lys at Pont Rouge and by Warneton and
Wervicq goes to Menin. Behind that road in
450
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
the section south of the Lys flowed the canalised
river Deule to Deulemont, where it entered
the Lys. Protected on his left flank by the
Deule and by Forts Carnot and Englos, the
Crown Prince of Bavaria could throw his
troops across the Lys to attack Le Gheir, the
wood of Ploegsteert, Messines, Wytschaete,
St. Eloi, Hollebeke, Zandvoorde. Gheluvelt,
and Zonnebeke.
The left wing of the Allies — in a straight
line over 120 miles long — was now perpendicular
to the centre from Compiegne to Verdun,
which centre — about the same length — \\as
nearly perpendicular to a front of similar
dimensions from Verdun to Belfort. \^'^ith
the railroads and motor traction at their dis-
posal the German leaders could shift their
troops across the 125 miles separating Lille
from Verdun more quickly than Joffre could
transfer his from the neighbourhood of Lille
to the great fortified camp which barred the
advance of German Armies from Metz on
Paris.
For the moment, then. Sir John French
and Sir Douglas Haig could not count on any
immediate assistance from the French. Between
the slag heaps near La Bassee and the seventv
feet or so wide Lys, running through a shallow
depression in the plain, they could oppose to
the Germans only the II. Corps, Conneaus
Cavalry Corps, and a part of the III. Corps ;
from the Lys northwards to the Bois de
Ploegsteert the remainder of the III. Corps,
thence to Zandvoorde the Cavalry Corps ;
from Zandvoorde to Gheluvelt on the Ypres-
Menin road, and from Gheluvelt to Zonnebeke,
the 7th Infantry Division, with the 7th Cavalry
Brigade round Zonnebeke. Between Zonne-
beke and Westroosebeke and south-west-
ward to Poelcappelle detachments of General
d'Urbal's Armj% which then consisted of no
more than two Territorial Divisions and four
Cavalry Divisions, with the British 6th
Cavalry Brigade, presented a thin line to
the Germans on the north and north-east
of Ypres. From Poelcappelle to Bixschoote
some French Cavalry and Territorials, whose
left extended to the junction of the Yperlee
Canal with the Yser, and, along the Yser to
Dixmude, mounted African troops and part
of the Fifth Belgian Division had to defend a
line of fifteen miles. Roixnd and in Dixmude,
which could be attacked from three sides,
were, indeed, the rest of this Division and the
THE BRITISH HEADQUARTERS STAFF.
Sir John French and his Staflf passing through a French village near the Belgian frontier.
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAB.
451
A BRITISH SCOUT.
On the look-out from the loft of a wrecked farmhouse.
6,000 Marines of Ronarc'h. But only the
4th and 1st Belgian Divisions held the Yser
Canal to the region of Nieuport. The 2nd
Belgian Division, assisted by a detachment
of British sailors from the monitor Severn,
under Lieut. E. S. Wise, with some machine
guns, was posted in and to the east of Nieu-
port. It was flanked by the British flotilla
moving along the coast from Nieuport Bains
to Ostend.
With the exception of the Lahore Division,
which liad never before faced European
troops, and the I. Corps, there were practically
no reserves behind the fifty mile or so long line
of battle. The Belgian troops were exhausted
by over two months' fighting ; they were
dispirited by the loss of Liege, Brussels, Namur,
Antwerp, Ghent, Bruges, and Ostend. The
handful of French Marines were mostly raw
troops, and the remainder of the Allied Army
was becoming stale from constant marching
and entrenching and battling against larger
numbers and predominating artillery.
To quote his own words. Sir John French
' ' knew that the enemy were by this time in
greatly superior strength on the Lys, and that
the II., III., Cavalry, and IV. Corps were
holding a much wider front than their numbers
and strength warranted, and ... it would
have appeared wise to throw the I. Corps
in to strengthen the line." But ho had already
decided to move Sir Douglas Haig's Corps to
the north of Ypres in order to relieve the
German pressure on the Yser. The I. Corps
was to advance through Ypres on Thourout
and through Thourout on Bruges, At Thourout
and Bruges it would be athwart the com-
munications of the Duke of Wvu-temberg's
Army, wliich, if Bruges were occupied, would
have to evacuate the coast line from Ostend
to the Dutch frontier. Then, if it were feasible,
Sir Douglas was to drive the Germans towards
Ghent.
This bold and, as it turned out, unrealizable
project was based primarily on the considera-
tion that Sir Douglas, " would probably not
be opposed north of Ypres by much more than
the 3rd Reserve Corps," which had suffered
considerably, and by " one or two Land\\'ehr
Divisions." The leading idea was to move
the extreme left of the Allied Armies to the
north bank of the Lys from Frelinghien to
Ghent.
De Mitry's Cavalry was to operate on the left
wing of the I. Corps. Byng's Cavalrj- was to
be on Haig's right. The 7th Infantry Division
would, according to circmnstances, either
remain on the defensive round the woods to
the east of Ypres or support the advance to
the north.
The Cavalry Corps from Zandvoordo to the
wood of Ploegsteert, and the III. Corps from
Le Gheir across the Lys to the Radinghom-
Givenchy ridge. Conneau's Cavalry Corps,
452
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAB.
THE BRITISH TROOPS IN FARMHOUSES.
An old deserted farmhouse near the British trenches, which has been converted into billets for the
troops, who are here seen entering the loft. On the right : A sergeants' mess in a ruined farmhouse.
The remnants of the wall are strengthened with sandbags.
I
and the II. Corps (Smith-Dorrien's) were
ordered to reniain on the defensive.
" I fully realized," says Sir John French,
" the difficult task which lay before us, and tho
onerous role which the British Army was called
upon to fulfil. . . . No more arduous task
has ever been assigned to British soldiers ;
and in all their splendid history there is no
instance of their having answered so mag-
nificently to the desperate calls which of
necessity were made upon them."
Sir John French relied on the qualities of
the British troops ; he also reckoned that
if Sir Douglas Haig wedged his Corps between
the Armies of the Duke of Wurtemberg and
the Crown Prince of Bavaria, he would be
rapidly reinforced by French troops. Later,
it may be mentioned, Foch transported by
automobile some 70,000 men to the region of
Ypres.
Sir Douglas Haig was unable to carry out
Sir Jolm's instructions. The news that the
British Expeditionary Force with General
d'Urbal's skeleton Army was trying to wrest
from him his newly acquired coast line had the
same effect on the Kaiser that Sir Joiin Moore's
march on Burgos had had on Napoleon in 1808.
The " little armv," which he could no longer
THE BRITISH ARMY'S LIFE-LINE.
Engineers laying a cable-line.
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
463
THE GERMANS IN BELGIUM.
Repairing a fracture in a cable. On the right is seen a German soldier in his " hotel."
regard as " contemptible," might be annihi-
lated, and, counting on the psychological
disturbance in the British Isles and outside
Europe which would be caused by a decisive
victory over the British Army, the Kaiser and
FalkenhajTi unhesitatingly decided to throw
north of the Lys every man and gun they
could possibly spare. The result was that a
British offensive on Thourout, Bruges, and
Ghent became impossible.
The next day (October 20) the left wing of
the I. Corps reached Elverdinghe (south of
the Zuydschoote-Bixschoote bridge over the
Yperlee Canal, and on the road from Ypres to
Furnes) ; the centre traversed Ypres ; and the
right wing stretched beyond Zonnebeke to
the Westroosebeke-Wervicq road. From Elver-
dinghe troops could be rapidly transported
either to the Noordschote bridge over the
Yperlee Canal or to the support of the Belgians
and French Marines at Dixmude.
An anonymous officer of the I. Corps in
Blackwood's Magazine for March, 1915, has
described the march of his regiment to Ypres
on October 20. "At about 10.30," he says,
" we crossed the Belgian frontier for the second
time. . . . One could not help noticing as one
went along how much more like England this
part of the country was than any we had passed
through as yet. Except for the large number
BRITISH HEAVY GUNS.
A 6-in. gun being got into position. These guns have done good work ia
Belgium.
38-3
454
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
of windmills scattered all over the country on
every little knoll, one might have been at
home." At 12.30 the regiment to which this
officer was attached reached the city, where it
remained till 4.55 a.m. on the 21st. Ypres was
full of French troops. A French gminer, who
during dinner visited some of the officers,
appeared to thinlc that " the whole of the
German Army " was in front of the Allies.
This was, of course, an exaggeration, but
that the Germans were in superior numbers
hiad been proved by the day's events. Before
the I. Corps could reach the fighting line the
Duke of Wurtemberg struck his hardest. Dis-
regarding the shells of the British flotilla,
on the 20th he pressed his attack along the
coast. In the morning the farm of Bam-
berg was taken by the enemy ; it was re-
captured by the Belgians, but at nightfall had
to be abandoned. All the villages held by the
Belgians to the east of the Yser \\cre in the
hands of the Germans, who were now pre-
parmg to cross the canal. Heavy howitzers
THE FRENCH ARMY IN BELGIUM.
Senegalese troops in the streets of Furnes.
Inset : German prisoners at Furnes.
had been brought up to shell Dixmude, and
Rear-Admiral Ronarc'h's Marines and General
]\Teyser's Belgian Brigade with difficulty re-
sisted several desperate assaults on the town.
South of Dixmude the enemy firmly estab-
lished himself in the Forest of Houthulst, and
was preparing to cross the Yperlee Canal.
In the triangle Bixschoote-Westroosebeke-
Houthem there had been severe fighting.
BjTig's Cavalry Dixasion had taken up a
defensive position supporting the French
between Westroosebeke and Passchendaele.
Desultory firing commenced about 8 a.m. and
was succeeded by an artillery duel until noon.
The Germans then attacked the French and
drove them south and west of the \\'estroose-
beke-Wervicq high road. A portion fell back
down the Westroosebeke-Ypres road to Poel-
cappelle, at which village the main road from
Dixmude through the Forest of Houthulst
ends. Later in the afternoon these troops,
■«ho were heavily shelled in Poelcappelle, were
withdrawn still farther. Their retreat involved
that of Byng's Cavalry Division, the left of
^\hich was swung back to the Langemarck-
Zonnebeke road.
Thus the eastern end of the triangle Bix-
schoote-Westroosebeke-Houthem had been lost.
On the side of the triangle Westroosebeke-
Houthem the enemy, besides driving the Allies
off most of the Westroosebeke-Wervicq road
up to the environs of Zonnebeke, had repulsed
the advance of the 21st Brigade (General
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAB.
455
Watts) from Gheluvelt through and beyond
Becelaere. At 12.30 p.m. the General, with
Captain Drysdale and Mr. Underwood, pro-
ceeded through Becelaere. " As we got up to
the firing line the shells started raining over the
ridge where the Scots Fusiliers, the Wiltshires
and the Bedfords were advancing." So hot
was the fire that the machine gun section
was called in and the General, who had been
nearly killed by a shell, sought a less-exposed
position. " As we rounded the church, shells
were raining down into the village, and one
carried away the arm of a Wiltshire who was
standing where we had stood only two minutes
before." The engagement continued till
7.30 p.m. "In the distance we could see
Becelaere in flames, the church steeple standing
out against the red glare."
While the 7th Infantry Division on the edge
of the woods between Zonnebeke tlirough
Gheluvelt to Zandvoorde was resisting the
Germans who had poured out of Courtrai,
Menin and Wervicq, the Cavalry Corps down
both sides of the Comines-Ypres Canal and
away to the right had been making another
effort to secure the line of the Lys from Wervicq
to Pont Rouge, which is opposite Le Gheir.
But the attempt had failed, and the 1st Cavalry
Division had to retire to the line St. Yves-
Messines, the 2nd Cavalry Division to that of
Messines - Garde Dieu - Houthein - Kortewilde.
By nightfall a body of the enemy faced the
south-eastern spur of the ridge of the Mont-
des-Cats and other bodies were advancing up
the roads from Warneton towards St. Eloi and
from Comines towards HoUebeke.
We have been used as infantry [writes an oflicer of the
4th Dragoon Guards,, present at this fighting] and armed
■with rifles, bayonets and spades. The spades are very
necessary, as it is impossible to hold a position for any
length of time without digging oneself in. On the 20th
iny squadron was in reserve in a big forest, and orders
oame about 10 a.m. to support our infantry advanced
line. We left our horses and went on two miles, where
I halted the squadron under cover and walked on to
I'sconnoitre.
Captain Hornby had gone on just ahead of me with his
squadron, and I found him with some of his men lying
down behind a hedgerow. A company of Inniskilling
Fusiliers were 100 yards on in front lying in the open
and firing on the enemy about 400 yards in front and
slowly crawling on. Our guns were firing hard from
behind the wood, but shells started dropping short right
into the Inniskillings. After sticking it for a bit they
got \ip to come back, and the Gennans opened on them
with two maxims. They lost some men and came back
behind our lines. By then 1 had some of my squadron
up.
Captain Hornby was badly hit ; his subaltern Sharp
got four maxim bullets in the arm, and some of their
men wore killed and wounded. I'oor Charles Hornby
fell right in the open, and we had to get him back to
cover as best we could. We stuck to our hedge, and
advanced again to almost where the InnLskillings had
been, and as soon as it got dark we dug. We dug all
night and fortified a farmhouse, and by the morning
we had a jolly strong position in the middle of the
infantry line. They didn't have enough men to oscupy
it themselves.*
Advanced posts of the 12th Brigade of
the 4th Division of the III. Corps had been
forced to retire between the Ploegsteert Wood
and the Lys, and at dusk it was evident that
the enemy were preparing to attack Le Gheir
and the wood. With Le Gheir in the
German possession the right of the 1st Cavalry
Division at St. Yves might be turned.
South of the Lys theGermans from Lille had on
the 20th been battering at the thin line of British
infantry and French cavalry strung out from
the west of Frelinghien to Givenchy. The aim
of the Germans was to recover Armentieres and
the RadingheiTi-Givenchy ridge.
A British soldier, wounded that day in the
trenches near Armentieres, told a Times'
Correspondent that, at daybreak, a deadly fire
had opened upon the trench in which he lay
* This narrative was published in the Daily Telef/raph.
THE KING OF THE BELGIANS
Chatting with one of the French Geuerai Staff at
Market Square, Furnes.
456
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
BRIG.-GEN. E. S. BULFIN, C.V.O., D.S.O.
with his company. It was an enfilading fire.
The enemy had crept up very close in the dark-
ness to the right of the Une. One btillet
destroyed the back sight of this soldier's rifle ;
another struck hrm in the head. The men in
the trenches were helpless, and the enemy
attacked them with the bayonet. They sur-
rendered, but both friend and foe were for
fourteen hours shelled by the artillery from
both sides. Then the trench was retaken by the
British and the Germans made prLsoners.
South of Radinghem, and three-and-a-half
mUes east of Neuve Chapelle, the II. Corps had
on the 20th suffered a reverse. The Royal
Irish Regiment had lost heavily in prisoners
at Le Pilly.
In view of the results of the day's fighting,
of the progress made by the Germans to the
east of the Yser, of their victorious advance
into the triangle Bixschoote-Westroosebeke-
Houthem, of their successful attacks on the
Cavalry Corps and III. Corps between Houthem
and the wood of Ploegsteert, and of their
recapture of Le Pilly, the plan formed by Sir
John French of driving a wedge between the
Duke of Wurtemberg's and the Crown Prince
of Bavaria's Armies was no longer feasible.
Nevertheless, the I. Corps and the Lahore
Jbivision might be able to recover the ground
lost on the 20th. General JofTre had arrived
in Flanders, and during the 21st Sir John
French saw him. Joffre assured Sir John
that he was bringing up the 9th French
Array Corps to Ypres, and that more French
troops would follow it. He, like Sir John,
was full of confidence. He told the British
GeneraUssimo that it wais his intention on the
24th to attack the Germans and drive them
eastwards.
On Wednesday the 21st the Germans once
more attacked the long, thin line of the
Allies.
The enemy crossed the Yser Canal and
tried to take Schoorebakke, one of the
vulnerable spots in the Belgian centre. They
were beaten back, leaving behind them lines
of dead and wounded. Dixmude was furiously
bombarded by heavy howitzers, and no fewer
than eight separate assaults launched by the
Duke of Wurtemberg against the town so
bravely defended by the French IMarines and
the Belgians. At nightfall the Yser, south of
Dixmude, had been temporarily passed by
the enemy, but they had not been able ta
maintain their hold on the west bank.
Farther south, and north and east of Ypres,
it was the Allies who had at first attacked. With
De Mitry's Cavalry and Bidon's Territorials on
his left, and Byng's Cavalry on his right. Sir
Douglas Haig had directed the I. Corps to retake
Poelcappelle and Passchendaele, and the ground
between those villages. The attack was some-
what delayed through the roads being blocked,
but it progressed favourably in face of severe
opposition, often necessitating the use of the
bayonet. The 26th Reserve Corps round
Passchendaele replied by a violent counter-
attack, which was repulsed with heavy loss,
and up to 2 p.m. it looked as if Sir Douglas
Haig would achieve his object. The enemy
from the Forest of Houthulst were, indeed,
threatening his left, but it was not until De
Mitry was ordered, it seems by Joffre, to with-
draw his cavalry behind the Yperlee-Yser
Canal that Sir Douglas was obliged to suspend
his advance. This retrograde movement of De
Mitry was presumably due to the impression
created on the Allied Commander-in-Chief by
the frantic efforts of the Germans to cross into
the loop of the Yser, and pass the canal at
Dixmude, and between Dixmude and Fort de
Knocke. The 42nd French' Division had not
yet detrained at Furnes, and the only reserves
Joffre could tlu-ow into the battle of the Yser
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAB.
457
were the 16th Chasseurs and the African
Cavalry stationed near Loo.
The I. Corps, supported by General Bidon's
Territorials, now halted on the line Bixschoote-
Langemarck - St. Julien - Zonnebeke. On its
left the Corps faced the German 23rd, in the
centre the 26th Corps,
Meantime, the 27th Corps had been pushed
against the 7th Infantry Division. The 22nd
Infantry Brigade, commanded by General
Lawford, was attacked by these newly raised
troops with frenzied zeal. Its left flank, near
Zonnebeke, was in great danger, and Byng sent
the 7th Cavalry Brigade to its support.
Thus reinforced, Lawford managed to main-
tain himself round Zonnebeke. To the south,
between Zonnebeke and Zandvoorde, the 21st
and 20th Infantry Brigades were resisting the
efforts of the Germans from the neighbourhood
of Becelaere to gain the fringe of the woods to
the east of Ypres. Apprised of the formidable
attack on the 7th Infantry Division, Sir
Douglas Haig had early ordered his reserves
to be halted on the north-eastern outskirts of
Ypres.
It has been seen that Byng had had to rein-
force with his 7th Brigade the left of the 7th
Infantry Division roimd Zonnebeke. At 1.30
p.m. it was reported to him that the left of
General Gough's Cavalry Division (the 2nd)
had been pierced south of Zandvoorde. Byng
promptly dispatched his 6th Brigade to fill the
gap ; it rode over and occupied the crossings of
the Comines- Ypres Canal, north of Hollebeke.
Later in the evening the brigade moved to its
left between Zandvoorde and the canal, near
the Chateau de Hollebeke ; the 7th Cavalry
Brigade, wliich had been relieved at Zonne-
beke by battalions of the I. Corps, rode to the
west of the canal, and was stationed to the
west of Hollebeke at St. Eloi and Voomiezeele.
The use made by Sir John French and his
subordinates of the cavalry was on tliis day
no less masterly than it had been during the
retreat from Mons. The lessons which
French had learnt at Colesberg had not been
forgotten.
By sunset the 2nd Cavalry Division, which at
4 p.m. had been violently attacked, was dis-
posed between Messines and Hollebeke. The
enemy had advanced a considerable distance
across the open groiuid which divides the ridge
of the Mont-des-Cats at Messines from the
roUing, wooded district east of Ypres.
The 1st Cavalry Division wliich was deployed
between Messines and the wood of Ploegsteert
had also been in peril. At 7 a.m. the Germans
had taken Le Gheir and begun to file into the
wood. A battalion of the 104th Regiment of
the Saxon 19th Army Corps entrenched itself
in the village. The importance of Le Gheir
does not need to be insisted upon. Through
it the Germans could enter the wood of
Ploegsteert, turn the flank of the 1st Cavalry
Division at St. Yves, spread out on the ridge
beyond, cross the Douve and attack from
the south Messines and the ridge of the
Mont-des-Cats.
1. BRIG.-GEN. H. E. WATTS, C.B. (21st Infantry Brigade).
2. BRIG.-GEN. H. J. RUGGLES-BRISE, M.V.O. (20th Infantry Brigade).
3. BRIG.-GEN. S. T. B. LAWFORD (22nd Infantry Brigade).
458
THE TIMES HISTOEY OF THE WAR.
THE GERMANS AT DIXMUDE.
Well-protected infantry firing from beneath a concrete roof shelter.
Happily a British soldier of daring and
resource was on the spot. General Hunter-
Weston, who in the South African War had
passed through the Boer lines and cut the
railway between Bloemfontein and Pretoria,
had anticipated the German attack on Le
Gheir. At 2 a.m. he had moved the East
Lancashires and Somerset Light Infantry from
the south to the north bank of the Lys. With
Lieut-Colonel Aniey he now organized a counter-
attack. Le Gheir was recaptured, and the
brave Germans defending it were practically
wiped out. Some 400 dead were picked up
in the British lines alone, and 130 prisoners
were taken. In this fighting the Iving's Own
Lancaster Regiment and the Lancashire Fusi-
liers of the 12th Infantry Brigade were well-
handled by Lieut. -Colonel Butler.
Details of the fighting are supplied by an
officer of the East Lancashire Regiment in a
letter published by the Morning Post :
At 2 a.m. on the 21st we had orders to trek on anotlier
tlireo miles across the river. The bridge had been blown
up, so we went over on a pontoon bridge, and got to the
village of Ploegsteert, when we were hurriedly sent for
and ordered to take the battalion out to the trenches
defending the village. So away we went, and then met
a stream of wounded, all declaring that the Germans
were in thousands when they attacked their trenches
two miles away and captured them. We were now
ordered to make a counter-attack and recapture the lost
trenehes, so with A and D companies we plunged into a
thick wood and gradually worked our way through it.
The Germans wore firing into it with rifle and machine-
guns, so the bullets were humming through the trees.
On getting through the wood and looking over the fence,
we saw we were behind the Germans, who were occupying
a trench in the open. Then the fun began. We enfiladed
them and knocked the.n over like rabbits. Lieutenant
Hughes and his platoon charged them in front, and as
they got near he was killed, shot through the head.
His slayer was spitted on a bayonet, and even then tried
to kick his man, but he was downed and spitted through
and through. Afterwards we found he was the proud
possessor of the Iron Cross. He died game. Two com
panics of the Somersets also joined in with us, and
between us we got over 100 prisoners and of the dead
we picked up about the same number, but many others
are lying in the fields.
It was a funny sight to see our men picking up the
Germans out of the trenches and making them high-step
away with hands above their heads and with fixed
bayonets at their backs. We came off cheap : some ten
killed and fifty wounded. We put the — — back in their
trenches, and we were warmly thanked by their com-
manding officer. As soon as the German artillery
realized their men were driven out they began shelling
us, but with no result. At dusk we were ordered to take
over the trenches.
South of the Lys there had been a succes.sion
of fierce encounters. Away on the extreme
right at Violaines, a mile to the west of La
Bassee, the Germans had endeavoured to break
through the line of the II. Corps. They had
been repulsed with considerable loss. A little
to the north of Violaines, however, the British
had been driven from the ridge, but had
regained their trenches by a counter-attack.
Between that ^^oirit. and Armentieres the
Germans had captvued some trenches. The
total losses of the enemy south-east of Armen-
tieres were estimated at over 6,000. A subal-
tern who pictures for us one of their attacks
on the 21st permits us to understand how it
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
459
vras that they received such heavy punish-
ment:
A German attack is an extraordinary thing, but I
must say they are very brave indeed. First you hear
their trumpets blowing, also a kind of hunting horn,
then the orders of the officers and the yells of the soldiers.
Then follows a hail of bullets and they come on in
masses, making an awful noise. We let them get about
40 yards off and then we let them have it with a ven-
geance. What with the shrieks, yells, horn-blowing,
rifles firing, and everything on fire, it is as if hell were
let loose. Well, we beat them back ; that was the first
day. The next two days the same thing happened,
except that we dug ourselves in the first of the two nights.
Then we were shelled all day long for the two days and
attacked at night. At length, the third night, we were
relieved after the attacks, and the men who relieved us
counted 740 dead Germans in front of our trenches, at a
distance of about 40 yards. As the average of killed to
wounded is said to be one to three, the German casualties
must have been about 3,000.
The horrible sights behind the German
hnes must have given the German Commanders
furiously to think. They brought home to
tliem very definitely that the destruction was
not all on one side.
Though the Germans had suffered on the
21st the most appalling losses, it was now
apparent to the British Generalissimo that the
utmost he could do was to maintahi his very
extended front and to hold fast his positions
until French reinforcements could arrive from
the south.
Elated by their successes, if depressed by the
awful slaughter incurred in gaining them, the
Germans on Thtirsday, October 22, pressed on.
They issued from the trenches near La Bassee,
and captured the village of Violaines and
another point on the long, low ridge. Violaines
was lost to the Allies, but the Worcesters and
]\Ianchesters prevented the enemy from march-
ing through Violaines to cut the connexion
between Maud'huy's left and the IT. Corps,
while the French and British artillery saved a
third village near Violaines from the German
advance by interposing a ctirtain of bursting
shells. At sunset Smith-Dorrien's exhausted
and nerve-shattered troops still clung to the
greater part of the Radinghem-Givenehy ridge,
but during the night, which was very cold, Sir
Horace withdrew his Corps to a position which
he had previously prepared. This ran from
the eastern side of Givenchy, east of Neuve
Chapelle, to Fauquissart on the Armentieres-
Neuve Chapelle chaussee. The British aban-
doned most of the ridge and descended into
the flat, waterlogged plain behind the stream
of the Layes, which flows into the Lys at
Amientieres.
A few hundred yards to the south of Neuve
TO DRAW THE ENEMY'S FIRE.
The British expose a dummy from the trenches.
Chapelle the Armentieres road joins the high-
way from La Bassee to Estaires on the Lys.
Henceforth Sir Horace Smith-Dorrien's ainos
were three. At any price he must prevent
the Germans from dividing him from Maud-
'huj^'s left in front of Bethune ; at Neu\'e
Chapelle he must bar the advance of the enemy
on the Lys and to the single -line railway which
south of the Lys connects Armentieres with
Bethune ; between Neuve Chapelle and
Fauquissart he must defend the road which
linked his Corps to Conneau's Cavalry Corps
and the II. Corps. Fighting from the plain
against the Germans on the ridge his tasks
were, it need hardly be said, extraordinarily
difficult.
From the east of Fauqvtissart the Allied line
covering Armentieres and touching the Lys
west of Frelirighien was on the 22nd again
subjected to heavy cannonading and — in the
evening — to a n amber of attacks by the
German infantry. Here the Germans made
little headway.
North of the Lys at 4 a.m. the Germans
assaulted Le Gheir for the second time, but
were beaten off. All day they shelled the vil-
lage, but as the British were not in it but in
the surroimding trenches, they inflicted little
460
H
o
-1
H
H
<
CQ
O
w
<
H
en
a:
W
H
W
H
<
H
en
D
o
461
462
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
BELGIAN CAVALRY AT WORK.
This unit of a patrol is the last man left to
watch the movements of the approaching
Germans.
loss. North of Le Gheir the Cavalry Corps
defending the gap between the wood of
Ploegsteert and Messines and that between
Messines and Hollebeke was by Sir John
French's orders reinforced by the 7th Indian
Infantry Brigade less one battalion. That
brigade moved to Wulverghem on the Douve,
and General Allenby, who commanded the
Cavalry Corps, sent one battalion of the Indians
across the ridge of the Mont-des-Cats to Wyt-
schaete, north of Messines, and another bat-
talion to Voormezeele, a village a little to the
west of St. Eloi. These dispositions permitted
Byng to move the 7th Cavalry Brigade from
Voormezeele and St. Eloi over the Comines-
Ypres Canal to Klein ZUlebeke on the Wervicq-
Zandvoorde - Klein Zillebeke - Zillebeke - Ypres
road. The 6th Cavalry Brigade, it will be
recollected, had the day before entrenched
itself between Zandvoorde and the canal. For
the next few days the 6th and 7th Cavalry
Brigades alternately occupied the Zandvoorde-
Chatean dc Hollebeke trenches, being con-
stantly shelled, sniped at. and charged by the
enemy.
Seldom have cavalry rendered such services
as Byng's Division and the Cavalry Corps
now performed. Great, indeed, liad been the
progress made in the training of the British
since the South African War, which had made
them equally adept in fighting on horseback
or on foot. As infantrymen these splendid
troops rivalled the best foot-soldiers in the
Army. On horseback they had more than
maintained the traditions of Waterloo and
Balaclava. It must have been gall and bitter-
ness to the Kaiser that his cavalry, niu-sed in
the memories of Ziethen, Seidlitz and Bliicher,
and taught to regard itself as invincible, had
fled headlong before the British troopers, who
now dismounted, held at bay enormous masses
of the German infantry.
From Zandvoorde over the fields to Ghelu-
velt on the INIenin-Ypres road, and from
Gheluvelt to Zonnebeke, the German efforts
against the 7th Division had not on the 22nd
relaxed. At daybreak shells began to fall.
About 3.30 p.m. the battle raged fiercest, and
General W^atts received a message from Sir
John French that he must hold on at all costs,
"as the I. Corps was coming up as quickly as
possible to his support." The Wiltshires and
Scotch Fusiliers, among other regiments of
the 7th Infantry Division, suffered terribly.
The Germans had brought up heavy howitzers,
and many men had been buried ahve in their
trenches. At 5 p.m. the firing slackened and
the German prisoners were brought in. They
were mostly fathers of families, about the ages
of 39 and 40, and had received little training ;
their unifornis were brand new. To render
them desperate they had been told that the
British took no prisoners.
Meanwhile the I. Corps, hampered by the
necessity of sending support to the 7th Infantry
Division, had with ever increasing difficulty
held its own between Zonnebeke and Bix-
schoote. During the day a series of attacks
had been beaten oH, but late in the evening
the enemy broke through the line south-west
of Langemarck and north of Pilkem. The
Cameronian Highlanders retired and the road
to Ypres for a moment was open.
That night the German commanders must
have believed that a crowning victory was
within their grasp. Away on the Yser they
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAB.
468
had crossed the loop of the canal at Tervaete ;
the low embankment of the railroad from
Dixmude to Nieuport might at dawn be
in their possession ; from the embankment
they could march through Pervyse and Rams-
cappelle either on Nieuport and Dixmude or on
Furnes. From Furnes high roads led to
Dunkirk and Ypres. North of Ypres the
Germans, as mentioned, had penetrated the
line near Pilkem, and to the east of Ypres the
7th Infantry Division seemed in its last gasp.
To the south of the city only cavalry and a few
Indian troops stood between them and the
capital of Western Flanders, and the right
wing of the Allies was withdrawing from the
Civenchy-Radinghem ridge.
Early in October the Crown Prince of
Bavaria had exhorted his soldiers "to make
the decisive effort against the French left
wing and to settle thus the fate of the great
battle which had lasted for weeks." The
defeat of the Allies north of the Lys and
between the Lys and La Bassee would not only
transfer Dunkirk, Calais, and Boulogne to the
Germans and prepare the way for the invasion
or starvation of Great Britain, but would also
force Maud'huy to beat a pre(;ipitate retreat
to the Somme. The morrow might see the
annihilation of the British and Belgian Armies,
and after such a disaster would not the
French resistance everywhere collapse ?
Happily on the 23rd, as on subsequent
days, the hopes of the Germans were not to be
realized. The 42nd French Division under
General Grossetti and several howitzers of
large calibre had reached Furnes. The 42nd
was directed by JofEre to relieve the Belgian
2nd Division in Nieuport. Owing to the fire
of the German artillery Grossetti had to pass
his troops in small bodies over the Nieuport
bridge, but by nightfall the Belgian troops
who had lost Lombartzyde had been replaced
by some of the best fighting material in the
French Army, and at last big guns on the land
as well as from the sea supported the defenders.*
The Germans, who had swarmed into the loop
of the Yser and driven back the Belgians to
the railway embanl<ment between Rams-
cappelle and Pervyse, could make no further
progress, and the fourteen assaults on Dix-
mude delivered by the Duke of VVurtemberg
during the night of the 23rd-24th ended in
failure.
North of Ypres the gap in the line of the
I. Corps between Bixschoote and Langemarck
was closed. Major-General Bulfin. with the
2nd Infantry Brigade (less the 2nd Royal
Sussex Regiment, which was left at Boesinghe
to guard the Yperlee Canal), had been sent to
reinforce the 1st Infantry Brigade. At 6 a.m.
on the 23rd the 1st Loyal North Lancashires,
the King's Royal Rifles, and the Northamptons
moved on the enemy, mostly consisting of
troops of the recently raised XXIII. Corps.
Near Bixschoote, through close and difficult
country, the Lancashires, under heavy shell
and rifle fire, advanced steadily, aided by
the regiment's machine guns. Within a
comparatively short distance of the hostile
trenches they formed up, fixed bayonets,
and charged. The position was taken. Hard by
the King's Royal Rifles and the Northamptons,
at the point of the bayonet, were driving
♦ The Gorman forces on the Yser at this date appear
to have consistod of the 3rd and 21st Reserve Corps,
one Ersatz Division, and a brigade of Landwehr.
Later a Division of Marines joined them.
LIFE IN THE TRENCHES.
A British soldier eating his dinner.
464
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
the Germans before them. As the foe fled the
British field artillery and howitzers opened.
The rain of shrapnel drove the Germans for
shelter into villages and farms. Out of these
they were expelled by high explosive shells.
Again in the fields hundreds of the Germans
fell victims to the shrapnel bullets.
The enemy, who were reluctant to forgo
what the night before had appeared to be a
certain victory, were five times brought back
to charge Bulfin's Brigade and the 3rd Brigade.
They marched in masses, singing " Die Wacht
am Rhein," but lack of training and faults in
leading told their tale. The British reserved
their fire till a very close range, and then with
their rifles and maxims mowed down the
6nemy. If the columns of the Old Guard at
Waterloo had not been able to withstand
the fire of infantry armed with the Brown Bess
what chance had these masses against soldiers
with repeating rifles and machine guns ? As
on each occasion they retired the scene wliich
had followed their flight before the Lancashires,
Northamptons, and King's Royal Rifles was
re-enacted. The British field guns and howit-
zers gave them no rest ; for that day the guns
were worked with almost superhuman haste,
one field battery alone expending 1,800 rounds
of ammunition.
Six hundred prisoners were secured, and
fifteen hundred German dead were counted in
the neighbourhood of Langemarck alone.
How many were wounded, how many managed
to reach their own lines and there die, is not
known. From correspondence found subse-
quently on a Ger:nan officer it transpired that
on the 23rd the attacking corps lost 75 per cent,
of their strength.
Between Bixschoote and Langemarck the
Germans had in the open met with the same
fate as their comrades who were trying to storm
Dixmude. " We are all in the seventh heaven,"
wrote on the 23rd a non-commissioned officer
of the Loyal North Lancasliires. " Have given
the Germans an awful slap and have them
going all along the line. Their losses must be
enormous. Our fellows got among them with
the bayonet, and nothing could withstand
them."
From Langemarck to Zonnebeke and from
Zonnebeke to Zandvoorde and the Ypres-
Comines Canal, the fighting had been also of a
severe character. At Zonnebeke Corporal W. J.
Askew, of the 2nd Coldstream Guards (part of
the 4th Infantry Brigade, 2nd Division of the
I. Corps) had showTi conspicuous courage
and great ability. He had voluntarily taken
out a patrol to hold ground 300 yards in front
of the trenches, and, placing his small party in
pairs, 150 yards apart, he held up the enemy's
attack for no less than three hours, and then
succeeded in retiring under heavy fire from
both flanks.
The Cavalry Corps between the Ypres-
Comines Canal and the wood of Ploegsteert
and the III. Corps from Le Gheir across the
Lys and Conneau's Cavalry Corps were also
violently but luisuccessfully attacked. On the
right the enemy, having discovered that Smith -
Dorrien had withdrawn the II. Corps to the
line Givenchy-Neuve Chapelle-Fauquissart, con-
fined himself to an artillery duel in which several
of his batteries wore silenced by the British fire.
Joffre and Foch had reinforced the Belgians
on the Yser in the nick of time ; they were
now reinforcing the British. That evening a
division of the French 9th Army Corps who
had reached Ypres came up into line and took
over the trenches held by the 2nd Division
(I. Corps).
With the simultaneous arrival of French
reinforcements on the Yser and at Ypres the
first phase of the battle of Ypres may be con-
sidered to have ended. The British and the
Belgians, with Ronarc'h's 6,000 Marines, Bidon's
two Territorial Divisions, De Mitry's four
Cavalry Divisions, and Conneau's Cavalry
Corps, had from the night of October IG to the
night of October 23, attacking and counter-
attacking, acted as a firm barrier in the path of
the hosts of the Duke of Wurtemberg and the
Crown Prince of Bavaria.
CHAPTER LXIII.
THE FRANCO-BELGIAN BATTLE
OF THE YSER.
The Germans on October 24 Across the Yser at Tervaete — Grossetti Retakes Lombart-
ZYDE AND Moves Towards Ostend — The Germans over the Yser at St. Georges — Bombard-
ment OF NiEUPORT — French and Belgians Drive Germans into the Yser — Battle of the.
25th ; Renewed Offensive of the Duke of Wurtemberg — Exhaustion of Allies — Inunda-
tion OF the Yser District Ordered — Nature of the Inundation — Battle of October 26 ;
Attempt to Surprise Dixmude ; Belgian Staff Leaves Furnes but Returns ; Victory of
THE Allies — Battle of October 28 ; H.M.S. Venerable Rakes the Germans Advancing on
NiEUPORT — Effects of the Fire of the British Flotilla ; The Inundation Spreading
Towards Pervyse — Battle for the Railway Embankment (October 29, 30, 31) ; Ramscappelle
Lost and Recovered ; Victory of the Allies ; Germans Driven Headlong into the Floods
AND Over the Yser.
FROM the preceding chapter and from
Chapter LIV. it will be gathered that
on October 24 the Germans seemed to
be on the point of gaining at Ypres
and on the Yser victories which, even if they
were not decisive, would gravely imperil the
cause of the Allies. Those two battles formed
what the French call the " Battle of Flanders,"
which was by far the bloodiest of the battles
delivered by the left wing of the AlUes from the
middle of September to the middle of November.
The heroic resistance of the Allies on the
Yser from October 16 to October 23 has been
already related. In the present chapter will
be told the story of the fighting in October
from the 23rd to the 3 1st.
By the morning of the 24th the Germans had
crossed into the western side of the loop which
is formed by the Yser half-way between
Dixmude and Nieuport, and General Grossetti
with the French 42nd Division had the day
before reUeved the Belgian 2nd Division round
Nieuport and, protected by the fire of the Allied
flotilla, had marched on Lombartzyde. His
aim was to recapture that village, storm
465
Westende, iliddelkerke and Mariakerke. and
seize both the Digue, running westward along
the Dunes from Ostend to the last-named
seaside resort, and also the north bank of the
canal which from Nieuport runs into the
Ostend -Ghent Canal between Ostend and
Bruges. A blow at Ostend, which could be
bombarded by the British monitors and
destroyers, would oblige the enemy to
reduce his effectives on the Yser south of
Nieuport.
During the night of the 23rd-24th there
were several fierce encounters round Lom-
bartzyde. A French company caught b 'tween
two fires was severely handled. Another
company which had crept forward to an
advanced trench found a party of what ap-
peared to be Belgian infantry on their right.
In the morning of the 24th a heav-y sea-fog
spread over the coast land. Suddenly through
the mist a jet of bullets swept the French
trench. It came from the soldiers on the right
who were Germans dressed in Belgian uniforms,
and they had turned on Grossetti' s men a
machine gun. Dcsjiito these unfortunate in-
466
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
Exercising Artillery horses.
Belgian dogs drawing a gun across the sands.
^^fcJlPSUB
r'^^^PISi
cidents, tlie French infantry pressed on,
stormed liOmbartzyde and attacked Westende.
At any price the Germans }iad to prevent
Grossetti turning their right flank. To do this
the obvious course was to shell Nieuport, and
from Mannekensvere to cross the canal at
St. Georges and to assault the eastern streets
of the town. All through the morning, there-
fore, howitzers and field guns played on Nieu-
port and the bridges there which led over the
Yser and its various branches. From the
little watering place of Brueders-Duynen, west
of Nieuport Bains, and from other points the
French artillery unavailingly endeavoured to
keep down the German fire. Over Nieuport
hung an intensely black pall of smoke, broken
every moment by the gleaming flashes of
bursting projectiles. The streets had been
barricaded, and motor-ambulances found diffi-
culty in threading their way through the town
in their efforts to bring back the wounded.
In the afternoon the German artillery gave
Nieuport a rest and the bombardment died
down. The enemy was charging the Belgians
defending St. Georges, and his artillery was
wanted elsewhere. " There seemed," says an
observer at Nieuport, " no cessation to the
continuous roar of the guns through the mist."
Crowds of Belgian wounded and fugitives from
the trenches along the Yser trooped into the
town.
At last the resistance of the Belgians in and
around St. Georges broke down. Two bat-
teries of artillery and several machine gun sec-
tions were withdrawn, and the worn-out de-
fenders retired. Near Nieuport they were
rallied, and their faces were again turned to-
wards the foe. At 5.30 the bombardment of
Nieuport, where the inhabitants were hiding in
the cellars, began afresh. .The Germans had
taken (at St. Georges) another crossing over tlie
Yser ; if they were not checked, they miglit
carry Nieuport and cut off Grossetti's Division,
Belgian Lancers on the way to the fighting line. Inset : Motor-cyclist scout.
THE BATTLE OF THE COAST—
From Ostend to Dunkirk along the shore stretch the Dunes -great heaps of sand, some planted with trees.
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
467
or, avoiding Nieuport, they might pierce the
Alhed Hne at Ramscappelle on the railway
between Nieuport and Dixmude.
Ramscappelle was also threatened from the
east. Orders had been given to the Germans
to break through the Allied centre at all cost.
Between St. Georges and Schoorbakke (at the
northern end of the Yser loop) and into the
loop of the Yser from Keyem tlirough Tervaete
rushed the long lines and columns of the
Kaiser's infuriated soldiery, accompanied by
dozens of machine guns, while another attempt
was made to carry Dixmude from the right
banlc of the canal. Over the heads of the
struggling combatants passed the huge shells of
the German and French howitzers. From the
sea came the reverberations of the 6 -inch guns
of the British warships as they fired at the
advancing infantry of the Kaiser.
On the edge of the canal, and in the network
of dykes and ditches between the canal and the
low railway embankment there were terrific
hand-to-hand encounters. With bayonet and
butt-end soldiers fought after the fashion of
the middle ages. A huge Belgian who had
come from British Columbia used his rifle as
prinaitive man was accustomed to use a club.
To destroy the illusion that the world had gone
batik many centuries, soldiers from time to
time would empty their jjistols or repeating
rifles, and machine guns would drill long holes
through advancing columns, or sweep to the
ground a line of charging men.
To stem the tide of Germans flowing towards
the railway embankment the Belgian 2nd
Division, which had been relieved by Grossetti's
had been brought up to the railway ; from
Lombartzyde and Xieuport, French troops
were hiu"ried back. Belgian cavalrymen dis-
mounted and went into action as infantrymen,
and French Territorials were pushed forward.
Ronarc'h had already detached froin Dixmude
to Oud-Stuvvekenskerke Commandant Jeanniot
Belgian scout.
Goumiers on the Dunes.
Belgian Artillery on the sands. Inset : A macliinc-gun.
—THE SAND DUNES.
Skirting the Dunes on the south side is the canal from Dunkirk through Furnes to Nieuport.
468
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
DUKE ALBREGHT OF WURTEMBERG.
■with a battalion ; for the Germans from
Tervaete seemed about to attack Dixraude
along the west bank of the canal.
Gradually step bj' step the Germans, who
fought with even more than their accustomed
recklessness, were thrust back to and then up
the high bank of the canal. On the edge of
the canal groups of struggling men could be
seen against the sky line. At places the jjon-
toon bridges had been destroyed by shells, and
there the Germans, followed by their pursuers,
were precipitated into the muddy, sluggish
waters. By nightfall the attack had failed.
The Germans had lost some 5,000 men ;
Jeanniot had established himself round Oud-
Stuyvekenskerke ; and, though the enemy
still held the crossings at Tervaete, Schoore-
bakke and St. Georges, the whole line of the
railway embankment remained in the hands of
the Allies.
Dixmude was safe from an attack delivered
by the enemy down the west bank of the canal.
The long continued assault on it from the east
during the day had failed. It and Nieuport
were in ruins ; the flames of four or five
villages marked the track of the Germans
and the work of their artillery, but the Allied
line was intact. The sensations of the average
German who took part in the day's fighting
may be surmised from this note found the
next day on the body of an officer killed at
Oud-Stuyvekenskerke :
" Everywhere we lose men, and our losses
are out of proportion to the results achieved
... Our guns cannot silence the enemy's
batteries ; the attacks of our infantry lead to
nothing ; they end in frightful butcheries. . .
Our losses must have been enormous. The
Colonel, Major, and many other officers are
dead or wounded."
Soldiers and officers might be disturbed by
the awful slaughter, but the German higher
command had no compassion for its men. On
Sunday (the 25th) the battle was renewed.
While the French from Lombartzyde attacked
Westende, the Germans again bombarded
Nieuport. The centre of the town was an
inferno. Shells were blowing up or setting fire
to houses, others were falUng with a hiss into
the canal waters. To the south there was
another advance of the enemy from Schoor-
bakke on Ramscappelle, and from Tervaete on
Pervyse. The Belgians and the detachments
of Grossetti's Division, one of which — a bat-
talion of the 19th Chasseurs — had relieved the
marines in Oud-Stuyvekenskerke, did not.
THE GERMANS IN FLANDERS.
The enemy have a quiet half-hour.
Note the food-cans on the side of the trench.
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
469
however, give way. But there is a limit to
human endurance ; the Belgians were tired
out, and away to their right Ronarc'h and his
Marines found it ever more difficult to maintain
themselves in Dixmude. The town was a
wreck, and the trenches on its outskirts were
full of water, for there had been a heavy rain.
The men in the open, often soaked to the skin,
were up to their knees in mud and slush. Well
may the German observers in the cradles below
the two cigar-shaped captive balloons which
had gone up behind the enemy's lines have
imagined that in a few hours the world would
be echoing with the news of a genuine victory
on the Yser, a prelude to the Kaiser's triumphal
entry into Calais. To counter the Allied
flotilla, more and more of the guns which had
destroyed the Briahnont forts at Antwerp,
Liege, Nam\ir and Maubeuge were being
moimted among the Dunes, and it was becoming
evident to Rear-Admiral Hood that the arma-
ment of most of his ships was too light for the
task which they had undertaken. Many of
the vessels had been hit and several seamen
killed or wounded, chiefly by shrapnel. So
seriously was the situation regarded by the
Belgian staff that the doctors and musses in
the hospitals of Fxu-nes had already received
orders to be in readiness to clear out the
wounded at two hours' notice.
Facts such as these were not likely to be lost
on Joffre and Foch. It was now abundantly
clear that the Germans were bent on delivering
a decisive blow north of the Lys. Instead of
having to rmi the risks and losses which would
be entailed in an advance on Ghent, Joffre
would have only to confine himself to fighting
defensive actions between the coast and La
Bassee. It was round Ypres and the ridge of
the Mont-des-Cats and between the Lys and
La Bassee that the Germans were almost
certain to make their chief effort ; and yet, as
has been seen, the Allies on the Yser were fast
weakening. Could nothing be done whicli
would not involve a further expenditure of
French troops to strengthen the defence
there ?
One resource was still at Joffre's disposal.
Inundations had not saved Antwerp, but they
might here be effective. The celebrated Vau-
ban had proposed to protect this very district
by flooding it. In 1795, Nieuport had been-
defended by an inimdation. Some years
before the Great War, Commandant Delarmoy,
a Belgian Staff Officer, when a pupil at the
Ecole de Guerre, had published an essay
explaining how the obstacle of the Yser might
be increased by flooding the surrounding
country.* The idea of an inundation between
Nieuport and Dixmude was familiar to the
Belgian commanders, and had not been over-
looked by an engineer officer, like Joffre, or a
profound thinker on war, like Foch.
That no steps had hitherto been taken to
materialize this idea is easily explainable. An
inimdation would protect the Belgians, but it
would also have hindered Joffre in his intended
offensive between Dixmude and Nieuport, and
up to the present the French generalissimo had
hesitated to believe that the Kaiser would
* " Fighting with King Albert," by Capitaine Gabriel
de Libert de Flemalle (Hodder & Stoughton), p. 298.
,i.mtj^ . JlJ^v U'**^ ■i^ *V ''^i**^^ '■■KBIBHkk.Ji Bah "
THE BRITISH IN BELGIUM.
Infantry behind a barbed-wire entanglement awaiting the enemy.
e
C3
E
E
o
0)
e
E
3
■J>
U
C
a
M -S
z
<;
z
a
;3
Z
•OC-
J3
.a
cat
b
s
s
a
xi
a
s
^ s
H
23
•o
«
.a
es
c
'*«
o
a-
o
o
470
THE TIMES HISTOBY OF THE WAB.
471
accumulate his reserves north of the Lys. For a
German victory north of the Lys might, indeed,
lead to the occujiation of the Channel ports,
but did not, liko a victory between the Somme
and the Oise or one near Verdun, promise to
wound mortally the French Army.
By the 25th, however, the evidence that
dynastic and political motives were disturbing
the minds of the German strategists was
becoming overwhelming, and the inundation
was decided upon.
The meadows and fields to be flooded were
on an average three metres or so above sea level,
but not at high tide, when the sea at this point
rises 4.50 to 6.0 metres. By a system of
sluices at the mouth of the Yser the waters of
the canal and the innumerable dykes and
ditches which drain into it were ordinarily
discharged into the sea. At high tide the
sluices were closed and the land water held
back until the sea again fell.
On the 25th M. Charles-Louis Kogge, the
Sluice Master who superintended these opera-
tions at Nieuport, received directions as it were ■
to reverse engines. From that day onwards no
land water was permitted to enter the sea,
while at high tide the sea was introduced into
the canal to push back the land water.
The result, though slow, was certain. From
the eastern side of the hill of Cassel and the
northern side of the ridge of the Mont-des-Cats
the streams, increased by heavy rains, flowed
down into a cul-de-sac, the bottom of which
was covered by hundreds of ditches and dykes
already filled almost to the brim by the recent
downfalls. To spread the inundation the
Belgian and French artillery during the 25th
and the succeeding days fired shells into the
raised bank of the canal of the Yser, thus
breaking this water-channel in several places,
while to prevent the floods extending west of
tlie low railway embankment from Dixmude
to Nieuport, the culverts and bridges imder it
were closed up. In the evening of October
25 the Belgian Staff informed Rear-Admiral
Ronarc'h that they " had taken all the necessary
measures to flood the left bank of the Yser be-
tween the canal and the railway from Dixmude
to Nieuport."*
Napoleon, it is said, was unaware of Welling-
* In November M. Kogge was created Knight of the
Order of Leopold, " for liis courageous and devoted co-
operation " in the work of inundation. The map
showing the inundations, based on reports of Belgian
Engineers, will bo found at p. 479.
ton's creation of the lines of Torres Vedraa
until he was informed of their existence by
Massena. It seems probable that the Duke of
Wurtemberg did not anticipate that a lake
might be formed between the Yser and th.e
railway. Otherwise it is to be supposed that
at any cost he would have taken Nieuport
between October 16 and 2^. and seized the-
sluices. The contemporarv German reports
GENERAL MEYSER,
Commander of the Belgian Naval Brigade.
which mocked at the Allied artillerymen for
firing into the canal banlc confirm the hypo-
thesis that for once the elaborate spy system
of the Germans had broken down, and that
they had no knowledge of the possibility of
flooding this area. Before the war the Germans
had built in Dixmude at the unfinished flour
mills platforms for the Krupp howitzers, and to
the south they had in prace-time constructed
a veritable! fortress — the Chateau do Woumen —
from which they could, it necessary, assault
472
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
IN THE TRENCHES.
The Belgians at Ramscappelle.
the town. But they do not seem to have
apprehended an inundation of the Dixmude-
Nieuport district.
From the 25th onwards the Germans, on the
west side of the Yser, were in a trap. Their
only chance of escaping was to carry Nieuport,
and obtain control of the sluices.
To pierce the Belgian centre, vinless it led to
the retreat of the Allies from Nieuport, would
be of small advantage to them. Joffre could
have railed more troops to Furnes, and the
Germans would ultimately have been driven
into the artificial lagoon forming east of the
railway embankment.
Unconscious of the snare which was being
laid for him, the enemy on the 26th threw
three pontoon bridges across the Yser and
attacked Nieuport, but the majority of tlie
20,000 troops who were passed over the bridges
seem to have been directed on Pervyse, which
was mercilessly bombarded. It was against
these that General Grossetti, a man of gigantic
build, sitting in an armchair opposite the
ruined village church, calmly encouraged
his men to press on tlirough the flaming
and shell-swept street. Many such calm
leaders had the war produced in the French
Army.
At noon (October 26) it looked, however, as
if the enemy would reach Pervyse. " The
gradual progress made by the Germans," says
an observer, " could be marked by the way in
wliich their bursting shells approached nearer
and nearer to Furnes. Amidst the din could
be heard the rattle of continuous rifle fire and
the ceaseless pap-pap-pap of the machine guns."
Large numbers of the Belgians began to file
off to the rear. About 3 p.m. so critical had
affairs become that the Belgian Staff left
Furnes for Poperinghe. Tliree hundred of the
worst wounded in Furnes were hastily em-
barked on the Red Cross train for Calais.
THE GERMANS IN FLANDERS.
Troopers outside a destroyed factory take up a position behind an overturned gun.
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
473
Most of them would probably die on the
journey, but they preferred to run any risk to
that of falling into the hands of the exponents
of KiUtur. " They knew as well as we did,"
observes Mr. Souttar, a surgeon who assisted
at their entraining, " that they were not fight-
ing against a civilized nation, but against a
gang of organized savages."*
The hospitals in Furnes were three hours
later sent off to Poperinghe. The fine avenue
" running between glorious trees " from Furnes
to Ypres was crowded with fugitives — boys
and girls, women, old men — some push-
ing wheelbarrows and perambulators, others
driving or sitting in carts. Every vehicle was
laden with such articles as could be hastily
collected from houses and cottages. To the
right and left of the road were encamped
African troops in their bright robes. At
Oostvleteren a cross-road goes south through
sleepy villages and hop-fields to Poperinghe.
Here all was peace. " Little cliildren," says
Mr. Souttar, " looked up from their games in
astonishment as we rolled by." Children were
playing by the roadside, and cattle slowly
wending their way to their stalls. In the
great square of Poperinghe, along one side of
which was drawn up a squadron of French
cavalry in bright blue and silver uniforms,
were collected ambulance wagons, guns, and
ammunition trains. Between these foot-
* " A Surgeon in Belgium," by H. S. Souttar (Edward
Arnold), p. 140.
soldiers passed to and fro. The men and
machinery of war were awaiting orders to
proceed to Armentieres, Ypres, Dixmude, or
Fumes.
Later in the day Mr. Souttar returned to
Furnes for stores. " It was a glorious night,"
he writes, " and one had the advantage of a
clear road. We were driving northwards, and
the sky was lit up by the flashes of the guns
at Nieuport and Dixmude, whilst we could hear
their dull roar in the distance. All along the
road were encamped the Turcos, and their
camp fires, with the dark forms huddled around
them, gave a picturesque touch to the scene."
Since his journey into Poperinghe, the posi-
tion had changed for the better. The French
and Belgian artillery, firing at very short
ranges, had deluged the advancing Germans
with shrapnel and case shot.
From the villages in rear of the Allied lines
reserves had been pushed forward, and had
established at points a new line of trenches.
The Germans had in the end sullenly retired ;
many had surrendered and the remainder had
taken refuge in their trenches in front or behind
the Yser.
The Belgian Staff on the 26th slept not in
Poperinghe but in Furnes.
Meantime a strange and alarming event had
happened at Dixmude. The information which
Rear- Admiral Ronarc'h received from the
Belgian Staff on the evening of the 25th that
the inundation was about to commence had
FRENCH SUCCESS IN BELGIUM.
Guns aod a Taube captured from the Germans.
474
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAIl.
■come at an opportune moment. That night
the weakness of his position had been
brought home to tlie Admiral by an occur-
rence which showed that his system of
defence by trenches and barbed wire wa^
defective or that his Marines were becoming
exhausted.
At 7 p.m. on the 25th, one of liis companies
marching to the trenches south of the town had
run into a body of Germans who had apparently
slipped through the lines. The Marines after a
short hand-to-hand fight put the Germans to
flight, and up to 2 a.m. there was no further
disturbance. No sounds were to be heard but
those of the falling rain and the occasional
German bombardment. In spite of orders,
the firing however continued, and the Admiral
sent an officer to reconnoitre. The officer
proceeded to the bank of the canal, but met no
signs of the enemy. The fusillade behind him
ceased but, on returning, he ran into a French
ambulance. It was in the hands of Germans
who were promptly secured.
When day broke on the 26th the mystery of
the firing was cleared up. A German detach-
movements of sentinels and patrols. Suddenly
there was an alarm. Firing was heard from
the direction of the railway station of Caes-
kerke, the Admiral's headquarters. It was
followed by the half muffled sounds of a hand-
to-hand struggle. Then there burst out sud-
denly the shrill tones of trumpets sounding the
assembly and cries of " To Arms ! ' ' Perceiving
that the shots came from the interior and not
from the exterior of the lines, the officers at
Caeskerke shouted to their men to cease fire.
Doubtless a false alarm had been given by
some excited sentinel. Some man's nerves
jiad broken under the strain of the recent
INUNDATIONS O.N THE YSER.
A scene near Ramscappelle.
Top picture ; Belgian outpost sentry guarding a
dyke bank near Nieuport.
Bottom picture : On the Yser.
ment had apparently glided along the railway
line. Doctor Duguet and the Abb6 Le Helloeo,
who at the noise of the firing had risen from
their straw couches and rushed into the street,
were wounded. Before Doctor Duguet died the
Abbe had given hmi absolution. The band of
Germans passed on and reached an ambulance,
whose attendants they seized and dragged along
with them. Commandant Jeanniot, who had
displayed such courage at the assault of Beerst
on the 19th, dashed out of his house to ascertain
what was happening. In his excitement he
had forgotten to pick up his pistol. Supposing
that there was a jianic and mistaking the Ger-
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
475
mans tor some of his own men he had run
towards the enemy, who made him prisoner
and with shouts of " Hoch, Hoch ! " continued
to advance on the bridge over the Yser. Some
of the Germans (with the prisoners) had already
crossed when the ofificer commanding the
guard at the Grand-Pont turned on them fu'st a
searchUght and then his mitrailleuses. The
bridge was covered with dead and wounded,
and those of the enemy who were on the point
of crossing it scattered and hid in the ruins of
the town. As for the head of the column, it
sought to escape across the fields to the German
trenches. Jeanniot and the other prisoners
were an encumbrance and might prove a danger.
They were, of course, massacred. " Prisoners
may be put to death," says the German General
* "The Germim War Hook," translntod by Professor
J. II. Jloryan, M.A. (John Murra>;. i)|i. Til 4.
476
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAB.
of overwhelming necessity, as reprisals, either
against similar measures or against other
irregularities on the part of the mianagement
of the enemy's Army." *
An episode of this kind which might have led
to the capture of Dixmude- had naturally
disturbed Ronarc'h, and he asked for reinforce-
ments. Two battalions of Senegalese were
sent from Loo to his support. During the
day of the 26th Dixmude was again bom-
barded, but the French howitzers, west of it,
kept of^ the German infantry from attacking
the trenches till nightfall, when another
charge on them was made. The mitrailleuses
IN A GERMAN TRENCH BEHIND THE
YSER.
Germans cleaning up their kits.
stuck, but headed by Lieutenant Martin de
Pallieres, the Marines with their bayonets
flimg off their assailants, many of whom were
schoolboys worn out by long vigils in the
trenches, by the inclement weather and by
insufficient nourishment.
The next day (October 27) the first effects
of the efforts of M. Kogge and his assistants at
Nieuport to flood the district between the Yser
and the railway embankment became apparent
to the Belgians. That their trenches were
an inch or so deeper in water does not seem to
have distiu-bed the Germans. The rain and the
* " Tho German War Book," translated by Professor
J. H. Morgan, M.A. (John Murray), p. 73.
damp nature of the soil would account for
that phenomenon, and the soldiers were so
tired out by the fighting of Monday and the
previous days that it may have escaped their
notice. At any rate, though every minute
they delayed in their attack on Nieuport
was of vital importance to them, they showed
no unusual activity on the 27th. The defenders
of Dixmude, indeed, spent almost a peaceful
day. Between the railway and the canal
there were some insignificant engagements,
and two British cruisers and a torpedo
boat, directed from a captive naval balloon,
bombarded the German lines south of
Nieuport.
The 27th, the twelfth day of the long-drawn
struggle, was virtually a contest between the
guns of the two armies, but how differently
would the Duke of Wurtemberg have behaved
had he known that the inundation had begun ;
how feverish would have been the activity of
his troops, if they could have heard what a
French ofilicer who had motored from Ver-
sailles told a Times correspondent in Fumes
at 5.30 a.m. that morning ! He had passed,
said the officer, a continuous stream of motor
transport stretching out along the road for
a hundred kilometres (sixty miles). With
the Germans caught in the trap, Joffre and Foch
were hurrying northward in auto-omnibuses,
taxicabs, motor lorries, some of those reserves
of men and munitions which they had been so
carefully and cautiously husbanding.
Perhaps informed of this movement which
threatened to snatch the coveted Calais from
his grasp, and certainly now aware of the
inundation, the Duke of Wui-temberg on Wed-
nesday, the 28th, again attacked all along the
line ; he hoped to win Nieuport, the railway
from Nieuport to Dixmude, and Dixmude
before the floods retarded his further progress.
Under the fire of the 12-inch guns of H.M.S.
Venerable and other cruisers, and of the sloops
and gunboats which Rear-Admiral Hood
had summoned from the English ports, the
Germans advanced down the coast on Nieuport.
"From the muzzles of the 12-inch'' guns," an
eye-witness tells us, " came a thin puff of smoke,
envelopiag a great ball of fire, which seemed to
rush from the muzzle a yard or two and then
move back towards it a little before vanishing.
The huge shells could be seen smashing in the
German Unes, the fall of each marked by a pall
of green-black smoke." Nevertheless Lom-
bartzyde was evacuated by the Allies.
BRITISH MONITORS IN
ACTION OFF THE BELGIAN
COAST.
The monitors, being of light draught, approached close to the siiorc of the Belgi in coast. So close to
land did they come, that the crews even fired with rifles at the enemy. 1 he portrait at top is
of Rear- Admiral the Hon. H. Hood, the Commander. Bottom left : Lieutenant-Commander R. A. Wilson
(Monitor Mersey), and on right, Commander A. L. Sn.igge (Monitor Humher.)
477
47J^
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAB.
THE MAIN STREET, RAMSCAPPELLE.
Most of the towns and villages in Belgium present the same appearance — wrecked beyond recognition.
The effect of the fire from the British ships
may be gathered from the accoiint furnished
that day by a German soldier to a Dutch
journalist.
" Tlie bayonet attacks were fearful. Some of the
combatants were pierced from breast to back. It was
hell. There we stood in trenches, sometimes breast-
high in water — and that awful sea firing ! ^\"e could see
the ships lying there. We got the attack from the side.
Bodies lay in heaps. Many were killed too in the region
of Middelkerke and the canal. It was indeed sometimes
red with blood. (My informant meant the canal iiom
Ostend to Nieuport, which also played a part in this
battle.) Yes, it was hell, and if you've a wife and
cliildren — " (the man burst into tears).
" All soldiers arc not warriors," I ventured to say.
" No," he replied ; "many are longing earnestly for
the end — for home, wife, and children. The stream of
volvmteers was very great but, alas ! when they are
actually in the fight for a moment some of them in
£inguish call upon fathers and mothers, and one could
do nothing with them. There was enough to eat ; but
weariness, shock, the fear of death, all this broke the
soldiers."'
South of the canal, which from Nieuport
joins the Canal de Ghent, the Germans across
the Yser at St. Georges also assaulted the town,
beliind which lay the machinery causing the
inundation. Nearer Dixmude, they endeavoured
from the loop of the Yser to get astride of the
railway at Ramscappelle and Pervyse, and to
penetrate between those villages to Boitshoucke
and thence to Furnes where five shells from
their 28 cm. howitzers dropped that day just
short of the railway station.
Impressed by the fact that reinforcements
were arriving the Allies stuck to their trenches.
The Belgians scarcely needed to be reminded
by their King in the following proclamation
of the issues at stake.
Soldiers, our towns aie burnt, our homes annihilated,
there is mourning upon our beloved Fatherland. But
still crueller things will befall our compatriots if you do
not deliver them from the invader. It is an imperative
duty for you. You can deliver our Fatherland with the
help of our brave Alhes.
The shout of " Louvain ! Termonde ! " wliich
rose from the Belgian Army on the Yser was the
reply to the words of the King. And once more
the wearied soldiers attacked the eneiny with
the bayonet.
The Germans also fought energetically.
Ditches and dykes were overflowing, and water
pouring down the high bank of the Yser Canal
into the fields. Every private perceived the
snare laid for the Duke of Wiu"temberg,. but
with task-masters who flogged them forward
and even turned machine guns on to them,
retreat seemed the more dangerous alternative.
By sunset they were still in swarms round
Rainscappelle and Pervyse. Ronarc'h and his
heroic band, shelled most of the day by heavy
and light artillery — to which the French
howitzers had made some reply — in the evening
had had to beat off another violent assault on
the south of Dixmude.
The battle was resmned on Thursday, the
29th. Dixmude was merely bombarded, while
the Duke of Wurtemberg aimed blow after
blow at the Allied centre from Per\-j-se to
Ramscappelle. He did not yet regard himself
as beaten and still might lay his hands on the
Nieuport sluices. With their numerous " ' table-
tops " (light, roughly-constructed but strong
portable platforms on legs which could be
thrown across rivulets as bridges) his infantry
might manage to make their way across the
artificial lake wliich, excej)t at the points where
there were ditches and dykes, could be fcrded
by cavalry and even by infantry. His advanced
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR,
479
MAP 'iHOWING THE INUNDATED AREA ON THE YSER. THE INUNDATION IS
SHOWN DOTTED.
480
THE TIMES HJSTOnV OF THE WAR.
guard was on part of the riin of tlic inundated
district. If he could take Ramscappelle and
cross the Furnes-Nieuport Canal, he nxight
isolate Nieuport or seize Furnes, which could be
attacked from Ramscappelle, Boitchoucke, or
Pervyse. The tremendous effort being made
on his left to crumple up the Allied .Axmy round
Ypres was calculated to prevent Joffre and Foch
largely rein'crcing Grossetti and the Belgians.
So long as it was humanly possible to continue
the attack, it was the Duke's duty to do so in
order to influence the centre and right of the
Allied Army engaged in this gigantic battle.
To keep the French reserves in the plain north
of the ridge of the Mont-des-Cats was well
worth sacrificing liis " cannon fodder."
During the afternoon the offensive was, there-
fore, resumed, and that night in a violent storm
of wind and rain Ramscappelle was at last
captured, and so dangerous for the Allies was the
situation at Pervyse, that Ronarc'h depleted liLs
scanty garrison roimd Dixmude and sent to the
latter village two companies of Marines.
The morning of Friday, the 30th, dawned.
Five French torpedo-boat destroyers had been
added to Rear-Admiral Hood's flotilla. He
hoisted liis flag on the Intrepide and led the
French ships into action ofl Lombartzyde. The
French and British destroyers guarded the
larger vessels from submarines, whose presence
was betrayed by periscopes, and from their
torpedoes. From the Dunes the German
howitzers hurled their huge shells. The
Amazon had been badly holed ; Lieutenant
Wauton commanding the Falcon and eight
seamen on it had been killed, eighteen disabled.
The monitor, Mersey, during the operations
had had its 6-in. gim turret disabled and
received several shots on the water-line.
The Germans were in front of Nieuport ;
they were barricaded in Ramscappelle and along
the railwaj' to the north and south of it ; but
between the railway and the canal the inunda-
tion was slowly and steadily advancing towards
Pervyse. All day the battle raged for the
possession of Ramscappelle, the railway em-
bankment and Pervyse. The former village
was taken and retaken by the French and
Belgians, Pervyse remained in the hands of
the Allies.
At daybreak on the 31st Ramscappelle was
bombarded. The Germans finding the village
untenable advanced westward from it. The
moment for which the Allies had been waiting
in the small hours had come. The bugles
sounded the charge, and the French and Belgian
infantry, under a hail of shot and slirapnel
and in* face of batteries of machine-guns
pouring lead as a hose pours water, rushed
forward with a courageous and irresistible
impetus. Tlie distance between the two
lines rapidly diminished. The assailants were
soon 300 yards, 200 yards, and then but 50
yards from the foe ; which side would give way ?
For a second the issue was in the balance.
Then, with a mighty shout, the AUied troops
luu-led themselves on the Germans, and drove
them headlong backwards to Ramscappelle
and the railway. Seven mitrailleases were
capttired and 300 prisoners taken. The ground
was littered with the dead and dymg.
In Ramscappelle the Germans ralUed, and
there was a terrible struggle at handy -
strokes. But the Alhes would not be denied,
and still pressed onward drivmg their foes
before them. In vain did the German officers
with threats, curses, blows, and even shots
from their pistols try to keep their soldiers
from tlirowing down their weapons and evacua-
ting the village. Fear had overtaken this once
brave host, and by 9 a.m. Ramscappelle was
lost to them. An horn* later the Alhes were
over the railway embankment. Then the
" seventy-fives " were brought up at a gallop
and poured a hail of shell on the demoralized
German infantry wading frantically tlirough
the water towards the canal. Rifles and
machine guns joined in the work of destruction,
and the placid lake between the railway and the
canal was soon dotted with drowning Germans
fallen from the demoralized crowds struggling
to reach a haven of safety over the bridges
at St. Georges, Schoorbakke, and Tervaete.
The crisis of the Battle of the ,Yser was over ;
the Germans had made their great effort and
had failed.
CHAPTER LXIV.
THE SOUTH AFRICAN REBELLION.
Origins of the Rebeixion — A Political Movement — The South African Dutch and their
Leaders— The Botha -Hertzog Quarrel — Rival Ideals — Hertzog's Fall — His Responsi-
bility— Rebel Leaders — Maritz's Intrigues — The Prophet Van Rensburg— Death of
de la Rey — Maritz Rebels — Outbreak in Transv.\al and Orange Free State — Negotiations
WITH Rebels — Defeat of Bey'ers and de Wet — De Wet Surrenders — Death of Beyers —
End of the Rebellion.
IT would be easy to say that the rebellion
which broke out in South Africa soon
after war was declared in Europe was
the result of German intrigue — easy,
but superficial. German intrigue had no doubt
a good deal to do with the rebellion. The
rebel leaders had long looked forward to the
day when a conflict with Germany should give
them the opportunity of making with some
hope of success an attempt to restore republican
rule in South Africa. What is known already
about the efforts of Germany before the war
to prepare the way by organizing such elements
of discontent wherever they seemed to exist
in the British Empire makes it quite certain
that the obvious oiDiJortunities of South
Africa did not escape the vigilance and industry
of the German Secret Service. We know, too,
what hopes were built in Germany itself upon
the possibilities of revolt in South Africa.
We have the word of the South African Govern-
ment for the existence on a large scale of
a system of German propaganda in many
districts in South Africa. And, lastly, the
speeches and manifestoes of the rebel leaders
show that they had great expectations of
Vol. ITT.— Part 39.
German aid in men, and, more important
than men, in supplies of heavy guns, ammuni-
tion, and equipment. The evidence of (he
extent to which all this had gone is still in the
hands of the South African Government. It
will be revealed when the proper time comes.
Meanwhile, it is as well not to assign too great
an in^portance to these machinations of the
enemy. There were elements in South Africa
which had made for rebellion long before
August 1914. Whether they would actually
have brought rebellion about if there had been
no war is uncertain. But it is certain that
rebellion was their natvu'al consequence, and
that German intrigue was the breeze that
fanned the smouldering fires of revolt into a
flame, nuich more than the match wliich first
set it burning.
The South Africaji rebellion was a political
movement carried to its logical extreme. Its
inilitary significance was slight, though it
miglit have been far more serious. Not as a
campaign can it have any groat interest for
the student o; the war ; but as a revelation of
the problems that had to be solved by Great
Britain in South Africa, 6is a test of the efficacy
481
48-2
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
THE PREMIER OF SOUTH AFRICA AND HIS FAMILY AT GROOTE SCHUUR.
Mrs. Botha, Miss Frances Botha, General Louis Botha, Captain Louis Botha, Headquarter StaflF ;
Mr. John Botha, Cape Town Highlanders ; and Mr. Philip Botha.
of the solution that had been attempted long
before the war came, as a criterion of the
ultimate eflficacy of that solution. It cannot,
in fact, be regarded as an isolated and inexplic-
able outbreak, hopeless from the first, speedily
suppressed. It was much more than that,
and to make clear its objects and its chances of
success its relation to the history of South
Africa since the end of the Boer War must be
investigated and explained.
The history of the Dutch-speaking race in
South Africa is largely the product of the
personality of its leaders. The reason for
this is not difficult to understand. They lived,
most of I hem, isolated lives. They were a
farming people, and in South Africa the farms
were large. The defects of their racial character
were mostly due to this fact. They were not
a highly educated people. Their beliefs, their
habits, their methods of agriculture were all
primitive. The organization of their social
system was still patriarchal. The family, with
its flocks and herds, was the unit. Upon it
was grafted three characteristics, each of which
had a strong influence on their development.
They were a land-owning people, and, as the
family grew, a progressive sub-division — in
legal right though not in practice — of the land
belonging to the family went with it. They
lived in a land where native labour was at hand
to do all the manual work and so became
inevitably more the masters of labour than
labourers on the land themselves. Their
religious belief was a fervent, if narrow,
Calvinism. Among a people with whom
reading was in little favour this intensity of
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
4S8
religious belief gave the minister of religion—
the Predikant — an immense influence. It
followed from these three conditions of their
life that they grew to believe in themselves
as a kind of chosen race, specially favoiu-ed
by Providence,, given South Africa as a dwelling-
place and expressly appointed to rule over the
native population for its good. With thepe
strong traditions they combined an indi-
vidualism created by the hard struggle that
they had with Nature in that land of sparse
rainfall, of thronging plagues and blights
on beast and crop, of immense distances. Add
as a culminating element in the formation of
Dutch racial character two facts : first, that
the tradition of ordered government and of
respect for constituted authority was strong
in them. Second, that combination was
constantly imposed vipon them as the one con-
dition of success in early wars against the
natives, and that where they were so few and
the natives so manj% success could only be
won by matching the cunning of their enemies
by a superior craft and the overwhelming
native superiority in numbers by better weapons
and a more resolute courage. Throughout
the early history of the South African Dutch
a leader of exceptional ability was always a
necessity for survival and was always found.
AN'hen the small Transvaal Republic found
itself threatened by the stream of British
pioneers that poured north to exploit the riches
of the goldfields. President Kruger was surely
established as the leader of his people in the
north. In the Cape, after peace with the
natives had made possible responsible go\ ern-
nieiit under the British Crown, the Dutch
found it necessary to organize politically if
their traditional claims were not to be aban-
doned. Here, too, there was need for a leader.
He appeared in the person of Jan Hofmeyr,
whose word was law to the Dutch of the Capo
through many years of jjolitical conflict.
When the Tran.svaal took up arms against
Great Britain and Paul Kruger was too old to
lead her troops in the field, natural leaders
MEN WHO CRUSHED THE REBELS.
General Smuts delivering his famous speech at Johannesburg. Inset : General Smuts.
484
THE TIMES HISTOBY OE THE WAH.
SPECIAL CONSTABLES ON A ROUTE MARCH.
Town Police section of Pretoria who volunteered to do night duty in order to release the
South African Police for active service.
of men appeared from the ranks of the com-
mandoes and were followed because they
proved their capacity. They were Louis
Botha, de la Rey, Smuts, and Beyers in the
Transvaal ; in the Orange Free State President
Steyn and Christian de Wet.
The Boer War ended on May 31, 1902.
Twelve years and a few months later the Boer
leaders who had won eminence during the war
were ranged against each other in the field.
Botha and Smuts were Ministers of the Crown,
the Jourdan and the Carnot of the King's
forces in South Africa. De la Rey was dead,
shot by accident upon the threshold of rebellion,
whether he knew that he stood there or not.
Beyers and de Wet were rebel leaders in the
field. And every Dutchman in the country
looked anxiously towards Onze Rust — the farm
near Bloemfontein where ex-President Stej-n
nursed the shattered remnant of health that
the war had left him — looked, and wondered
whether he would speak the word that would
leave Beyers and de Wet with only the desperate
remnant of a following. The history of these
men during those twelve years is very largely
the lustory of South Africa. The loyalty to
them of the Dutch-speaking people was con-
stant and unshaken. VVhen they split into
two sections and went their different ways, the
Dutch split also and followed — most Botha and
Smuts ; the rest ex-President Steyn, Beyers,
de Wet. and Steyn's lieutenant and mouth-
piece in politics, Hertzog.
In this breach between the Dutch leaders
Botha was the protagonist on the one side,
Hertzog on the other. But Hertzog spoke and
acted in all essentials as the representative of
ex-President Steyn, though with a personal
violence and a passion of individual conviction
that constantly exaggerated his own importance
and obscured the hand of ex-President Steyn
which guided him. The breach had thus -two
sides. It was a personal quarrel, and a very
violent personal quarrel, between Botha and
Hertzog. But it was also much more than
that. It was a definite and irreparable lupture
between two ideals. Wlien Botha won and
Hertzog was beaten there remained only two
courses for him and those who held the same
ideals as he did. They could submit, or they
could prepare for rebellion and await a favov.r-
able moment for taking the field in arms against
Botha and Great Britain. This statement
needs some superficial qualification. Hertzog
did not rebel. Both he and ex-President
Steyn claimed when all was over that they had
done everything possible to prevent armed
rebellion. But the rebel commanders fought
for their ideals, inscribed Hertzog's name on
their banners, constantly assured their followers
that Hertzog was on the same side as they
were and approved everytliing that they did.
Essentially, the verdict that the South African
rebellion was the natural development of the
breach between Botha and Hertzog at the
end of 1912 is beyond question.
A brief retrosjject^of the events that led up
to the qviarrel will show this. South African
THE TIMES HISTOBY OF THE WAR.
485
history, between the Peace of Vereeniging,
which ended the Boer War in May 1902, and
the rebeUion at the end of August 1914, divides
itself naturally into tlu'ee periods. In the first
period the conquered Republics — the Transvaal
and the Orange Free State — were governed as
Crown Colonies. In the second they received
responsible government, elected their own
representatives in Parliament, and were ruled
by a Ministry of their own choosing. In the
third they united with the other two South
African Colonies, Cape Colony and Natal, to
form the Union of South Africa. The first
period need not keep vis long. It \^'as a time
of reconstruction during which the Transvaal
and the Free State* were re-settled after the
war, their farmliouses rebuilt, their lands re-
stocked and cultivated again, the whole fabric
of their normal life restored. Dviring this
period the Dutch leaders in both Colonies took
practically no part in the work of government.
They stood on one side and allowed the British
authorities to do all they could to restore the
destruction that war had brought. In the
second period the men who had become leaders
of the Dutch during the war became in both
Colonies Ministers of the Crown and rulers of
the State. This period also, but for one thing,
— the outbreak in the Free State of open hos-
tility by the Dutch towards tlie British — need
not detain us long. Elsewhere the two I'aces
lived side by side in a peace that was siu-prising,
* The Orange Free State was called the Orange River
Colony from the Peace of Vereeniging till the beginning
of Union. It then became a Province of the Union, and
was again called the Orange Free State.
seeing how recently they had been at war. It
was, as everyone felt, a period of transition. The
tour Colonies of South Afric-a were not strong
enough to stand alone. Tliey had no natural
boundaries ; their railways were a single system ;
their peoples, Dutch or British born, were of the
same two races and lived side by side in each
of the four Colonies. Their interests were
unquestionably identical and Union meant no
great sacrifice on the part of either of the two
white races that inhabited tliem. If Natal liad
a great preponderance of British population,
the Orange River Colony had an equally
marked preponderance of Dutch. In the Cape
and in the Transvaal the nvmibers of the two
white races were more equally balanced,
though in both the Dutch had a sutticient
Ijolitical majority to keep their representatives
in power. Union of the four States was thus
in the air all through this second period. It
overshadowed all other considerations. Obvi-
ously it could be established only on a basis of
peace between the two white races. This was
the reason why, though the Dutch were in
political power in three of the four Colonies so
soon after the war, there was so little open
racial dissension.
There was one exception. In the Orange
River Colony the period of responsible go\ern-
ment saw the sudden rise to power and influence
of " General " Hertzog and gave a foretaste of
the policy which he was afterwards to develop
and elaborate as a member of the first South
African Ministry under Union. This is no
place for recalling in any detail the educa-
tional policy of Hertzog in the Orange River
LOYALIST TROOPS IN BOOVSONS CAMT, JOHANNESBURG.
:]'.)
4bG
THE TIMES HISTOUY OF THE WAR.
Colony. It caused acuto dis>:ension between
the two white races. It set even the Dutch of
the Orange River Colony by the ears, since it
forbade the teaching of English as a language in
the State schools to any but the elder children,
and many of the Dutch fully realized how
advantageous it was for their children to learn
English while they were young. But, most of
all. it revealed the personal character of General
Hertzog and so justifies more notice than could
otherwise be given to it in an estimate of
the origins and causes of the South African
rebellion.
I\lr. Hertzog wa^ commonly given the title
of ■■ General " by friends and opponents alike
in South Africa. It did not mark any dis-
tinguished service in the field, as in the case of
Generals Botha, Smuts Beyers, and de Wet.
Yet as soon as the Free State Parliament met
he emerged as the strong man of the IVIinistry.
The Prune Minister, Mr. Abraham Fischer, was
a barrister of considerable age and no great
strength of character. The- other members of
his Cabinet were undistinguished, except de
Wet, and he ne\'er pretended to be a politician.
In such company Hertzog had full play for his
peculiar gifts and every opportimity to give
effect to the views which he held with the
passionate strength of a narrow and fanatical
GENERAL C. F. BEYERS,
One of the Rebel leaders. Before the Rebellion he
was Commandant-General of the Citizen Forces.
GENERAL MARITZ,
Who was, in August 1914, appointed to command
the Border, German South-West Africa. One
of the principal leaders of the rebels.
character. Even so, without the strong backing
that he received from Mr. Steyn, who had been
President of the Orange Free State RepubUc
before the war, Hertzog would scarcely have won
to the position which he soon occupied in the
estimation of a section of Dutch South Africans.
He had certain very obvious qualities. In
private Ufe he was kindly and disinterested.
He had courage and determination. He held,
with an almost religious fervour — though
himself not a rehgious man in the conventional
sense — the full creed of Dutch South African
nationaUty. He believed in the prescriptive
right of the Dutch to the soil of South Africa.
He resented the presence of the British and
looked on them as interlopers. He would have
had South Africa remain a community of
pastoralists, entirely cut off from intercourse
with European countries and blissfully remote
from the problems that are created by the
growth of great industries and the population
that they attract. Appointed a Minister of the
Crown, he acknowledged the duty of loyalty to
the Sovereign of Great Britain, but foimd it not
inconsistent with that duty to enunciate the
doctrine that in all matters the claims of South
Africa must be paramount. " South Africa
first " : this was his motto, the text of niany of
his public utterances, the test that he would
apply to any matter which concerned the
Empire of which the Orange River Colony had
become a part. The test was to be thoroughly
applied. No sacrifice of the immediate claims
of the jjart to the welfare of the whole could be
tolerated for a moment. To contemplate such
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
487
GENERAL HERTZOG,
Whose policy led to rebellion in South Africa.
a sacrifice was to be guilty of treachery to South
Africa, to be branded as a " foreign adventurer,"
to be excluded once and for all from the company
of good patriots. His was the whole gospel of
Krugerism, modified only in appearance so as
to conform with the changed conditions of a
country in wliich Krugerism had been
encountered and defeated by Great Britain.
Its logical outcome was rebellion as soon as
the moment came when a decision would have
to be made between the momentary interests
of South Africa and the welfare and safety of
the Empire.
But that was not yet. The seed of this
doctrine, however, fell in the Free State upon
ground only too well prepared for its reception.
The war was still a thing of the recent past. Its
memories rankled. The Dutch were in a large
majority over the British-born people of the
Colony. When they were granted responsible
government it was inevitable that some at least
of them should set themselves to win again
what they had lost through the war. And the
British-born people, whose country had been
victorious in arms, found themselves as soon
as Parliament met at the mercy of any man
svho should care to be vindictive. Hertzog was
that man. He had two great grievances, and of
both he was determined to make the most.
Crown Colony government had done much for
the Free State. It had built railways, resettled
the country, established schools on a scale
luilcnown before. Under a wise policy of State
research and encouragement farming had
flourished. If they had been let alone, Boer and
Briton might have settled down to a futiu'e of
mutual prosperity. But Hertzog had his
grievances. He believed that the Crown
Colony government had attempted to crush
out the Dutch language, and lie was convinced
that the Dutch had not been given their fair
share of adnainistrative posts. He set himself
to \indicate the claims of the Dutch to speak
their language, to penalize English, and to
take a part in the administration of the coimtry
proportionate to their preponderance in popu-
lation over the British. There is no need to
go in detail into the steps which he took to
these ends. Their results show their nature.
Separate schools for English-speaking children
were established in many of the Free State
towns, and numbers of English-speaking
Civil Servants were driven out of Government
posts.
Then came the Union movement. It was
clear that the Free State could not stand out.
Hertzog went as one of the delegates to the
National Convention which had been summoned
to draw up a constitution for United South
Africa. There he met the representatives of the
other colonies : Generals Botha and Smuts,
leaders of the Dutch in the Transvaal ; Mr.
Merriman, Mr. Sauer and Sir Henry de V'illiers,
GENERAL CHRISTIAN DE WET,
Who led the rebels against the Union forces.
488
THE TIMES IlISTOBY UF THE WAR.
READY TO PURSUE THE REBELS.
Commandant Collins and his troops, after attending service at the Dutch Reform Church,
leaving Pretoria.
all closely identified with the Dutch in Cape
Colony ; Dr. .Jameson, Sir Percy Fitzpatrick,
Sir George Farrar, and the leading men of
Xatal, all representative of the British popula-
tion in South Africa. Ex-President Steyn and
Mr. Jan Hofmeyr were not members of the
National Convention. The former was too ill to
attend ; Mr. Hofmeyr had long ceased to take
a public part in the political life of Cape Colony,
though he had still great influence as a power
behind the throne. Union meant compromise
between the claims of the Dutch on one side
and the British on the other. From the first
meeting of the National Convention the
representatives of the British showed that they
were prepared for compromise. And at once
there also appeared a distinct cleavage between
the moderate Dutch, whose opinions were
voiced by General Botha, Sir Henry de Villiers,
and Mr. Merriman, and the extreme section of
Dutch nationalists, championed by Mr. Hertzog.
The moderates prevailed. Hertzog, seeing that
he could not carry his proposals, gave way.
Union was formed, and General Botha became
the first Prime Minister of South Africa. His
Cabinet included Hertzog and Fischer and was
formed on party lines, being composed of chosen
men from the Ministries in power in the Cape,
the Transvaal, and the Free State. All \\ere
the representatives of parties supported by the
Dutch-speaking section of the South African
people.
From the first it was an ill-assorted and
uneasy combination. The cleavage between
the moderate Dutch and the reactionists con-
tinually asserted itself. Contradictions between
the speeches of Botha and Hertzog became
more and more frequent and glaring. It was
impossible to reconcile them. General Botha
took office on May 31,1910. The first elections
for the South Afi'ican Parliament were held in
September of that year. The Unionists, luider
the leadership of Sir Starr Jameson,* fought
the elections on a platform which pledged theia
to support Botha in every naeasure that was
consistent with the compromise betv^een the
claims of British and Dutch which was tjie
basis of Union. They openly proclaimed tlieir
dislike of Hertzog and his views, and their
leader in his election speeches foretold the
necessity of supporting Botha against tlie
reactionary section of his party led by Hertzog.
The events of the next eighteen months showed
the justice of this prediction. As the incon-
sistencies between the convictions of Botha and
of Hertzog on race questions became more and
niore plain the protests of the Unionists in-
creased in frequency and in effect. In Decem-
ber, 1912, the end came. Botha at last made
up his mind that the speeches of Hertzog could
not be tolerated any longer. He asked Hertzog
to resign from the Cabinet. Hertzog refused.
Thei-eupon Botha resigned and, on the request
* He received a Itnronetey on Union Dav.
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
489
of the Governor- General, formed a new Cabinet.
Hertzog was not a member of it. From iliat
moment the breach between the two sections
of tlie Dutch was complete and irreparable.
Des-perate efforts were made to heal it. it
defied them all and grew wider and wider.
Personal dishkes between the rival leaders
helped to broaden it. At last Hertzog was
defeated on a formal vote at a conference of
supporters of the Botha Ministry. He left the
conference chamber with his following. A few
months later he formed a ne\\ party to oppose
Botha.
It is important to understand the exact
nature of this breach between Botha and
Hertzog. The views to wliich Hertzog ga\e
expression wliile he was a member of the
Botha Ministry were the same views as Beyers,
Maritz, and de Wet proclaimed when they went
into armed rebellion nearlj^ two years later.
They amounted to a complaint that the Dutch
were not being fairly treated under Union ;
that the Dutch language was not in practice
being given absohite equaUty with Enghsh, as
the Act of Union had declared that it should
be given ; that those who spoke Dutch only
were at a disadvantage as compared with those
who spoke only English, especially as to their
chances of promotion in the Civil Service ; and,
generally, that the interests of South Africa
were being sacrificed to those of the British
Empire. On these points Botha broke witli
Hertzog. He took this drastic ste[) because he
believed that perpetual bickering about them
would be fatal to peace between English and
Dutch in South Africa, and peace between
the two white races were essential to the pros-
perity of the country. He was right. The Hertzog
policy led at last to rebellion in South Africa,
though Hertzog himself flinched from the
extreme and refused to take up the arms of
the rebel.
An extract from a speech made by General
Hertzog while he was a member of tlie
Botha Ministry, and from the proclamation
issued by Maritz after lie had gone into
rebellion, will show that on the most
important of these issues the rebels merely
carried the Hertzog doctrine to its logical
conclusion :
WITH THE UNION FORCES.
Wireless Outfit and the Operators.
490
THE TIMES HISTOBY OF THE WAR.
General Hertzog at De WHdl in the Transvaal. Decern-
her 7, 1912.
Imperialism i= important to inc only when it is useful
to South Africa, to its land, and to its people. When it
is not serviceable, I have respect for it from a distance,
but as a South African I have little to do with it. and
when it is contrary to the interests of South Africa and
tli'> interests of the people of the country, then I am a
distinct enemy of Imperialism. I am prepared to let my
future as a politician depend on that. That is my
feeling and by that 1 stand. Imperialism is important to
me when it is in the interests of South Africa, and when
any question of that kind is to be dealt with, then it will
always bo my duty to ask myself, is the solution of this
question in the interests of South Africa, and if it is to
t he detriment of the country then it is my duty to have
nothing to do with it.
Maritz. Extract Jrom Proclamation issued on December
10 1914, explaining his reasons jor going into armed
rebellion.
Because both the English Government and the jingo
section in England have continually brought pressure to
bear on the Union (South African) Government, contrary
to promises made, to extinguish and suppress the
national aspirations of our people and to place the
interests of the Empire above those of South Africa.
It is worth noting that the words quoted
above from Hertzog' s speech at De Wildt in
December, 1912, finally convinced Botha that
it was impossible to allow Hertzog to remain a
member of his Ministry. Two months later
Botha issued a public statement in which he
explained his reasons for expelling Hertzog
from the Ministry. In this statement he showed
how mischievous the condemnation in Imperial-
ism in Hertzog's De Wildt speech might be :
A public man must not only be held responsible for
what he himself intends to convey, but especially for the
impression which his words have left reasonably in the
public mind ; and it was, above all, General Hertzog's
duty, in the high official position which he occupied, to
consider and weigh his words most carefully when
discussing our relations towards the British Empire.
Instead of doing that, he spoke frivolously, and in a
manner which induced many of the Dutch as well as the
English-speaking public to imagine that it was a matter
of circumstances whether South Africa would remain
part of the Empire or not.
MOTOR-CYCLIST SCOUT.
Botha reinforced this condemnation of Hert-
zog's policy by a reference to a pas.sage in
another speech made by Hertzog, in which he
declared that, " a-s a ^limster, I am a Minister
of South Africa and not of the Empire."
Botha pointed out that in maldng such a
statement Hertzog seemed to have " forgotten
the oath of allegiance to the King which every
IMinister, when accepting office, must take."
Events were to show how just was. Botha's
estimate of the effect that such words were
likely to have on some of the Dutch-speaking
people of South Africa.
It is thus hardly too much to say that from
the moment when Hertzog ceased to be a
member of the first South African Ministry
some at least of his following believed that in
the end rebellion would be the only mean? of
making the doctrines that he had preached
prevail. Hertzog liimself may not have thought
so, probably did not think so. His gospel was
the old gospel of IG'uger. He may well have
clung to the belief that it would prove irre-
sistibly attractive to the mass of the South
African Dutch, and that when the next General
Election came — it had to come not later than
September, 1915 — he would return to Par-
liament as leader of a party strong enough to
force Botha to submit to his dictation. His
formation of a new party, his intrigues with the
Labour party, seem to show that this was his
idea. Let him have such credit for it as may
be his due. But he never realized — or if he
realized was reckless of the consequences — that
he had to deal with the most ignorant and pre-
judiced section of the South African Dutch.
They still looked back with regret to the days
of their independence. They resented the in-
fluence of the British in South Africa. A
]5eople bom to arms and tried in war, they were
impatient of constitutional methods. In their
eyes Hertzog — driven from the Botha Ministry
— became a martyr to the cause of their race,
sacrificed by Botha to placate the British.
Hertzog might have known that this would be
the way they wotild look upon his fall from
power. It is almost incredible that he should
not have known. Yet, even knowing this, he
may have flattered himself that they wotild
wait for the fruition of his poUtical organization
and intrigues. He trusted, perhaps, in their
loyalty to himself, and to ex-President Steyn,
whose mouthpiece he was. If so, he reckoned
tipon a characteristic of the South African
Dutch to which we have already assigned its
THE TIMES HTSTOBY OF THE WAR.
491
due importance. But all such calculations
broke down when other leaders — men like de
Wet, and Beyers, and Kemp — abandoned con-
stitutional methods and set themselves to
organize armed rebellion. Hertzog should
have known this. But the truth is that he was
a man who had no real' gift for leadership.
Hei fumbled with the ambitions of passionate
men' as'though they were books in a library.
He was blinded by his own self-importance.
His slow, yet passionate, mind saw only the
path that he had marked out for himself, and
followed it with an intense preoccupation.
This is the most charitable assiunption about
Hertzog's part in the plot that led up to the
rebelhon. It is quite possible that he knew
nothing of what was going on. If so, the less
credit to his intelhgence. Nor does such bUnd-
ness — if blindness there were — lessen his respon-
sibility for the tinsel tragedy that was being
prepared. Men who aspire to lead their fellows
shoulder«a responsibility far too heavy to be
weighed by the literal meanings of spoken
words. And Hertzog might have known,
shovild have known. De Wet, for instance,
warned him in a speech made at Pretoria within
a month of the definite breach between him and
Hertzog. De Wet chose on this occasion to
select a dung-heap as his platform. The whole
substance^ of his speech was a vindication of
the rights of Dutch South Africans and an
attempt to prove that they were trodden
vmder foot when Botha broke with Hertzog.
Hertzog was held up to admiration as the only
man who fully represented the South African
people. And de Wet dramatically declared
that he would rather be on a dung-heap
among his people than on the most brilliant
platform among foreigners. The " foreigners "
were clearly the British people of South Africa,
and Botha was represented as having sur-
rendered to them. Language of that kind
could only mean one thing. It meant war
in South Africa against the " foreigners "
and their dupes, whenever the " patriots "
should think that their time had come.
Such were the political antecedents of the
rebellion. Knowing them, we should expect
to find that the rebel leaders, when their
moment had come, would select some occasion
which wovild give theni the opportunity of
proclaiming that the interests of South Africa
were being sacrificed for those of the British
Empire, that the Dutch were being down-
trodden and oppressed, that the Botha Ministry
GROUP OF LOYAL SOUTH AFRICANS.
were the tools of " foreigners," and that a
recoiu-se to arms was the only way of ending
these evils. This was exactly what happened.
The Blue Book issued by the South African
Government shows how the chief conspirators
went about their work.*
They were four — Beyers, de Wet, JNIaritz,
Kemp. Besides these there were a niunber of
minor leaders — four members of the South
African Parliament, several ministers of the
Dutch Reformed Church, and more than one
member of the Free State Provincial Council.
Of these minor leaders none were men of first-
rate importance. The type to which they
belonged was illustrated, though with many
of its characteristics exaggerated, in the per-
sonality of Hendrik Serfontein, who was elected
to represent the Free State constituency of
Kroonstad at a by-election. Tall and stooping ;
with the immense shoulders, long arms and
enormous hands of an almost primitive son of
the soil ; his face rugged, narrow, bearded and
frowned upon by great overhanging eyelrows ;
violent in speech, yet often almost inarticulate
for lack of education to provide him with tlie
words in which to express himself, Hendrik
Serfontein amazed his colleagues in the South
African Parliament by occasional exhibitions of
the narrowness and concentrated bitterness of
his mind, no less than by the almost grotesque
uncouthness of his personal habit. With such
leaders as this, it was no wonder that many of
♦ This Blue-Book was issued on Februury 20, 1915.
The Preface states that " a mass of material in the hands
of the Government could not bo used, as it fonns inijior-
tant evidence in the cases of individuals on trial or
awaiting trial. In the case of certain German agents,
investigations are still being pursued, and it woultl be
premature to disclose the information so far collootod.
On certain points, again, the available evidence had not
yet been properly sifted at the time of writing."
492
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
the Boero of the Free State were led blindfold
into rebellion by appeals to race hatred and
I>rejudice. The Transvaal rebel-member of the
South African Parliament, Piet Grobler, \\'as
quite a different type. Young, a nephew of
Paul Kruger, a lawyer not a fighting man,
pleasant and mild-mannered, he seemed the
last man to plunge into rebellion. The news
that he had joined in the conspiracy and was
in arnxs must have seemed to those who Icnew
him as strange as the news that Hendrik Sor-
fontein was a rebel leader was natural and ex-
GAPE PENINSULAR RIFLES ON THE
MARCH.
A morning bath after a heavy night march.
Inset : Ready to advance.
pected. But these minor leaders need no very
detailed mention or description, though doubt-
less their influence in their own districts was
considerable. It is quite otherwise with two
at least of the four chief leaders — Beyers and de
Wet. Taking into consideration the character
of the back-veld Dutch, it is quite certain that
without two such leaders of national reputation
the rebellion would have been a far less serious
affair than it was. It is more than doubtful,
indeed, whether there would have been any
rebellion at all if they had not sanctioned and
fomented it.
Yet the contrast between the characters of
Beyers and de AVet was very great, so great that
even if tilings had gone well with them, success
in the field would almost certainly have revealed
fatal differences between them. Both were fight-
ing generals who had won enduring reputations
during the Boer War. The name of de Wot was,
of course, far better known outside South Af rica,
THE COMMANDER-IN-CHIKI- IN SOUTH AIRICA.
General Botha leaving his special "saloon" on his way to the front.
493
30- n
4U4
THI'J TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
THE TROOP TRAIN.
Officers of the Union Forces travelling in shallow open trucks on their way to the Front.
but in their own country and among their own
people the military cajiacity of Beyers was
rated as high as. if not higher than, that of his
more famous colleague. Beyers was young,
})rave beyond the ordinary bravery of the Boer,
endowed with the stark coiu-age that burns like
a flame among the more clouded spirits of
normal men. During the last desperate days
of the Boer resistance to the armies of Great
Britain he had done great deeds in the Eastern
Transvaal. He and Louis Botha, alone among
the Boer leaders, had shown some gi-asp of
the deep principles of strategy and had proved
their ability to direct with success a composite
force in the field. Beyers' s handling of his
guns through a long and arduous campaign had
given him, indeed, some title to be regarded as
the most able military leader that the younger
Boers had produced during the Anglo-Boer War.
He had, too, the reputation of a chivalrous and
merciful foe. In person he was tall, straight,
black-bearded, with a keen eye and all the
})earing of the born soldier. His religion was
a deep and ardent passion — narrow as such
icrvent con\ictions arc apt to be, yet com-
manding respect and admiration by its very
f'incerity of conviction. Endowed with all these
qualities, Beyers stood out among the Boers of
South Africa, till the day of trial came and
found him wanting, as a singular, romantic and
almost heroic figure. As Speaker of the Trans-
vaal Parliament during the days of responsible
government he had shown a sense of justice
and fair-play towards poUtical opponents
which had raised him high in their estimation.
When the South African Parliament met
the Transvaal Unionists joined with Botha
in urging Beyers's claims to the Speakership.
But Mr. Merriman, who had been Prime
Minister of the Cape till the day of Union, but
had been passed over by the Governor- General
in favour of Botha when the time came to call on
someone to form the first South African Ministry,
had also a candidate for the Speakersiiip.
The Cape was the Mother Colony of South
Africa. Its representatives in the South African
Parliament were inclined to think that one of
its men should have been the first Prime
Minister of the Union. They backed Mr.
Merriman in his demand that his nominee
should be made Speaker. Botha gave way and
Beyers lost the post. There is some reason to
think that he never forgave Botha and Smuts
for this defection. They tried to soothe his
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
495
THE COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF AND HIS WIFE.
General and Mrs. Botha at a Railway station In German South-West Africa.
f(H'lings by making him Commandant-General
of the Active Citizen Force when they passed
the Defence Act in the session of 1912. But
those who had known Beyers from boyhood
had always declared that vanity was his weak-
ness, and the vain man does not easily forgive
a wound to his self-esteem, nor can subsequent
favours quite eradicate its smart. So, pro-
bably, it was with Beyers. If Botha had had
liis way and Beyers had been made the first
Speaker of the South African Parliament, there
might have been no rebellion, at least in the
Transvaal, where Beyers was the outstanding
leader.
Tlie case of de Wet was very different. He
had none of the superficial attractions of Bej'ers.
Rugged, uncultivated, almost totally unlettered,
he owed his reputation to a natural gift of
handling men by the most forceful methods of
the guerilla leader. Several times during the
Boer War the savage that lurked under his
homely exterior of a Dutch farmer revealed
itself. He treated prisoners with brutal fero-
city, ill-used and bullied his own men, showed
no mercy when mercy could not have injured
his cause and would have done honour to him-
self Like Beyers in the Transvaal, de Wet in
the Free State came with credit through the
days of responsible government. As Minister of
Agriculture he presided over a department
whose energy and efficiency was an example to
the rest of South Africa. It employed experts
who knew the country and its needs. Their
methods were backed by de Wet with all the
force of a character as strong as it was simple,
and with a loyalty that never wavered. When
Union came, he retired to his farm and took no
more part in public life, refusing the preferment
from the State that must have been his If he
had cared for it. There was little more heard
of him till the day when he burst out of his
retirement, just after Hertzog's expulsion from
the Botha Ministry, to make the violent speech
at Pretoria which has already been mentioned.
The other two chief leaders, Kemp and
Maritz, had no position in ^< uth Africa like
that of Beyers and de Wet. Kemp w is known
as an efficient soldier. He had 1 een de la Rey's
chief lieutenant during the Boer War through-
out the operations in the \\estern Tr.vns\aal.
but he was overshadowed by the merited
distinction of his loader. Since the war. he
had done nothing to single himself out, though
when the Defence Force w as organized in the
496
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WJH.
Transvaal lie was appointed a .Major. He
appears to have been in command of a training
camp at Potchefstroom in the Western Trans-
vaal just before the rebellion began. Maritz
liafl had a variegated career. He had given
some proofs of a natural aptitude for leadership
during the Boer War. When peace was made,
lie tried his fortune first in ^Madagascar and
afterwards in German South-West Africa,
where he made hunself useful to the Germans
in the Herrero campaign. He then returned
to the Orange Free State, entered the Union
Police, and when the Defence Force was
formed was given a commission in it. going
through a course of training at the INIilitary
College at Bloemf ontein i n 1 9 1 2. Early in 1 9 1 3
he was appointed to command Military District
Xo. 12, which included the north-western
districts of the Cape Province. At the begin-
ning of August, 1914, he became Lieutenant -
Colonel in command of the South African
border between the Union and German South-
West Africa, with headquarters at the little
town of Upington. Promotion was rapid in
South Africa in those days. The Defence Force
was being organized, and old soldiers who had
shown capacity during the Boer War were
natui-ally given preference when selections for
the higher posts were made. But the rise of
Maritz was meteoric even for South Africa.
His appointment to the command of the
frontier districts marching with German terri-
tory was due to the " repeated and urgent
demands " of Beyers, who was Commandant -
General of the Citizen Forces.
Beyers's anxiety to have Maritz as Comman-
der of the Border must have warned General
Smuts, who was Minister of Defence, that
something -sinister was in the wind. Maritz
was known to have friends in German South-
West Africa. No doubt his experience in that
country was the ostensible reason for Beyers's
demand. Smvits, we may be sure, had his
doubts, but it was obviously difficult for him
to reject the nominee of the Commandant-
(Iteneral on such a point. The post to which
Maritz was thus appointed was very important.
War had just broken out in Europe and the
South African Government had at once offered
to release the garrison of Imperial troops in the
Dominion for service elsewhere. On August 7
the Imperial Government telegraphed to the
South African Government that if they desired
and felt themselves able " to seize such parts
of German South-West Africa as would give
tliem the command of S%vakopmund, Luderitz-
bucht, and the wireless .stations there or in
the interior, we .should feel that thi.s was a
great and urgent Imperial service." On
August 9 the Imperial Government sent another
telegram to the South African Government
saying that they regarded the capture of the
wireless .stations at Swakopmund and Luderitz-
bucht a.s nece.ssary and urgent ; that this
could " only be effected in reasonable time
by a joint naval and military exjieclition up
the coast '" ; and that the capture of the
German long-distance wireless .station at Wind-
liuk. which was "' of great unportance," might
follow another expedition against tlie coast
-stations, or might be carried out indepen-
dently from the interior. On August 10 General
Botha replied by telegram that he and his
colleagues had given careful consideration to
these proposals and that they cordially agreed
" to cooperate with the Imperial Government
and to assist in sending an expedition for the
purpose indicated, the naval part to be under-
taken by the Imperial authorities and the
militaiy operations to be imdertaken by the
Union (South African) Government." *
It was not till September 9 that General
Botha announced the intention of the South
African Gov eminent to undertake tliis expedi-
tion. It had then to be submitted to a special
session of the South African Parliament, where
it was bitterly denounced by the Hertzog party,
but approved by a large majority. But General
Beyers must have been consulted by the
Government as soon as the telegram of August 7
from the Imperial Government was received.
He was Commandant-General and the natural
adviser of the Cabinet on a military question
of this importance. JNIaritz was appointed to
command the Border " early in August." It
would be interesting to know- whether Beyers,
when he insisted on the appointment, knew of
his Government's intention to invade German
South-West Africa.
Whether he did or not, the evidence that
Beyers and INIaritz were in collusion with the
Germans and seized on the outbreak of war
as the long-looked-for opportunity of making a
bid for independence, of breaking the power of
Botha, and of installing themselves as the rulers
of a South African Republic, is very strong.
* These telegrams were published in an Imperial
White Paper [Cd. 7873] giving a Return of Correspon-
dence laid upon the Table of the South African House
of Assembly on March 11, 1915.
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAB.
497
O
on
<
H
o-
o
<
498
THE TIMES HISTOBY OF THE WAR.
Against Alnritz it is quite conclusive. Against
Beyers it is not, and in his case there is just a
possibility that it was really his objection to
the German South-West expedition that drove
him into rebellion. Dead, he may be given the
benefit of the doubt, but the doubt is very
rilender. However that may be, nothing can
excuse or palliate the way in which he went
about his preparations. As Commandant-
General he must have been in the most intimate
confidence of the Government. He had been
for years a close political associate, a near
personal friend, of Botha and Smuts. Con-
spirators are doomed to have dirty hands. If
they succeed there are always plenty of
sycophants ready to lick them till they look
clean. But the treachery of Beyers was
peculiarly black. He held to his confidential
and important post till the last moment.
Then, when everything seemed ready for the
rising, at the very last moment as he thought,
he launched his resignation at the head of his
old colleagues in the form of a political manifesto
published broadcast in the Press.
The first step, then, towards the rising was
the appointment of Maritz, at the instance of
Beyers, to the command of the German border
very soon after war had broken out in Europe.
It would natvu'ally be his first task to prejaare
the invasion of German territory from the
south-east. Beyers had different plans for
him. The evidence all goes to show that the
rising had been concerted before war broke
out. On August 11 Maritz was in Pretoria,
where he saw Beyers. It should be remembered
that before he was appointed to the general
command of the border, Maritz had been since
the beginning of 1913 in command of Military
District No. 12, comprising the magisterial
districts of the Cape which adjoin German
territory. Probably he had been in treason-
able communication with the Germans, and
came to Pretoria on August 11, just after his
appointment to the general command, with
offers of German aid to show to Beyers and the
other conspirators. At the moment when he
was on his way to Pretoria one Joubert — his
intimate personal friend — who had been in
German South-West Africa during July, had
just returned to South African territory. At
the earliest possible moment Maritz, hurrying
back from Pretoria to the German border, sent
several telegrams to Joubert, evidently des-
l^erately anxious to get into touch with him.
They met immediately and Joubert was
appointed Staff -Captain by Maritz. Joubert
was soon afterwards sent to Pretoria, where he
reported to Botha and Smuts, and also saw
Beyers. Maritz himself, hearing that there
had been a collision between the Germans and
some Dutch South-African farmers at Schuit
Drift on the Orange River, the southern
boundary of German South-West Africa,
hastened there, first sending a telegram to
Beyers, on August 21, informing him that he
BREAK-UP OF THE REVOLT.
South African Mounted Rifles behind barricades. Inset : A rest in the open.
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
499
CHASING DE WET.
The Motor-car Contingent passing through Vryburg,
was leaving by motor to prevent difficulties.
Reaching Schiiit Drift, one of the few practicablti
fords over the Orange River, Maritz crossed
into German territory and talked on the
telephone to the Officer Commanding the
German forces at Warmbad. On his return he
spoke publicly with great indignation about the
conduct of the Dutch farmers who had fired
on the Germans, and declared that they ought
to be shot. Within a few days German patrols
had crossed the river at Schuit Drift and were
searching for these farmers on South African
territory. Meanwhile the Germans had also
set foot on South African soil at Nakab, a
police post on the South African frontier about
eighteen miles north of the point on the Orange
River where the boundary between German and
South African territory strikes the river from
the north. This was on or about August 19.
Within a week of the beginning of war with
Germany in Europe, therefore, the position
in South Africa was exceedingly gi-ave. The
Commander of the Union Forces on the border
was in league with the Germans. The Com-
mandant-General, or Commander-in-Chief, of
the South African Army was disaffected,
if not altogether, at least as far as the question
of active hostilities against the neighboiu-ing
German Colony went. And the South African
Govermnent had already committed itself
to such hostilities. But this was not all In
various parts of the Union there were miittor-
ings of discontent and disaffection. In the
Western Transvaal particularly the look of
things was serious. Here there was a " seor,"
or prophet, named Van Rensburg, who had
attained a position of considerable influence.
The tale of his visions and prophecies throws
an extraordinary light on the character of tlio
Dutch people of those parts. His reputation
rested on a vision correctly foretelling events
that preceded the Peace of Vereeniging wliicli
ended the Boer War. Another vision had shown
him the number 15 on a dark cloud with blood
issuing from it and General de la Rey returning
home without his hat, followed by a carriage
covered with flowers. This vision was widely
known in the Western Transvaal, where de la
Rey was the hero of the people. He was
called, in fact, the "uncrowned King" of
the Western Transvaal. When war broke
out, it was recalled and discussed. Tlie
plotters against the Government determined
to make use of it. A great meeting of burgli»>is
was summoned, to take jjlace at Treurfontein
on August 15, the day of tlie first month of war
that bore the number seen by \'an Rensburg
in his vision. Information came to tlie Govern-
ment from many quarters that this meeting
was designed to begin a rising. It was to be
addressed by de la Rey. On August 15 flu>
meeting was held. About «0() burghers rode
in to attend it. De la liey spoke to tliem. but
500
THE TIMES HISTOHY OF THE WAR.
OS
-a
C
CO
OS
o
a
v:
C
<a
u
H
Q
Z
<
en
a
X
>
o
O
z
X
o
J
lie had had an interview with Botha some days
bef'oni. He exhorted Iheni to remain cool
and calm, and to await events. " A strange
and unusual silence" fell on the burghers as
he finished. They pa.ssed without dissentient
voice a resolution expressing complete con-
fidence in the Government. Then they dis-
persed to their farms. The voice of their
leader had spoken. They obeyed.
The first concerted plan of rebellion thus came
to nothing. Beyers remained in chief command
of the South African forces. Maritz was busy
on the German border intriguing with the
enemy. Meanwliile, in Europe, all went in
fa \- our of the Germans, whose armies were
pouring in an unending stream, with an un-
exampled efficiency of equipment and transport,
to the overtlirow of Belgium and the advance
on Paris. Visions still played before the eyes
of Van Rensburg. He saw the English leaving
the Transvaal and moving down towards
Natal. " When they had gone far away, a
\'ulture fiew away from among them and re-
turned to the Boers and settled down to remain
with them. That was Botha. As for Smuts,
he would flee to England. There was no hope
that he would see South Africa again." * The
value set by the conspirators upon these
hallucinations of a disordered and fanatic
brain is shown by their devotion to the number
15. August 15 had proved useless for their
ends. They determined to make their next
attempt on September 15. The date was
favourable for them. The Citizen Forces in
the Western Transvaal would be gathered for
training at Potchefstroom under the command
of Kemp. They might be induced to rebel,
would vmdoubtedly rebel, if de la Rey could
be persuaded to lead them. And Botha and
Smuts would be in Cape Town at the special
session of Parliament which was to discuss
the expedition against German South-West
Africa.
Again their plans failed. This time there
intervened a tragedy so fortuitous that they
might well have seen in it the hand of Provi-
dence raised against them. As the appointed
day drew near, the camp at Potchefstroom
seethed with rimaours. Kemp, in command;
Kock, the Lieutenant-Colonel of "A" Squadron,
had prepared everything for the rising. Kock
iuluallj' addressed his men and told them that
h • would not obey Govei'nment ordei's to march
* South Afiitaii 15hie Hook | l". 9, Xo^. 10-1.51. p. 10.
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAB.
501
I
against German South-West Africa. Kemp and
Beyers both prepared their resignations. Every-
thing depended on de la Rey. As a Senator of
the South African Parhament he had gone to
Cape Town to attend the special session. He
was to start from Cape Town on his way
back to the Transvaal on September 14. There
are two alternative routes. That through
Kimberley would have brought him to Potchef-
•stroom on the 15th. He was expected to take
it. He took, however, the other route through
the Free State and reached Johannesburg
on the 15th. That evening Kemp at Potchef-
stroom was noticed to be in a fever of anxiety.
Beyers at Pretoria must have been no less
anxious. On the morning of the 15th Joubert
arrived at Pretoria from Upington, where
Maritz awaited the signal to join hands with the
Germans. He brought a message which told
Beyers that " all arrangements had been made
and all was ready." Beyers sent liim to
Johannesburg in a motor-car to fetch de la
Eey. There was still time to reach Potchef-
stroom that night. Kemp's resignation had
been received at the Headquarters' Office. As
soon as Joubert had gone Beyers summoned
his Staff, and announced his resignation. He
had already handed to the Press the manifesto
in which he made it public. The motor-car
returned from Johannesburg with de la Rey,
who was evidently then persuaded to go to
Potchefstroom that evening witli Beyers.
Their way lay through Johannesburg. The
roads leading into the to^vn were guarded by
armed police on the look-out for a motor-car
in which a gang of criminals had escaped.
Beyers's car was summoned to stop. The
■chauffeur took no notice and drove on. The
patrol hi'ed on the car. De la Key, shot in
the back, died instantaneously. At Potchef-
stroom that night the officer who shared
Kock's tent woke to see Kemp leaning over
Kock's bed and wliispering something in his
ear. " Kock, in a profoundly startled voice,
exclaimed, ' Oh, God ! ' Kemp left immediately,
and Kock then whispered to his friend, ' General
de la Rey is dood geskiet ' ('General de la
Rey has been shot dead.') " * September 15,
like August 15, had failed the conspirators.
But the vision in which the prophet Van Rens-
burg had seen de la Rey returning home
without his hat — a cari'iage covered with
flowei-s following liim, and overhead the
* South African Blue Book. p. 18.
number 15 stamped upon a cloud that dripped
blood- -had come tragically true.
With de la Rey dead, the plot drifted into a
disorganization that made faihire almost certain.
Beyers and Kemp had burned their boats by
resigning from their posts in the Defence Force.
Kemp hurried to Pretoria to try to withdraw
his resignation, and failed. Beyers had other
things to think about. There is no doubt that
when his car was summoned to stop outside
Johannesburg he thought that he was trapped.
When he found the whole affair an accident,
he still had to explain a good many awkward
circmnstances. The extremity reduced him to
a very abject figure. At de la Ray's funeral,
with a Bible in his hand, he passionately de-
clared that rebelUon was far from his thoughts,
and called the spirit of de la Rey to witness to
the truth of tlus pitiful lie. That was on Sep-
tember 20. The next day a meeting of about
800 burghers was held at Lichtenburg. Kemp
presided, and Beyers and de Wet were both
present. The flag of the Orange Free State
Republic was unfurled by one of the audience,
but Beyers told liim that " we don't want any
of this nonsense here." De Wet also declared
that they wanted to act constitutionally. The
truth was that de la Rey's death had deprived
them of the one man who could have raised
the whole of the Western Transvaal against
Botha, and that, with Beyers no longer at the
Defence Headquarters in Pretoria, they had
no means of co-ordinating their plans in
different parts of the coimtrj% So long as
Beyers was Commandant-General the telegraph
could be Tised at the expense of the Govern-
ment ; no one could question the meaning of
messages that came to or went from him : and
he could keep his finger on the puLse of the
whole movement. Now all tliat was done
with. The mere distances between Beyers in
Pretoria, Kemp in the Western Transvaal,
de Wet in the Free State, and IMaritz on the
German frontier, made real combination im-
possible. And no doubt by this time the
telegraph was closely watched.
Beyers's resignation manifesto left, indeed,
little doubt of what his intention had been
when he sent it broadcast. It afTirmod that " by
far the great majority of the Dutch-speaking
people of the Union ' ' disapproved of the
expedition against German South-West Africa.
It raked up bitter memories of the Boer W'nr.
It insinuated that the Botha Ministry had been
bought 1)\' tlie Impei'ial (_!o\ernmt«nt i\t the
502
THE TIMES HISTOBY OF THE WAR.
COMMANDO OF LOYAL BURGHERS.
Returning to Pretoria after rounding up the rebels.
price of a loan of £7,000,000. It cited the
authority of Maritz for the statement that the
Germans had not invaded South African
territory. And almost its last words were the
question, "Who can foretell where the fire the
CJovernment has decided to light shall end ? "
If Beyers had not intended to rebel the same
night as his manifesto was published he would
hardly have asked that question. The reply
of General Smuts is well known. Its tone was
one of supreme contempt for a, irxan who could
have descended to such ignoble depths of
treachery as Beyers had reached. It reminded
Beyers that only the freedom granted by Great
Britain to South Africa enabled him " to write
with impunity a letter for which you wovild.
without doubt, be liable in the German Empire
to the extreme penalty." To Beyers's phrases
about duty and honour it supphed the crushing
retort that '' the people of South Africa will
. . . have a clearer conception of duty and
honour than is to be deduced from your letter
and action. For the Dutch-speaking people in
particular I cannot conceive anything more
fatal and humiliating than a policy of lip loyalty
in fair weather and a policy of neutrality and
pro-German sentiment in days of storm and
stress,"
Meanwhile, on the German frontier, events
were hurrying Maritz into open rebellion.
Within a few days of Beyers's resignation a
telegram was sent from Headquarters, where
Smuts had now taken the reins, to Maritz at
L'pington, asking him to send a small force to
Schuit Drift, and himself to move towards the
German border in cooperation with Colonel
Lakin, who, in command of a column, had
orders to invade German territory, and to try
to captiu-e Warmbad. ]\Iaritz's reply showed
how little he could be trusted. He advised the
Government to abandon the expedition, de-
clared that his force was quite unfit to take
the offensive against the Germans, and ex-
pressed his willingness to "do my best to
support you on this side of the frontier.'^ Maritz
ended his telegram, sent on September 25. by
saying that " if there are further plans to
attack German South-West Africa mider the.'^e
conditions, I shall be glad if my resignation is
accepted." An emissary from Smuts went, on
the instant to Upington. He reached it on
September 27, and found a most serious state
of affairs. Maritz was in constant communi-
cation with the Germans. The force under his
command, about 1,600 men, had been corruj:)ted
and was not to be trusted. Smuts hastily
moved all the troops he could lay liis hands on
towards L^pington, and, as soon as they were
gathered, placed them under the command of
Colonel Brits, who was instructed to move on
Upington, and if possible, to arrest Maritz.
In the meantime Maritz had twice been in-
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
503
structed by telegram to report hiniseif at
Pretoria, and had twice refused.
Brits arrived at Upington on October 7.
He did not find Maritz there. On October 2
Maritz had moved towards the German border,
concentrating all the forces imder his command
at Van Rooisvlei, about 25 miles west of
Upington. On October 6, taking Joubert with
him, he crossed the border and had a consulta-
tion with the Germans. On October 9 he
assembled and made a speech to his command.
Sixty loyal officers and men were taken
prisoners and handed over to the Germans.
The rest agreed to rebel, and elected hixn as
their leader. Major Bouwer, sent by Colonel
Brits to summon Maritz to surrender his
command, was put tmder arrest. He was
released, however, and sent back to Colonel
Brits with an ultimatum in which Maritz
declared that imless he was allowed to meet
Hertzog, Beyers, and de Wet, and was other-
wise advised by them, he was determined to
fight to the bitter end. In this ultimatum
]\Iaritz also boasted that he would overrun the
whole of South Africa, and that the Germans
had supplied him with 100 guns and unlimited
quantities of small arms, ammunition, and
money. Major Bouwer, when he reached
Colonel Brits, reported that he had foimd the
Dutch rejjublican flag flying over Maritz's
camp, and that Maritz had shown him num-
bers of telegrams and heliograph messages from
the Germans which showed that Maritz had
been in frequent communication with them
at least since September 10. These facts
were communicated to the public of South
Africa in a statement issued by the Govern-
ment on October 12. On the same day
martial law was proclaimed throughout the
Union.
The measures taken by the Government to
deal with this outbreak were both prompt and
effective. The situation was difficult. Maritz's
force had been intended to cooperate with
other South African columns in the invasion
of German territory from the south-east. Its
defection disorganized the whole plan of
campaign. More, unless the counter-stroke
was rapid and effective, it left the north-western
districts of the Cape Province open to invasion
by a combined force of rebels and Germans.
The test brought out the great ability of
Smuts as an organizer of victory in the field.
The force rapidly concentrated and placed
under the command of Colonel Brits attacked
Maritz within ten days of his open rebellion.
As early as October 15 Colonel Brits was able
to report that he had engaged Maritz's com-
mando at Ratedraai, ten miles south of Uping-
ton on the road to Kenhardt. After a brief
fight the rebels were driven off, leaving 70
prisoners in the hands of the Loyalist forces.
This first success was followed up with great
energy. Within a few days Maritz found that
v\ hen he relied on German help he leant on a
roed that broke and pierced his hand. On
October 26 Colonel Brits met him at Kakamas,
■n hich had been evacuated by its small garrison
as Maritz approached. There the decisive
engagement took place. Maritz was com-
pletely defeated ; his force broken into fugitive
bands that scattered in all directions through
the barren and waterless veld ; himself
wounded and forced to take flight over the
German border. Three days later Colonel
Brits could report that he had defeated a
remnant of the rebels at Schuit Drift, and
that the rebellion in the north-west of the
Cape Province was completelj'^ broken, so much
so that he handed over the command of
the Loyalist troops in that region to Colonel
Royston. and returned to the Transvaal,
where more important work in the field
awaited him.
For in the 20 days that it had taken the
Government to smash Maritz. a far more
serious outbreak had taken place at the very
heart of the Union. General Botha's reply to
the resignation of Beyers was to announce that
he himself would take command of the South
African forces, and would personally direct
operations in the field against the neighbouring
German colony. This bold and decisive step,
characteristic of the man who took it, must be
ranked in its effects among the most important
events in the laistory of South Africa after tiie
Peace of Vereeniging. Botha, when he decided
to lead the King's forces in the field, must have
foreseen, if he did not Icnow for certain, that
the first enemy whom he would have to meet
would he, not the Germans, but Beyers and
de Wet and Kemp — men who had been his
fellow-generals in arms against Great Britain
only 12 years before. With what anxiety,
with what heart-searchings, must he have
weighed and balanced a crisis that demanded
of iiini so supreme a personal sacrifice. From
the standpoint of his own advantage it must
have seemed tt) him tliat he had ('V(>r\thiiig to
501
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
lose — nothing to gain. His reputation as a
military commander of far more than local
distinction had been won for all time in the
Boer War. It was secure so long as he did not
put it to the test again. And Beyers, de Wet,
and Kemp were the tliree men yet living who,
after himself, had proved themselves in the
Boer War the best leaders of fighting men
among his people. He might well have
shrunk from such a te3t. The years that had
passed over his head since peace had been made
at Vereeniging in May, 1902, had been exacting
years. They had notorious! \'^ taken a heavy
toll of his strength and health. The work of
Prinae Minister of South Africa, head of a Dutch
Government under the British Crown at a
mpment when many of the Dutch throughout
South Africa were on the brink of rebelUon,
was heavy enough for any ordinary man. No
one could have thought of blaming him if he
had been content with tliat burden. He was
not content. It took him exactly seven days
to make up his mind. Beyers had resigned
on September 15. On September 22 it was
annomiced that General Botha would take
personal conimand of the South African forces.
It will never be easy for the people of Great
Britain to recognize the full extent of the
obligation laid upon the Empire by General
Botha when he made that decision. Such an
obligation can never be discharged. But it is •
the welcome task of the historian to set it at
its true value.
Coming two days after the funeral of de la
Rey, this announcement of General Botha's
determination to take the field must have made
the rebel leaders in the Transvaal and the
Free State realize that their task would be
formidable. The prestige of Botha rallied
many waverers an^ong the Dutch and brought
the whole British population of the Union
to a fervour of enthusiastic support of the
Government. The rebel leaders redoubled
their intrigues. They shamelessly spread a
riunour that de la Rey had been shot, net
accidentally from behind, but in front — the
victim of deUberate assassination committed
on Govermnent orders. Still proclaiming their
loyalty, they busily organized in the Transvaal
and the Free State meetings of protest again.st
the German expedition. Botha, well aware of
their real designs, replied by a speech to a great
meeting at Bank, in the Transvaal, on Septem-
ber 29, when he emphasized the fact that only
volunteer troops would be used in the expedi-
tion, and that no one would be forced to go.
Nevertheless, the campaign of slander and
thinly- veiled sedition grew throughout the Free
INSPECTION OF TROOPS AT THE CAPE.
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
505
GENERAL DE WET'S BROTHER GIVES INFORMATION TO COLONEL COEN BRITS.
General de Wet's brother, Piet, seen on the right, is a Loyalist. The white armlet distinguishing
a Loyalist soldier may be seen on the Colonel.
State and the Western Transvaal. The news of
the rebellion of Maritz on October 9 reached
Kemp and Beyers on October 12. Already it
was freely rumoured in many districts that
rebellion would break out immediately. The
leaders hardly held their followers in. A
meeting of the chief conspirators took place
at Kopjes, in the Free State, on October Hi.
It was adjourned. The next day Beyers and
de Wet met in Pretoria and concerted their
final plans. When the news of Maritz's rising
reached the Government, all the District
Commandants were ordered to collect their men
for the defence of the Union. The district of
Lichtenbiu-p was responsible for 300 men. It
had throughout been a centre of sedition. Here
de la Rey had been buried, and here the
Republican flag had been displayed at the
meeting that was held the day after the funeral.
Of these 300 men, 150 suddenly refused to obey
orders on October 19. They rode of^, taking
with them the horses and rifles and other
(^overnnvent property with wliich they had
been equipped. On the same day Beyers left
Pretoria and disapjjeared. He had made no
reply to urgent requests from the Government
that he should go to Maritz and persuade him
to siu-render without more bloodshed. Three
days later the Govcriuuent knew thai lieycrs
was at Danihoek, in the Transvnal, with a
506
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE
AH.
WHERE DE WET'S FORGES WERE SCATTERED.
General Botha (on left) and staff at Mushroom Valley, where the rebel forces were
completely defeated and routed.
rebel commando. From there he sent a mes-
sage to the other leaders, M'ho met again at
Kopjes on October 22. " Here," he told
them "everything is ready, and the burghers
practically under arrns." The meeting re-
solved that :
Whereas the Dutch Sovilh African people in the Orange
Free State and the Transvaal are oppressed, the meetinp
resolves to confide all further measures to General Beyers
in the Transvaal and to General de M'et in the Orange
Free State.
Kemp was at that meeting, and de Wet and
other subordinate leaders from both the
Transvaal and the Free State. The next day
the rebellion broke out in the Free State ; the
daj- after in the Transvaal. On the evening of
October 23 a rebel force occupied Heilbron,
in the Free State. On October 24 Reitz
^^a.s threatened, and a train stopped which
contained volunteer recruits for the South
African forces. They were deprived of their
rifles and ammunition. That same day other
trains were stopped at Treurfontein, in the
Transvaal, and men and war material were
commandeered " bj- order of Commandant -
General C. Beyers."
The energies of the Government were now
directed towards two ends. They had first to
ensure sufficient forces to dispose of Beyers and
de Wet in the field. But they had also to use
every endeavour to avoid bloodshed if that
was possible. They were not lacking to either
need. General Botha had already appealed
to ex-President Steyn and to Hertzog to make
public declarations condemning the rebellion
of Maritz, From Hertzog this had met with
no response. Nor had Steyn thought fit to
declare himself publicly. When Botha heard
of Maritz's treason on October 11 he at once
sent a telegram to Steyn inforining him of the
facts, telling him that the Government intended
to proclaim martial law, and concluding, " You,
of course, know the seriousness of the affair.
A word from you will go far." Steyn replied
by letter (October 12), saying that his health
was bad, his position difficult, his personal
disapproval of the expedition against German
South-West Africa strong. In these circum-
stances he fovmd himself unable to inake any
public pronouncement without including in it
a statement as to his disagreement with the
Government on the question of the expedition.
He also used a phrase implying that the
rebellion of Maritz was caused by the policy
of the Government in imdertaking the expedi-
tion. Botha's reply (October 13) disposed
effectively of this implication. " There is no
connexion/' he wrote, " between the decision
of Parlianient (approving of the expedition)
and this act of treason. I possess the proofs
that long before tlie resolve of the Government
became known, in fact long before that resolve
was come to, a plot was already on foot, a plot
with wliich IVIaritz and others with him were
closely associated. . . . The cause of this treason
is nothing but the outbreak of the war with
Germany and the deplorable and fatal idea of
the present traitors that now that the British
Empire finds itself in difficulties the time has
THE TIMES HISTOEY OF THE WAR.
oOl
come to recover our freedom by making
common cause with the Germans across our
border. It is an abominable thing that Maritz
hti-s done."
Botha made in the same ktlcr. in words
full of deep feeling, another appeal to Steyn
to say tlie v/ord that might save numbers
of the Dutch from being led away into
rebellion :
The misery .and the sorrow that may come upon our
people in consequence of this action are so awtul that
in' my opinion it is the sacred duty of every man of
influence in our country to do everything in his power
to keep those consequences within as narrow limits as
possible. There is no one, Pre^^ident, wlio could speak
ii word with greater effect than you. ... I would
address an earnest appeal to you who stand above
jvolitical parties and interests — speak a word to warn
(uir peop'e against treason, against the everlasting
stain that anything of the kind would be upon our
national honour, and against the incalculably latal
consequences.
Stej-n made no response, and the word for
which Botha asked remained unspoken. But
on October 22 Botha wrote again, telling Ste3-n
that the Government had unquestionable
information that de Wet, Bejers, and Kemp
were on the brink of rebellion :
I consider it imperative that you should without
delay, through your son Colin and other reliable men.
dispatch a letter to de Wet, Beyers, and Kemp, and
either summon them to meet you or in some other way
turn them from the path of destruction where they now
stand. If they come to you the (lovernment will take
no steps to arrest them, and will provide every facility
for your messengers.
Do your best. President, to sa\o our people from this
reproach, this indelible dishonoiu'. 'J'he position is more
serious than words can describe.
What you do must be done at once : an outbreak may
now be expected any dav.
Then, at last, Steyn was moved to action,
though his reply to Botha still kept the un-
gracious tone of a sick man disturbed in liis
brooding over bodily ailments. It questioned,
also, the accuracy of the Government's
information about de Wet's treasonable
intentions. But it announced Steyn's inten-
tion to summon Beyers, Kemp, and de Wet
to come to Onze Rust (Steyn's farm near
Bloemfontein).
Colin Steyn was accordinglj- dispatched with
the letter. He went on October 24 to Dam-
hoek; where Beyers lay at the head of a rebel
commando. He returned to Pretoria that
night, and reported that Beyers would not go
to see Steyn until he knew that de Wet was
going too. A telegrana had been sent during
the day to de Wet, telhng him that Colin
Steyn had a letter for him from Steyn, and
asking iiim to leave word with a mutual
acquaintance at Vrede where he could be
found. No reply had come from de We't.
Colin Steyn waited in Pretoria till October 20,
and then went back to Bloemfontein to consult
with his father. On October 28 he went with
Hertzog to Heilbron, hoping to meet de Wet,
but did not find him there. During the next
SEARCHING FOR THH HNHMY.
General Botha and his stafif.
3
V
>v
e
o
-o
u
IS
o
w a I.
O u
£]J
a: 1^
^-^ "■
u i; :
M >
u
a
B
o
J3
J3
u
O
c
4>
c
u
o
508
THE TIMES HISTORY OF TEE WALL
509
three days Hertzog succeeded in meeting de
Wet twice, on the second occasion in company
with Colin Steyn, but failed to persuade him
to go to Steyn. He reported, however, that the
position was hopeful, and the commanders of
the Government forces were ordered to take
no hostile steps against de Wet, while a safe
conduct was sent him to enable him to go to
Steyn at Onze Rust. This was on the last day
of October.
In the meantime there had been a colUsion
between the Government forces under Botha
and Beyers's Commando in the Transvaal, at
a place called Commissie Drift, near Rusten-
burg. There is ample evidence to show that
the Government had done its utmost to avoid
active hostilities. On October 23 the Com-
missioner of Police was informed that General
Smuts, the Minister of Defence, was most
anxious to avoid, bloodshed. On October 26
a public statement was issued that burghers,
who had refused to obey the Government's
summons to active service, need not fear any
action agamst them so long as they remained
quietly at home and abstained from acts of
violence or hostility against the authority of
the Government. Throughout the rebellion,
indeed, the Government went to the furthest
limits of moderation and self-restraint. The
troops were ordered, for instance, not to fire
upon rebel commandoes unless they fired first,
an order which led directly to some loss of life
among the Government men, and caused a
good deal of murmuring by the loyalist popula-
tion. Thus Colonel Alberts, a Dutch member
of the South African Parliament, who had taken
command of one of the columns which were
being concentrated against the rebels, reported
from Treurfontein on October 31 that there
was a very strong feeling among the officers
under his command against the policy of allow-
ing rebels who were openly organizing to return
freely to their homes on simply surrendermg
their arms and ammunition. General Smuts
replied (October 31) :
It is in the interests of the Government to put an end
to the rising in the Western Transvaal as speedily as
possible. Therefore we promise pardon to those who
surrender immediately. If not, they will be punished
as rebels.
These steps were taken after the collision at
Commissie Drift. The earlier efforts made by
the Government to end the rebellion without
bloodshed evidently encouraged the rebel
leaders in the Transvaal to believe that the
Government would do nothing decisive by \\ay
of armed force. Beyers and his colleagues were
commandeering men on the pretended authority
of the Government, were spreading reports that
Botha and Smuts were really on their side, and
would give way as soon as force was used, and
were looting stores and breaking up railway
and telegraph lines. So it became necessary
to show that the Government w-as in earnest.
On October 27, three days only after Beyers's
men had committed the first hostile acts in
the Transvaal, General Botha took the field
against him, fell on his commando at Com-
missie Drift, and scattered it to the whids.
Beyers himseK escaped. For some days no
one knew where he had gone.
In the Free State, while Steyn's emissaries
were doing their best to induce de Wet to go
to Onze Rust, and there listen to Steyn's
advice, de Wet himself was giving full rein to
his passionate resentment against the Goveni-
ment. On October 29 he cr.me with a band
of about 120 armed men to Vrede, a town of
the Free State. There, while his men looted
and pillaged, he delivered a violent speech in
which he denounced " the miserable, pesti-
lential English," the " ungodly policy of General
Botha," and the German South-West Expedi-
tion— " a dastardly act of robbery." This
was also the speech in which de Wet com-
plained that he had been fined 5s. by a magistrate
for flogging a native, and gave Smuts the
opportunity of a biting retort on the subject of
" the 5s. rebellion." The tenour of the whole
utterance was a complaint that the Dutch
were being ojopressed by the E.:glish, that
their language was boycotted, that their
customs were trampled under foot, and tliat
they did not receive their fair share of Govern-
ment posts. ]\Iany have wondered that de
Wet could make such a speech as a j ustificat ioi i
for his rebellion. They need not have been
surprised. He spoke the ordmary jargon ol
Hertzogism, though with more violence and
less subtlety than its exponents ordinarily'
affected. But then de Wet was no politician,
and troubled himself little about those nicntal
reservations and verbal quibbles which enabled
Hertzog and his followers to take their seats,
quite unabashed, in the South African Parlia-
ment after the rebellion was over, and to lay
their hands upon their hearts and protest that
rebellion had always been far from their
thoughts.
To such heights of sophistry de Wet never
aspired. He was one of the dui)es, ami when
510
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
o
•
■oc
T
3
'^
^
a.
>>
>
O
j:
r*
•OB
9
>-i
O
u
<
^
■OA
C
J=
u
b
M
«
X
b
L_
^
>.
u
z
c
0
.2
C
o
H^
Q
T3
a>
z
4-1
c
<
3
O
o
JQ
u
■a
u
cr
■a
u
^
a
'
3
-1^
•c*
;^
O
-3
'jj
C
a
E
Xi
E
o
o
U
z
M
H
the time came to put the doctrines of Hertzog
to the practical test, he flung himself into
rebelUon with rugged enthusiasm. But he
had, nevertheless, a kind of cunning of his own,
and as the Government still held its hand, and
the attempts of Stej-n to get him to go to Onze
Rust continued, with the countenance of Smuts
and Botha, he made the best use of them to
gain time. More than once he assured Colin
Steyn that he would go to see ex-President
Steyn. His officers all urged him to do so.
But all the time, as his captured letter-books
show, he was sending orders to the commandants
of his detached columns directing the attacks
on towns, telegraphs, and railways which they
were making. Thus on November 4 the rebels
blew up a railway bridge south of Kroonstad ;
on November 5 they blew up the Kroonst ad-
Natal line in two jalaces ; and on the same day
a commando, under Conroy, blew up the rail-
way bridge at Virginia. On November 6 a
loyaUst patrol was attacked by rebels south of
I^joonstad. And on November 8 a sharp
engagement took place between some of de
Wet's men and a small commando iinder
Comimandant Cronje. In this action the
loyalists suffered a reverse, which cost them
several men. It con\'inced the Government at
last that de Wet wovild have to be dealt with
by means of armed force, and closed the last
avenue to a bloodless settlement througli the
mediation of StejTi.
In the Transvaal the rebellion had already
been brought to the issue of arms. After liis
reverse at Commissie Drift on October 27,
Beyers was believed by Smuts to have retired
to the fastnesses of the hill country north of
Rustenburg. It was the only case during all
these days of doubt and haste in A\hicli the
intuition of Srauts proved to be at favdt.
Beyers's next appearance was at Katbosfontein,
north-west of Wolmaranstad. There he had
again collected a commando, and there a long
interview took place between him and a ]Mr.
Cecil jNIeintjes, who acted on behalf of the
Government, on November 4. From this inter-
view ^Ir. ^leintjes retvumed charged by Beyers
with a message defining the terms on which
the rebels would lay down their arms. In this
document Beyers offered to disband his force
if the Government w ould use only volunteers
against German South-West Africa, and ^^ ould
guarantee rebel officers and leaders against
prosecution. Smuts' s reply gave this guarantee
and pointed out that the Govermnent had
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
511
CAUGHT AT LAST.
General Christian de Wet (in centre) directly after his capture. He surrendered on December 1, 1914,
at Waterburg, 110 miles west of Mafeking.
repeatedly pledged itself not to press men for
service against German South-West Africa.
But Beyers's request for terms was not sincere.
By noon on November 5, before he could
possibly have had any reply from the Govern-
ment, he had marched 25 miles south, and
was close to the railway line at I^ingswood.
Here the railway was guarded by Government
troops. Beyers attacked them and broke
tlirough. His object was evidently to cross
the Vaal into the Free State, and there join de
Wet. But the Government troops were rapidly
closing romid him. On November 7 they
attacked his camp, took it, and captured 850
of his men, more than a third of his whole force.
Smuts, meanwhile, on November 6, had sent
Beyers a safe conduct to go to Steyn. Defeated
and in flight, Beyers determined to use it. He
reached Bloemfontein in a motor-car with three
companions. There he was arrested by a single
armed scout riding a motor-bicycle. The
Government might have re^judiated the safe
conduct, which Beyers had not attempted to
use till he was a beaten and broken man. They
recognised it, and allowed Beyers to go to Ste\'n.
He reached Onze Rust on November 10.
Steyn immediately telegraphed to Smuts a.-*king
him to give Beyers a safe-conduct to go to
de Wet. But the affair between de Wet's men
and Cronje's commando had taken place
meanwhile. On November 9 de Wet himself
had entered Winburg, one of the largest towns
in the Free State, and had behaved with
brutal ferocity to the Maj'or and other leading
inhabitants. De Wet had had ample time to
go to Onze Rust if he had desired peace. The
patience of the Government was exhausted.
Smuts refused to give Beyers another safe-
conduct.
Botha now took the field agamst de \\'et.
On November 12 he met his main force at Mush-
room Valley. The result of the engagement was
the complete defeat and rout of the rebel forces.
The Mayor of Winburg and a Senator of the
South African Parliament, who had both been
taken prisoners by de Wet, were rescued. De
Wet himself escaped, but liis power was broken.
Thereupon he, like Beyers, suddenly became
anxious to secure the mediation of Steyn.
Again Smtits refused, pointing out to Stoyn
512
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
that tills might be merely another attempt to
gain time, and that great dissatisfaction existed
among the loyal burghers at the leniency of the
Government, and telling him that '' uncondi-
tional surrender on the basis of the Prime
Minister's conditions is necessary, on the under-
standing that there is at present no intention
to apply capital punishment in the case of the
leaders." Meanwhile, de Wet was a fugitive
before the Government forces. After Mush-
room Valley he fled south, tiuned east, and then
doubled due west ; till on the night of Sunday,
November 15, he reached the railway at
Virginia. The next day, after a sharp action,
he managed to break through the Government
forces guarding the railway, and fled west-
wards, closely pursued by Government mounted
troops, aided by a fleet of motor-cars. On
November 22 he was cut off, and agam turned
back east. With onK* 25 men he attempted
to cross the Vaal Ili\'er into the Transvaal, but
was driven back from the river. A second
attempt was more sviccessful. But realising
at last that all was lost, lie then' turned straight
west, evidently hoping to be able to make the
German border. It wa« no use. The motor-
ears that were in pursuit were too swift for his
tired horses. On December 1, at Waterburg,
110 miles due west of Mafeking, his pursuers,
having surrounded hiiu while he slept, com-
pelled him to surrender, with the small remnant
of men that still clmig to him. The officer to
\\hom he gave himself up was Colonel Brits,
Mho had dealt so successfully with INIaritz six
weeks before.
Beyers, since he had left Steyn's fanu, had
been vainly trying to join hands with de Wet.
It says much for the fairness of the Govern-
ment that, after he was refused a second safe-
conduct by Smuts on No\- ember 10, he was
allowed to make good his escape. Botha and
Smuts might have drawn a cordon round Onze
Rust, through which Beyers could never liave
broken. But they had recognised his safe-
conduct, out-of-date thovigh it Mas, and the
spirit of tliat recognition required tliat hts
should be unmol&sted if he chose to leave the
shelter of Steyn's roof. So much law, in fact,
was given him that he got clear away, and was
not heard of for some days. Then he reappeared
with a handful of men in the Free State.
Reports about his being at various jilaces kept
coming in. On December 7 he Mas engaged,
and again defeated, about 15 miles south of
Botha^•ille. The pursuit pressed him on to the
Vaal River — then running high and SMoUen
Mith flood Maters from the moiintains. Beyers
tried to SM-im his horse across, while the bullets
swept the water all round liim. No bullet
touched him, but the stream was too SMift for
him. Hampered by a heavy coat, he Mas
carried aMay and drowned. Tmo daj's later his
body was recovered from the river.
The capture of de Wet and the death of
Beyers really ended the rebelHon, though
scattered parties in the Free State held out for
some time, and were only gradually brought
to suiTender. Kemp, who operated throughout
on the extreme M^estem border of the Transvaal,
penetrated some May into the north-western
districts of the Cape. On November 7 he
attacked Kuruman, but was beaten off. The
Government forces in pursuit brought him to
action on November 16 at Klein ^Vitzand,
about 80 miles from Kiu-iunan, but Kemp had
occupied a strong position and compelled them
to retire. Closely pursued by Government
troops, he, nevertheless, managed to elude
them, and finally disappeared westwards into
the Kalahari Desert on Novenaber 25. About
two months later, in company with Maritz, he
reappeared, and invaded the north-western
districts of the Cape. They attacked Upington
on January 24, 1915, but Mere repulsed with
heavy loss. After desultory fighting during the
next feM" days, Kemji suddenly appeared at
Kakamas Mith 43 officers and 486 men. All
surrendered, voluntarily and without conditions,
to the Government. The South African
rebellion Mas at an end.
END OF VOLUME THEEE.
INDEX TO VOLUME III.
Abbas Hilmi, Khedive of Egypt,
288 ; deposed, 307, 310 ;
in Constantinople, 289 ; in-
trigues in Egypt, 291, 307.
Abdul Hamid, 63, 293
Aircraft : German, drop bombs
on Warsaw, 330 ; Taube
drops bombs at St. Omer,
32 ; wrecked, 32 ; Taube
shot down by British, 170
Akaba, shelled by H.M.S.
Minerva, 146
Allenby, General, commanding
Cavalry Corps, 5 ; ordered
to secure passage of the
Lys, 37 ; 462
Allenstein : captured by Rus-
sians, 230 ; Russians evac-
uate, 234
Alsace-Lorraine : campaign in,
437-440 ; General Joffre's
strategy in, 405 ; German
atrocities in, 416 ; position
at end of August, 1914, 408,
at end of February, 1915,
440
Altkirch, French gain important
position near, 438
Amazon, H.M. monitor, dam-
aged on Belgian coast, 480
Anglo-Persian Oil Company,
danger of damage by Turks,
108
Anlcy, Lieut. -Colonel, at Le
Gheir, 458
Ardahan, Russians drive Turks
oiit of, 71
Ardenne, General von, article
on importance of Calais to
the Germans quoted, 167
Arethusa, H.M.S. : in Cuxhaven
raid, 153 ; in North Sea
action (January 24, 1915),
155
Argonne, fighting in the, 430-
434
Armentieres : British occupa-
tion of, 37 ; Germans evac-
uate, 175 ; Allied line at-
tacked at, 459
Armoured motor car, impor-
tance of, 31
.\skew. Corporal W. J., 464
Aubers, British capture, 442
Auffenbcrg, General von, in
command of 2nd Austrian
Army, 242, 326, 343
Augustowo, battle of. 238-240
.Augnstowo, forest of, descrip-
tion, 204
Aurora, H.M.S., in North Sea
action (January 24, 1915),
155
Australian Army, Ex))cditionary
Force arrives in Egypt, 299
Austria, rumoured overtures of
jjcace, 327
Austria, Archdukes Joseph Fer-
dinand of, in command of
3rd Austrian Army, 243, 343
Austrian Army, advance in
Calicia, 242
Austrian atrocities in Serbia,
394-398
Austro-German friction, 327.
Azizel Masri, 294, 318
B
Badonviller, lighting at, 414
Bagatelle, Germans capture, 433
Baghdad Railway : agreement
between Great Britain and
Germany, 101 ; British op-
position to, 90 ; conces-
sions granted to Germany,
90 ; negotiations in London
regarding, 99
Bailleul, British enter, 35
Baker, General Valentine, in
Russo-Turkish War (1877-
8), 58
Barrett, JJeut. -General Sir
Arthur, in command of
operations at Basra, 110.
Bashkola, Turks defeated at, 79
Basra : British occupation oi,
116 ; description of eountiv
round, 83; fall of, 114";
histor}' of, 115
Battenberg, Prince Louis of,
resigns office of First Sea
Lord, 121
Bavaria, Crown Prince of, in
Flanders, 166, 40(), 42r.,
450
Bavazid, Russian occupation of,
■ 77
Beatty, Vice- Admiral Sir David,
in Ncrth Sea action (Janu-
ary 24, 1915), 155
Becelaere, bombardment of, 455
Beerst : Belgian occupation of,
176 ; captured by (Jermans,
18(i, 443 ; retaken by Allies,
187
Belfort, French driven back to,
408
Belgian Government transferred
to Havre, 7
Belgians, King of the, in the
trenches, 185
Belgrade : Austrian wounded
in, 392 ; bombardment of,
398-400 ; operations at,
387 ; Serbians evacuate,
383 ; Serbians recapture,
389
Beresford, Lord Charles, on
submarine warfare, 152
Bernstorff, Count, on conditions
of ])eace, 16
Beyers, General, 484 ; chai-
aciter of, 494 ; Comman-
dant - General in South
Africa, 495 ; defeated, 511 ;
drowned, 512; given safe
conduct to Steyn, 511;
in collusion with the Ger-
mans, 496 ; in rebellion, 503 ;
refusal to meet Steyn, 507 ;
resignation of, 501
Bidon, General, 5, 190. 457
Bikanir Came! Coipi at Bir-eu-
Nuss, 319
Bir-en-Nuss, action at, 319
Birniinghaw, H.M.S., in Noitli
Sea action (Januuiy 24,
1915), 155
513
Bixschoote - Langemarek - St.
Julien - Zonnebekc line, 1st
Corps on the, 457
" Black Country," description
of, 19
Blamont, German occupation of,
413
Blonie : action at, 333 ; Rus-
sian line at, 216
Blucher, German cruiser, in
North Sea action (January
24, 1915), 157 ; sunk, 158
Bobr, River, Russian line at, 207
Bobrinsky, General Count, ap-
pointed Governor- General
of Galicia, 256, 343
Bochnia, Russians capture, 356
Bohm-Ermolli, General, 343
Bompard, M., French Am-
bassador, leaves Constanti-
no])le, 52
Bonneau, General, 403
Botha. General Louis, 484 ;
appeals to Ex-President
Steyn, 506, 507 ; first Union
Prime Minister, 488; on
treachery of General Maritz,
506 ; relations with General
Hertzog, 488 ; takes com-
mand of South African
forces, 503
Botszonce, fighting around, 252
Boveerig, (Jeneral. in command
of Austrian Army based on
Przemysl, 272
Boyen, fortress of, 207
Bo3-ovitch, General, 367 : ad-
vance on the Frushkagora
Mountain, 368
Breslau, German cruiser, bought
by the Turkish Govern-
ment, 44 ; damaged in
Black Sea, 76 ; engaged
in Black Sea, 147
Brest-Litovsk, fortress of, 21()
Bristol, H.M.S., in Falkland
Islands action, 136
British Army : 7th Division,
constitution of, 168, 169
British Navy : operations on
Belgian coast, 154, 189,
443, 469, 476
Brits, Colonel ; de Wet sur-
renders to, 512 ; instructed
to arrest General Maritz,
502
Brodv, Russian occupation of,
249
Browne, Lieut.-Coloncl Wogan,
111
Brownlow, Major, apjiointed
Military Governor at Basra,
116
Brugere, General, 1
Bruges, German occupation of. <V
Brusiloll. General Alexis, 248;
Hanking movement at the
Ztota Lipa, 252, 270 ;
Order of St. George con-
ferred on, 256 ; victory at
Rawa-Ruska and Grodek,
266
Brzezany, lighting at, 250
Bukowina : description of. 2*11 ;
Russian occupation of, 357
Bulliu, Major-Gcncral, 463
51
THE TIMKS HISTOIIY OF THE WAR.
Bulwark, H.M.S.. blown up at
Shecrnoss, 149 ; inquiry on
loss of, 151.
Butlor, Lieut. -Colonel, at Li'
Gheir, 4oS
Bynij, Major-Oeneral the Hon.
Julian, commanding 3r(l
Cavalry Division, 2, 34,
444 ; at Zonnebeke, 457 ;
diary quoted, 170 ; enters
Ypres, 5
Bzura, River, Russian line at,
207 ; Germans eros.s the.
351, 355 ; Russians fall
back on line of the, 350
c
Camp des Rf^miins, 427; des-
troyed, 4 28
Canopus, H.M.S., absent from
action off Chilean coast.
130 ; in action at Falkland
Islands, 136
Capper. Major-(}cneral, in com-
mand of 7th Infantry Divi-
sion, 34, 1(J8 ; at the Lvs.
37
Catnarvon, H.M.S., in Falkland
Islands action, 136
Carpathians : description of
passes, 213 ; fighting in
the, 357 ; strategical im-
portance of, 212
Castelli, General de, 404
Castelnau, General de, 1, 174,
403
Caucasus ; campaign in the,
67-80 ; description of
Russo-Turkish frontier, 68
Chaldea. British invasion of.
81-120
Champagne district, fighting in
the, 434
Chcetham, Sir Milne, Acting
High Commissioner in
Egypt, 308, 316
Chilean coast, action off, 129-
134
Chope, Captain, at Bir-en-Nuss,
319
Churchill. Rt. Hon. Winston,
on North Sea action (Janu-
ary 24, 1915), 159
Cirey, Germans occu{)y, 413
Cocos- Keeling Islands, action
at, 126
Col du Chipatte, fighting at, 413
Conneau, General, 2, 5, 174,
449
Cornwall, H.M.S., in Falkland
Islands action, 130
Courtrai, German reinforce-
ments reach. 443
Cox, Colonel Sir Percy, British
Resident in the Persian
Gulf, 111
Cracow: description of, 211 ;
German defensive position
at, 349 ; Russian advance
on, 270, 356 ; strategical
importance of, 212, 215,
216, 218
Cradock, Rear- Admiral Sir
Christopher, 129 ; death,
133
Cromer, Lord : in Egypt, 282 ;
relations with Abbas Hilmi,
288
Cronje, Commandant, engages
de Wet near Kroonstad,
510
Cuxhaven, raid on by British
sea])lanes, 153
Czernowitz. Russian occupation
of, 357
D
Daniell, Major, at Le Pilly, 449
Dank!, General, in command of
1st Austrian Army, 242,
245 ; at Rawa-Ruska, 262
Da re he. Colonel, defender of
Longwy, 430
Dardanelles : closetl. 51 ; first
bombardment (Novembers,
1914), 147
Delamain, Brig.-General W. S.,
in command of Poona Bri-
gade in the Persian Gulf,
107 ; at Fao, 108
de la Rev, General, addresses
meeting at Treurfontein,
499 ; killed, 484, 501
Dtrfjli iKjcr, German cruiser, in
North Sea action (Januarj'
24, 1915), 157
d'Esperev, General Franchet,
434 '
Detch, Serbians capture, 368
Dewa, Admiral Baron, com-
manding Japanese First
Fleet. 121
de Wet, General Christian, 484 ;
character of, 495; in re-
be lion, 503 ; speech at
Pretoria quoted, 491 ; sur-
renders, 512
Dixmude : bombardment of.
456, 473-478 ; deseri])tion
of country round, 176 ;
German attacks on, 185,
repulsed, 191-195
Djavid Bev, 49, 63
Djemal Pa'sha, 47, 49, 63
Djivkovitch, (General, 399
Dniitrieff, General Radko, 252,
344 ; distinguished services
of, 266
Dniester, River : bridges on
destroyed by Austrians,
252 ; Russians cross the,
253
Dobbie, , Brig.-General W. H.,
110
Dobranovtsi, Serbians capture.
368
Dombasle, German occupation
of, 419
Donetz, Russian guardship. sunk
in Odessa harbour, 52
Dresden. German cruiser, escape
in Falkland Islands action,
143 ; in action oS Chilean
coast, 130 ; sinks two ves-
sels, 134
Drina, River ; Austrians cross
the, 368, 374 ; description
of, 362
Dubail, General, at Nancy, 403
Dubois, General, 403
Duke of Edinburgh, H.M.S., in
Red Sea, 145, 318
d'Urbal. General, 1, 5, 12, 183,
185, 446
Dwarf, H.JLS., German attempt
to blow up, 145
E
East Coast raids, early, 153
Egypt : British occupation of,
281-284 ; British Protecto-
rate proclaimed. 310 ; col-
ton industry, effect of war
on, 287. 296 : Dentsch-
Orient Bank. 291, 292 ;
economic measures after
outbreak of war, 296, 298 ;
financial conditions. 287 ;
German intrigues in, 292 ;
Hisb. el Watani (Patriotic
Party), 291-293 ; martial
law proclaimed, 304 ; mea-
sures taken again U enemy
subjects and shipjdns, 284-
286. 300. 302-3U4 ; Minis-
try, new, 313; .Ministry,
resignation of, 313 ; Ser-
vants of the Kaaba (Secret
Society), 292 ; Turkish in-
trigues in. 283, 292-295 ;
Turkish suzerainty in, 282
Egyj)t, Khedive of. Abbas Hilmi.
288 ; in Constantino))!e,
289 ; intrigues in Effypt.
291, 307 ; depo.sed, 307^ 310
Egypt, Sultan of. Prince Hus-
sein Kamil. created, 308,
312, 314-316
El Arish, occupied by Turks, 319
Emden. German cruiser, des-
troyed by H.M.A.S. Sydneif
123-129 ■
Ennetieres, attack described, 38
Enver Pasha, 45, 49, 60, 70, 294
Erbeviller, fighting at, 422
Espiejle, H.M.S., guarding oil
refinery at Abadan, 108 ;
in the Karun River, 107
Espinasse, General. 404
Essen, French enter, 186
Evatajji, Russian flagship, fires
on the Goeben, 147
Ewarts, General, 246, 267
F
Falkenhayn, General von, ap-
pointed Chief of the General
Staff, 162 ; strategy of,
162-166
Falkland Islands, British victory
at, 134-143
Fao, seized by British, 108
Feilding, Lady Dorothie, 189
Fisher of Kilverstone, Lord,
appointed First Sea Lord,
121
Foch, General, 403, 418, 434, 452
Formidable, H.M.S., torpedoed,
151
France, Eastern, distribution of
armies in, 403
Fran(,'ois, General von, retires
from Insterburg. 226
Prankeuau, action at. 230
French, Field-Marshal Sir John,
174, 190, 445, 450, 451 ;
at Ypres, 445 ; meets
General Joffre in Flanders,
456
French marines in battle of
Yser, 199
Frushkagora Mountain, Serbian
advance on, 368
Fry, Major-General C. J., 110
Fuad, Dr. Ahmed. 292
Furnes, Belgian Staff leave, 472
G
Galicia : Austrian advance in,
343 ; Austrian plan of
campaign in. 242 ; Austrian
reinforcements in, 257 ;
frontier railway system,
241 ; retirement of 1st
Austrian Army, 258, 259 ;
strategical position of oil-
fields, 210
Garibaldian contingent in the
Argonne, 433
George V.. King : decorates
William Pillar for services
rendered to crew of H.M.S.
Formidable. 152 ; message
to Sultan of Egypt, 314 ;
message to Sultan of Tur-
key, 49
Georijio'i. S..S., sunk by Russian
torpedo boat.s, 76
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
515
(jierbeviller, fighting at, 414 ;
German atrocities in, 416
German Army : cavalry, in-
feriority of, 18
(jerman influence in Turkey, 42
(lerman plan of campaign in
Poland, 216, 217
German South-West Africa,
proposed invasion of, 49(5
German West Africa, British
and French landing forces,
145
<Termany : strategical railways
on Russian frontier, 202
Germany, Crown Prince of, at
Longwy, 430
Ghent : British evacuate, 170 ;
German occupation of, 6,
170
Giers, M. de, Russian Ambassa-
dor, leaves Constantinople,
52
Givenchy-Neuve Chapelle-Fau-
quissart line, British retire
to, 459
Glasgow. H.M.S., escape in
Chilean coast action, 133 ;
in action at Falkland Is-
lands, 136
Glossop, Captain John C. T.,
official dispatch on destruc-
tion of Emden, 127-129
Gneisenau, German cruiser, in
action off Chilean coast,
130 ; sunk at Falkland
Islands, 140
Goeben, German cruiser bom-
bards Sebastopol, 147 ;
bought by the Turkish
Government, 44 ; damaged
by Evstafp, 147 ; damaged
by mine, 76
Goltz, General von der, enters
Ostend, 9
Good Hope, H.M.S., sunk in
action off the Chilean coast,
129
Gorst, Sir Eldon, in Egypt, 283,
289
Gough, General, 457 ; in com-
mand 2nd Cavalry Division,
15 ; at Mont-des-Ca»K, 33
Graham, Sir R., work in Egypt,
298. 304
Grand Couronne of Nancy, 413
Great Britain takes over Turkish
battleship Sultan Osman. 43
Greece, relations with Turkey
before the war, 41
Grobler, Piet, 492
Grodek line : Austrian strength
on, 262 ; battle of, 261-267
Grosetti, General, 197 ; at Nieu-
port, 463, 465
Guchevo, fighting at. 370
(Jumbinnen, battle of, 226
H
Haig. General Sir Douglas,
450, 451, 456 ; biogra])hi('al,
445, 44() ; at St. Oiner, 38,
190: at Ypre.s with 1st
Corp.s, 442
Halicz, bridge destroyed by
Austrians, 252
Hamburg- Atncrika Company, in-
tere.sfs in Per.sian Gulf,
9()' 99
Hamidiih, Turkish cruiser,
damaged in Black Sea, 76
Hamilton, General Sir Hubert,
killed, 25
Hardinge of Penshurst. Lord,
visits Persian Gulf, 119
Hartmannsweilerkopf, fighting
at. 439
Hassan ed Din Pasha, 76
Hausen, General von, 434
Hazebrouck, German occupa-
tion of, 4
Herlies, captured by the British,
26
Heniies, H.M.S., sunk by German
submarine, 148
Hertzog, General, 484 ; char-
acter of, 486 ; expelled
from the Botha Ministry,
489 ; influence in Orange
River Colony, 485 ; policy
of, 489 ; relations with
General Botha, 488 ; speech
at De Wildt quoted, 490
Hesse, Prince Max of, death at
Mont-des-Cats, 33
Hewlett, Flight Commander, in
Cuxhaven raid, 153
Hilmi Pasha, 60, 62
Hindenburg, Field-Marshal von,
347, 350 ; advance to the
Niemen, 204 ; career, 231-
233 ; in command in East
Prussia, 231 ; in command
of Austro-German forces.
327 ; strategy in East
Prussia, 233-237 ; tactics
at Warsaw, 329 ; victory
at Tannenberg, 205
Hishmet Pasha, 293
Hofmeyr, Jan, in South Africa,
483, 488
Hoi brook, Lieut. -Commander
Norman D., awarded the
V.C, 148
Hood, Rear-Admiral, bombards
the Belgian coast, 154, 189,
443. 469
Hotzendorf, General Konrad
von, 326
Houthulst, Forest of, Germans
driven out of the, 441 ; re-
occupied by the Germans,
446
Hunter- Weston, General, at Le
Gheir, 458
Indian Army, Expeditionary
Force arrives in Egyi)t, 299
Indomitable, H.M.S., in North
Sea action (January 24,
1915), 155-157
Inflexible, H.M.S., in Falkland
Islands action, 136
Insterburg : German retirement
from, 226 ; Russian occu-
pation of, 228 ; Russians
evacuate, 236
Intrepide, French destroyer,
Rear-Admiral Hood hoists
his flag on the, 480
Invincible, H.M.S., in Falkland
Islands action, 136
Iskan Pasha, defeated at Sari-
kamish. 71, 73
Ismail Hakki, intrigues in Egypt,
294
Ivanoff, General, 246 ; in com-
mand of besieging force at
Przemysl, 273 ; Order of
St. George conferred on,
275
Iwangorod : Austro - German
force defeated at, 336 ;
bombardment of, 334 ; forts,
216 ; Gorman advance on,
329
Japan, declaration of war
against Germany, 121
Japanese Navy at Tsing-Tau.
121
Jarak : fighting at, 366 ; Ser-
bians capture, 368
Jaroslau : fighting around, 344 ;
Russians capture, 267. 272
Jeanniot, Commandant, at Dix-
mude, 474 ; at the Yser,
467 ; killed, 475
Joffre, General, 404, 437 ; di-
recting operations on the
Yser, 190 ; meets Sir John
French in Flanders, 45(i ;
strategy in Alsace-Lorraine,
405
Julie, Sceur, Cross of Legion of
Honour conferred on, 416
K
Kaiser, The : at Nancy, 422 ;
in Flanders, 161 ; visits to
Constantinople, 90
Kniserin Elizabeth, Austrian
cruiser, lost at Tsing-Tau,
123
Kakamas, Maritz defeated at,
503
Kalisch, Germans cross fron-
tier at, 325
Kamimura, Rear-Admiral, as-
sists in landing of troops at
Lunkiang, 122
Kara Kilissa, Russians seize. 76
Kara-Urgan, Russian victory
at, 75
Kato, Admiral, commanding
Japanese Second Fleet, 121 ;
concentrates on Kiao-Chau
Bay. 122
Kemp, Major, character of, 495 ;
in rebe'.lion, 5C3; surrenders
at Kakamas, 512
Kent, H.M.S., in Falkland
Islands action, 136
Keyera : Belgian occupation
of, 176 ; Germans capture,
186, 444
Kiamil Pasha, 63
Kielce, battle of, 341, 343
Kitchener, Lord, in Egypt, 282,
283, 291
Kock, Lieut.-Colonel, refuses to
march on German South-
West Africa. 500
Kogge, Monsieur Charles Louis,
opens sluices on the Yser,
471, 476
Kolubara, River, fighting on the,
382
Kolubara line, Serbians with-
draw from, 383
Kolubara-Lyg line, Serbian de-
fence along, 376
Konigsberg : fortress of, 213 ;
threatened by Russians, 228
KOnir/nberg, (icrman cruiser,
shells H.M.S. Pegasus, 143;
destroyed, 144
Kopjes, meeting: of rebel leaders
{October 13, 1914) at, 505
Koprukeui, Russians eaptur(\ ()9
Kostaiinik. Serbians hold. 370
Kowcit : agreement Ix-twcen
(Jreat Britain and Tuikey
regarding, 99 ; German at-
temjits to seize, 92
Koweit, Sheikh of, refusal to
lease territory to Germans.
92
Kozieniee, attack on, 335
Kragujevatz, Serbians retire to.
375
Krasnostaw. fighting at, 258. 261
Kroonstad-Natal line, blown up
by rebels. 510
Krujiani. fightiTisj at. .370, 373
Kupinovo. Scri)inn.s eai)tiin'. 3li5
510
37/2'; TIMES HlSTOIiY OF THE ]yAli.
Xupinski Kut, Serbians cross the
Save at, 364
Kurna : advance on, 117 ; fall of,
118 ; first action at, 117
Kusmanek, General, in com-
mand at Przemysl, 272-274
Kutno, Russians driven back at,
350
La Bassec, description of coun-
try around, 22
Lambe, Captain C. R., 148
Langle de Gary, General, 409, 434
Lansdowne, Lord, on British
control of the Persian Gulf,
107
Lawford. General, in command
of 22nd Infantry Brigade,
457
Lazarevatz, Austrian attack on,
377
Ledeghem, captured by British.
39, 444
Le Gheir, British occupation of,
441, 448 ; Germans re-
attack, 459
Leipzig, German cruiser, in
action off the Chilean coast,
130 ; sinks three steamers,
134 ; sunk at Falkland
Islands, 140
Leke, Belgian occupation of, 176
Lemberg (Lwow) : Austrian re-
treat, 253 ; battle of, 253-
257 ; history of, 254 ; posi-
tion, 211 ; Russian occupa-
tion of, 253 ; strategical im-
portance of, 254
Le Filly, British capture, 449 ;
Germans recapture, 456
Lerouville, bombardment of, 428
Lille : bombardment of, 28, 29 ;
fall of, 28 ; Germans in, 2,
29
Liman von Sanders, General, in
charge of German Military
Mission to Turkey, 51, 57,
64, 66
Limpus, Admiral, and British
Naval Mission dismissed by
Turkey, 44
Lion, H.M.S., in North Sea ac-
tion (January 24, 1915J,
155-159
Lodz : description of, 207 ;
fighting around, 351 ; Ger-
man occupation of, 328,
352-355 ; reoccupied by the
Russians, 338
Lombartzyde, Allies evacuate,
476 ; Belgian occupation
of, 176 ; lighting around,
465 ; Germans attack, 443
Longwy ; fall of, 430 ; Germans
cross the frontier at, 408
Lorraine, attitude of the people
in, 411
Lowestojt, H.M.S., in North Sea
action (January 24, 1915),
155
Loxley, Captain, death on H.M.S
Formidable, 151
Lublin, Austrian advance on,
246
Luce, Captain John, report on
Chilean coast action, 132
Ludendorff, General von, 233
Luneville : German occupation
of, 410, 417 ; Germans evac-
uate, 425
Lwow; see Lemberg.
Lyck, attack on. 238
Lys : Allied position north of
the. 442, 448 ; description of
country around, 30 ; French
cavalry cross the, 16-19
M
Macedonia, armed liner, in Falk-
land Islands action, 136
Mackensen, General, 330, 347,
350
Magdala, Wells of. Bedouin oc-
cupation of, 51
Mahan, Admiral, on British con-
trol of the Persian Gulf, J 06
Mahmoud Shevkct Pasha, 63 ;
assassinated, 64
Mallet, Sir Louis, 45, 48, 49 ;
interview with Sultan of
Turkey, 50 ; leaves Con-
stantinoj)le, 52 ; on Turkish
neutrality, 46
Mannekensvere : Belgian occu-
pation of, 176 ; Germans
capture, 186
Manonviller, fall of, 410
Maritz, General, 491 ; appointed
Commandant of the Border,
496; at Schuit Drift, 499 ;
character of, 496 ; defeated
at Kakamas, 503 ; in com-
munication with the Ger-
mans, 502 ; in rebellion, 503 ;
proclamation quoted, 490
Martos, General, taken prisoner,
236
]\Iasurian Lakes, description of,
2C5
Matchko Kamen, fighting at,
371, 372
Matchva district, Serbian with-
drawal from, 374
]\Iaud'huy, General de, 1, 174
Maxwell, Lieut. -General Sir
John : appointed Comman-
der-in-Chief of British
. Forces in Egypt, 299 ; is-
sues proclamations, 305
Mayer, Colonel, in command of
French force occupying
Edea, 145
Mayes, Sergeant Charles, 142
McMahon, Sir Henry, aj^pointed
High Commissioner in
Egypt, 309
Meade, Captain the Hon. H., in
North Sea action (January
24, 1915), 157
Mtdjidieh, Turkish cruiser, en-
gaged at Sinope, 76
Melle, action at, 6
Menin, British advance on, 441,
444 ; strategical importance
to the Germans, 40
Mersey, H.M. monitor, damaged
oS Belgian coast, 480
Messudiyeh, Turkish battleship,
torjiedoed by British sub-
marine B 11, 148
Meteren, captured bv the British,
33
Meuse : fortresses on the, 409,
425 ; French cross at Lerou-
ville, 428 ; Germans cross at
St. Mihiel, 428
Meyser, General, 189, 454
Mezera shelled by the British, 117
Michel, General, commanding
Allies on the Yser, 183, 187
Middle East, German influence
in, 88-90
Midhat Pasha, annexations of
Gulf Territory, 88
Milovatz, Austrian occupation
of, 378
Minerva, H.M.S., cruiser, in the
Red Sea, 318 ; shells Akaba,
146
Mirman, M. Leon, Prefect of
Meurtho et Moselle, 412
Mishitch, General : at Suvobor,
384 ; in command of Serbian
l.st Armv, 383
Mitrovitza, Serbian disaster ati
365
Mitry, General de, 35, 185, 190,
451, 456
.Mohamed Ali, Prince, requested
to leave Egypt, 306
Mohamed Bey Farid, 291, 293
-Molkenrein, French take, 439
Moitke, General von, superseded
by General von Falkenhayn,
161
Moitke, German cruiser, in North
Sea action (January 24,
1915), 157
Monmouth, H.M.S., sunk in
action off Chilean coast, 130
Mont-des-Cats, description of,
19 ; strategical importance
of, 448
Moore, Lieut.-Commander A. P.,
148
Morhange, French defeat at, 41)3,
408
Morgen, General von, 237, 350 ;
issues ijroclamation to Poles,
323
Mors, Lieutenant R. C, German
plot in Egypt, 295
Miilhausen : French occupation
of, 405, 437 ; German bru-
tality in, 438
Miiller, Captain Karl von, in
command of the Emden, 126
Munro, Dr. Hector, 189
^Muscat, attacks on, 120
Mustafa Kamil Pasha, 291
N
Nancy : bombardment of, 423 ;
defence of, 402, 410 ; fight
foi, 417-419, 422 ; strate-
gical position of, 413
Narew, River, Russian line at,
207
Nazim Pasha, assassinated, 63
Neidenburg, captured by Rus-
sians, 230
New Zealand Army, Expedi--
tionarj' Force arrives in
Egypt, 299
New Zealand, H.M.S., in North
Sea action (Januarj- 24,
1915), 155-157
Niazi Bey, heads Young Turk
movement, 62
Niemen, River, description of,
204 ; German attempt lo
cross, 239
Nieuport ; bombardment of,
197 ; British naval men at.
451 ; French at, 463 ; Ger-
mans bombard, 466, 468 ;
history of, 179 ; naval opera-
tions at, 154
Niger, H.M.S., sunk by German
submarine, 148
Nomeny, German occupation of,
418
North Sea, action in (January
24, 1915), 155-160
Nottingham, H.M.S., in North
Sea action (January 24.
1915), 155
Novo Georgievsk Forts, 216
Nurnherq, German cruiser : cuts
• Pacific cable, 134 ; in action
off Chilean coast, 130 ; sunk
at Falkland Islands, 140
0
Oder, River. German fortresses
on the, 214
Odessa : harbour raided by
Turkish torpedo boats, 52 ;
Turkish raid on, 304
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
517
Odin, H.M.S., in bombardm,ent
of Fao, 108
Opolie-Turobin line, fighting at,
261
Oppenheim, Baron Max von, 292
Osowiec, German siege of, 238
Ostend : Belgian exodus from,
7-9 ; strategical importance
of, 13
Olranto, auxiliary cruiser, in
action off Chilean coast, 130
Oud-Stuyvekenskerke, fighting
at, 4B8
Pannwit/., Dr. von, Acting Ger-
man Agent in Egyy)t, 300
Papeete, Gorman squadron bom-
bard, 134
Passchendaele, fighting at, 456 ;
French occupy, 445 ; Ger-
man occujiation of, 190
Passenhcim, Germans recapture,
235
Pavlovitch, Colonel, director of
Serbian military operations,
383
Pcchintsi, Serbians occupy. 368
Prtjasus, H.M.S., shelled by
Konigshcrq, 143
Persia, neutrality of violated by
Turkey, 79
Persian Gulf : British interests
in. 84, 95-98, 101, 105;
character and history of,
81-83 ; first German traders
in, 91. 101 ; history of
British influence, 102-105 ;
operations in, 81-120, 140;
])earl fisheries, 94 ; (Jerman
interests in, 95 ; Turkish
interests in the, 84
Pervyse, German attempt to
reach. 472, 478
Pestitch, General, death, 236
Pilkem. Germans penetrate line
at. 462
Pillar, William, deccr.ited for
services during the Formid-
ahlr disaster, 151
Piotrkow. fighting around, 355
Plateau of Amanr-e, attack on,
41!>, 422 ; description of
413, 418
Plehvc. General, 246, 267
Plcschen, Russians cross frontier
at. 340
Ploegsteert (" Plug Street ")
Wood. 448
Poelcap])olle. British withdrawal
from. 454 ; German occupa-
tion of, 190
Poland : description of. 207 ;
devastation in. 3.'".9 ; first
German invasion of, 321-
S4t; (ierraan proclamation,
324 ; German propaganda.
324; Russian proclamation,
325 ; second German inva-
sion, 347 ; situation at end
of 1914, 359; .strategical
importance of. 203
Poles : (Jermans anticipate re-
bellion, 208 ; Prussian o|)-
pression of, 209
Polish feeling in regard to the
wai. 20«
]'oli,><li loyalty to Pvussia. 322
Polish Quadrilateral," 2i()
Pont-a-Mousson, Germans evac-
uate, 425
Port Stanley, Admiral Sturdec's
fleet atl 135 •*.
Portuqnl, French vessel, dam-
aged in Odessa harbour. 52
Potiorek. General, 363, 375 ;
strategy at Suvobor, 384
Princess Royal, H.M.S., in North
Sea action (January 24,
1915), 155-157
Progar, Serbians capture, 365
Pruefer. Dr., German agent in
Egypt, 292
Prussia, East : description of.
. 205 ; first invasion of, 223-
240 ; panic in, 230
Przemysl : fall of, 275 ; fighting
around, 344 ; history of,
272 ; investment of, 267,
272 ; strategical import-
ance of, 215
Pulteney, General, in command
3rd Army Corps, 5, 449 ;
at Radinghem, 441
Putnik. General, 361. 363, 374,
377 ; strategy at Matchko
Kamen, 371
R
Radinghem, British capture.
441 ; British reverse at. 456
Radom. Russian occupation of,
340
Ramscappelle, bombardment of,
480
Ravnje-Tolich line, fighting on
the, 369, 373
Rawa, River, Russian line at,
207
Rawa-Ruska, battle of, 263-267
Rawlinson, Geneial Sir Henry,
in command of 4th Army
Corps, 2, 170, 174, 185;
advances on Ypres. 5, 11 ;
decides not to attack Menin.
39 ; ordered to the line of
the Lys, 38-40
Red Sea, operations in the, 145,
318
Reims, battle of, 430
Remereville, fighting at, 422
Rennenkampf, (Jeneral, 225 ; re-
tires beyond the Niemen.
237 ; retreat from East
Prussia, 236 ; tactics at
Gumbinnen, 226 ; threatens
Konigsberg, 228
Reymond, Senator (French avia-
tor), death at Nancy, 404
Richthofen. Baron, 293
Rolleghemcappelle, captured by
British, 39, 444
Ronarc'h, Rear- Admiral, 170,
467. 471 ; at Dixmude, 183
185, 473 ; biographical, 182 :
in command of French
Marines at battle of the
Yser. 176
Roulers, British occupy, 34 ;
eye- witness's story of fight-
ing around, 38 ; 7th Division
march on, 170 ; French ad-
vance to, 441 ; French take.
442 ; Germans capture, 18(>.
444
Ruchdi Pasha. Hussein, Pre-
mier of Egy|)t, 313
Russia : popularity of the wiw.
219, 244; prohibition ot
drink, 222. 277
Russia, (hand Duke Nicholas of.
245 ; issues ])roclanuvtion to
inhabitants of Galicia, 279 ;
Order of St. George coii-
feri-cd on, 275 ; proclama-
tion to Poles, 325
Russian Army : beha\iour of
troops in the field. 277-280 ;
defective equipment. 201 ;
mobilisation, 218 ; Siberian
Corps at Warsaw, 331, 333 ;
91st Siberian Corps, Order
of St. George conferred on,
333 ; transport, efficiency
of road, 242 ; want of strate-
gic railways, 202
Russian offensive, at Lublin,
257 ; on the Galician fron-
tier, 249
Russian strategy in East Prussia,
223
Russo-Prussian frontier, 224 ;
description of, 203-210
Ruszky, Genera', 242. 339. 347 ;
at battle of Augustowo, 238 ;
in command of Russian
armies on Galician frontier,
248 ; Order of St. George
conferred on, 256 ; takes
command of Russians on
the Niemen, 237
s
Sahain, action at, 112
Sahil, battle of, 112
Said Halim, Prince, 41. 64
St. Die, Germans occupy, 413
St. Georges, Germans cross
Yser at. 466
St. Mihiel. 43S ; Germans cross
the Meuse at, 428 ; German
occupation of, 427, 428
Ste. Genevieve, bombardment
of, 418
Sambor, Russians capture, 267
Samsonoff. General, 225 ; death.
236 ; operations along the
Masurian Lakes. 228
San, battle on the, 356 ; Rus-
sians cross the, 268, 344
Sandomierz, Russian occupation
of, 269
Saniyeh, Turks checked at, 110
Sarikamish, Russian victory at,
71, 73, 74
Sarrail, General, 404, 4.30. 433.
435
Save, River, Austrian monitor
sunk by Serbians, 374 ;
Austrian retreat across. 388 ;
Serbians cross, 364; Serbians
retire to, 366
Saxe-Meiningen, (Jrand Duke of.
in Lodz. 339
Saxony, King of, at Waisaw. 334
Scharnhorsl. German cruiser, in
action off the Chilean coast,
130 ; sunk in the Falkland
Islands action, 140
Schoore. Belgian occupation of,
176
Schroder, Admiral von, 197
Schuit Drift : fighting between
Germans and Dutch at. 499;
South African rebels defeat-
ed at. 503
Sebastopol. bombarded by the
Goebeii, 147
Serai, Turks defeated at, 79
Serbia, secontl Austrian invasion
of, 368-372 ; third Atistrian
invasion of, 374-394
Serbia. King Peter of. in the
firing liiu', 384
Serbian Army, shortage of am-
munition, 374
Serfontein, Hendrik, 491
Severn, H.M. monitor, sailors at
Nidiport, 451
Sei/dlitz. (!ei-ninn cniiscr. in
North Sea action (.lanuarv
24, 1915). 157
Sliashinshi. fighting at, 36(i
Shaw, Brig.-Generul, in I'oni-
mand of 9th Infantry Bri-
gade. 2(i
Sheikh Abdul Aziz Sliawisli. 291.
293
518
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAH.
Shiratai, Japanese destroyer, lost
at Tsing-Tau, 123
Shiikri Bey, Acting Ottoman
High Commissioner, 294
Silesia, strategical position of,
209
Simon, Monsieur, Mayor of
Nancy, 412
Skicrniowice, (Jermans at, 32S
iSlatin Pasha, resignation of. 318
Smith- Dorrien, Genei'al Sir
Horace : at Givenchy, 25 ;
on the line Aire-Bethune,
2, 15 ; ojx'iations against
the (Jernian right. 19 -2()
Smuts, (Jenera', 4S4
Sochaezew : lighting around,
355 ; Germans at, 328 ;
Russian occupation of. 333
Sokal, Russians repulse Aus-
trians at, 247
Soldau : action at, 23(1 ; Ger-
mans recaptuie. 234
Souain, French capture, 434
South Africa : after Boer War,
482-485 ; constitution of
Union of, 487 ; German in-
trigues in, 481
South African Rebellion, 481-
512
Southampton, H.M.S., in North
Sea action (Januarv 24,
1915), 155
Spec, Admiral von : command-
ing (Jerman Far-Eastern
Squadron. 122 ; in Chilean
coast action. 130-133
Stalluponen, action at, 22r>
Steinbach, French gain impor-
tant position near. 438
Stemrich, Herr, visits Koweit, 91
Stepanovitch, Field - Marshal,
378 ; in command of opera-
tions against Belgrade. 387
Steyn, ex-President, 484 ;
General Botha's appeal to,
500, 507 ; influence in
Orange River Colony, 480
Stobnica, Germans at, 328
Strantz. General von, 406, 408
Strazhara, Austrians seize, 378
Strykow, Russian success at, 351
Sturdee. Admiral : dispatch on
Falkland Islands action.
138-142 ; in Falkland Is-
lands action, 135
Stiirm, General, in command of
Serbian 3id Army. 380
Subhi Bej- surrenders Kurna to
the BVitish, 119
Submarines, British : B 1 1 tor-
])edoes the Mcssudii/ch, 148 ;
D 1 1 rained, 153
Submarines, German : U 18
sunk, 149
Sudanese, loyalty of. 310-318
Suez Canal. British interests in,
281
Surehin, Serbians capture, 308
Suvobor. Serbian victory at.
384-387
Suvobor Mountains, Austrians
capture, 379
Suwalki. German occupation of.
237
Sydney, H.^NI.A.S.. destroys
Emden, 123-129
Syrmia : Serbians evacuate. 308;
Serbian invasion of, 303
Tabriz : in 1909, 79 ; Russians
re-enter, 80 ; Turkish oc-
cupation of, 80
Takachico. Japanese cruiser, lost
in Tsing-Tau operations,
123
Talaat Boy, 49, 03
Tannenbe.g • history of, 205 ;
importance of battle of, 205,
218 ; Russian defeat at,
233-235
Tarnogiod. 1st .\ustiiai) .Army
cross frontier near, 240
Tarnopol. Aiistrian retreat at,
249
Taverna, (Jeneral, 404
Terhand, fighting at, 442
Tervaete, Gern'ar.s foiee the
Yser at, 190
Theodosia. bombardeil. 52
Therenet. (Icncial. 41)3
Thiaucourt. (German reoccupa-
tion of, 420
Thielt, entered bv the British,
170
Thourout, British offensive
against, 451 ; French
Marines in, 170; French
retreat to Dixniude, 173,
182
Tiflis, 08
Tiger, H.M.S., in North Sea
action (Januarv 24, 1915),
155-159
Tisza, Count, 212, 213
Tochinai, Vice- Admiral. 123
Tomaszow, Austrian defeat at,
258
Toul, defences of, 425
Triumph, H.M.S.. at Tsing-Tau,
123
Troyon. bombardment of. 425-
427
Tsing-Ta\i : bombardment of.
122 ; surrender of. 123
Turkey : Battleship Sultan ()■■<■
man taken over by Great
Britain, 43; capitulations,
abolition of the. 47 ; tier-
man influence in. 42 ; rela-
tions with Greece before-
the War. 41 ; Young Tuik
revolution (1908). 59
Turkey. Sultan of, interview
with Sir Louis Mallet, 50
Turkish Army. 55-56 ; Artillery
50 ; Cavalry, 57 ; German
reforms, 55, 04-00; In-
fantry, 57 : mobilization.
07 ; strength, 5(). OC.
Tyrwhitt. Commodore. Reginald
Y., in North Sea action
(January 24, 1915). 155
u
Undaunted, H.M.S. : in Cux-
haven raid, 153 ; in North
Sea action (Januarv 24,
1915), 155
Usk, H.M.S.. at Tsinir-Tau. 123
V
Austrians cajjture.
Serbians recapture.
Valievo :
375
380
Van Rensburg. pi-oph"c:es related,
499, 500
Venerable, H.M.S.. o])erations
on Belgian coast. 470
Venezelos. M., and the Turkish
Problem, 41
Verdun : defences of, 425. 435 ;
(Jerman advance on, 400
Victoria, occujiation by Royal
^larines. 145
Violaines, Germans capture. 459
Virginia, railway l>ridge blown
up by rebels. 510
Vistula, River : Austrians cross
the, 249 ; description of,
207 ; German fortresses on,
214 ; liussians cros'^ at
Sandomierz, 345
Vosges, campaign in tfie. 437-
440
w
Wahabi movement in .\iabia.
85, 80, 103
\V'arn"ton, captured bv British,
36
Warsaw : attack on. 32^-334.
345 ; l)ombs dropped on. "
330 ; fortifications. 329 ;
(ierman retreat at. 333.
338 ; Russian reinforce-
ments arrive in. 333 ; stra-
tegical importance of, 207
Wason, Commander Cathcarf R..
in bombardment of Fao, 108
Watts, General, 455
Westende, Nava! operations at.
1.54
Westphalia, strategical impor-
tance of, 209
Wieliczka, Russians occupy. 350
Williams, (ieneral Fenwick. de-
fence of Kars during Cri-
mean War, 57
Wingate, Sir Reginald. Sirdar
and Governor- (Jeneral of
the Sudan. 310
Winn, Lieut. Sydnev Thornhill.
awarded the D.S.O.. 148
Wise. Lieut. E. S.. of Monitor
Severn, at Nieupoit. 451
Wisloka, Austrians driven back
to line of, 271
Woevre district, 436
Woirsch, (ieneral. defeated near
Sandomierz, 209
Woloczysk. Russians cross the
frontier at. 249
Wonckhaus, Messrs.. interests
in Per.^ian Gulf. 91-9S
Wurtemberg, Duke of, 408. 434.
441. 452 ; attacks on Dix-
mude. 198 : before Ypres,
454. 478; in command of
Austro-Hungarian troops.
348 ; in Flanders. 10(i
Yenikoi, Russian victory at. 75
Yorck, (ierman cruiser, mined,
153
Ypres : Allied advance on. 15-
40 : British and French
troo])s enter, 33 : descri])-
tion of country around. 174.
175 ; first phase of the
battle of. 441-464; French
enter. 174 ; German occu-
pation of, 2, 4. 172 ; posi-
tion of Allied line October
20. 1914. 453 : situation
October 19, 1914, 445. 447
Yser: Allied line on the. 440;
Belgians reinforced on. 4(i4 ;
description of country, 174.
175 ; Germans driven into
the. 468 ; inundation of the
district. 469-480 ; retreat of
French Marines from Ghent
to, 168
Yser, Battle of, 101-2^0 : ar-
rival of French reintoi ce-
ments, 197 ; Franco-Belgian
battle of, 405-480 ; German
tactics, 178 ; position of
Belgian Armv, 170
Zhilinskv. General, 230
Zonnebcke, 7th Cavalry Brigade
retreat to, 445
Ztota Lipa, fighting on the lino
of, 250
i
ILLUSTRATIONS TO VOLUME III.
PORTRAITS.
PAGE
Asciiclu'tf, Colonel ... 213
Atamonoff. Colonel ... 306
Austria, Archduke Charles
Francis Joseph of
242, 274, 339
Earrctt, Lieut. -General Sir
Arthur, K.C.B.
Bavaiia, Prince Leopold of
Belgians, King of the
Belin, General
Beyers. General C. F.
Bobrinsky, Count...
Bonnard, Monsieur
Dominiijue ...
Botha, General, and family
482, 493. 495, 506,
Briscoe, Brig.-tJeneral
Brits, Colonel Coen
Brock, Rear - Admiral
Osmond de B.
Bulfin, Brig.-General E. S.
Byng, Major-General The
Hon. Julian ...
Capper, Major-General Sir
Thompson
Chatficld, Captain A. S. M.
Cheetham, Sir Milne
Cox, Colonel Sir Percy ...
Cradock, the late Rear-
Admiral Sir Christo-
pher ...
104
162
455
410
486
261
428
507
311
505
154
456
163
153
304
108
129
Dankl. General ... ... 254
Delamain, Brig. - General
W. S. 107
De Wet, General Christian
487, 508, 511
Be Wet. Piet 505
Djavid Bey 68
Djemal Pasha ... ... 54
DUrbal. General 164
Egypt, Hx-Khedivc of ... 314
Egypt, Sultan of ... ... 314
Egyptian Ministry at Out-
break of War ... 297
Enver Pasha 63
Fairar, Sir (ieorge ... 509
Feilding, Lady Dorothie... 195
Foch, General ... ... 164
Fournier, Colonel... ... 366
PAGE
Fowke, Brig.-General, C.B. 162
Francois, General von ... 230
Fry, Major-Gcneral C. J.... 119
Glossop, Captain John
^ C. T 124
Gough, Major-General H.
de la P 23
Halsey, Captain Lionel ... 154
Harrison, Lieut. -Colonel ... 366
Hertzog, General ... ... 487
Hewlett, Flight Com-
- mander Francis E. T.,
R.N 145
Hindenburg, Field-Mar-
shal von 232
Holbrook. Lieut. - Com-
mander Norman D.,
V.C 147
Hood, Rear-Admiral the
Hon. H. L. ... 151,477
./offre. General
•lulie, Sceur
164
428
Kaiser, The ...168,205,345
Kravchenko, M 250
Kusmanek, General von... 274
Lawford. Brig. - General
S. T. B. ^ 457
Leach, Private ... ... 378
Lipton, S'r Thomas ... 375
Ludendortf, General von... 232
McMahon, Sir Henry ... 282
Mallet, Sir Louis 48
Maritz, General 486
Martos, General N. N. ... 239
Maud'huy, General ... 9
Maunoury, (ieneral ... 410
Maxwell, Lieut. - General
Sir J 309
Mayes, Sergeant Charles ... 144
Meyser, General ... ... 471
Mirman, Monsieur Leon ... 412
Mishitch. Field-Marshal ... 3()7
Mohamed Bey Farid ... 296
Morgen, Lieut. -General von 238
Munro. Dr. Hector ... 185
Pares. Mr. 213
Pavlovitch. Colonel Givko 3<)5
519
PAGE
Pelly, Captain Henry B 155
Putnik, Field-Marsha! ... 365
Rennenkampf, General ... 228
Ruggles - Brise, Brig.-
General H. J. ... 457
Russia, Grand Duke
Nicholas of ... 202, 206
Russia, Tsar of ... ... 202
Said Halim Pasha, Prince
SamsohofI, the late
General
Sanders, General Liman
von
Serbia, Prince Paul of
Serbia. Prince Regent
Alexander of...
Serbian Staff, Military
Attaches of Allies ...
Shakes])ear, the late Cap-
tain W. H., CLE. ...
Shaw, Major-General F. C.
Sheikh Shawish ...
SHeikh-ul-Is'am ...
Shukri Pasha
Slatin Pasha
Smuts, General
Snagge, Commander A. L.
Soldatenkow, Mr
Souchon, Admiral
Spee, Admiral Graf von ...
Stepanovitch, Field-
Marshal
Stoddart, Rear-Admiral
Archibald P
Sturdee, Vice-Adrairal Sir
F. C. Doveton
Stiirm, General Youras-
hitch
Talaat Bey
Tewfik Pasha
Turkey, Crown Prince of.
Turkev, Sultan of...
Washburn, Mr. Stanley ...
Watts, Brig.-General H. E.
Wilson. Lieut. - Com-
mander R. A.
Wurtemberg. Duke Al-
brecht of
225
52
375
364
366
85
182
291
44
69
318
483
477
213
74
141
371
140
138
370
45
49
42
42
213
457
477
408
520
THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.
PAGE
Abakan Island, Anglo- Per-
sian Oil Company's
Refineries ... ... 109
Albert 184
Argonne District ... 431, 435
Assuan ... ... ... 290
Bahrein Island ... 89, 94
Basidu, Kishm Island ... 93
Basra, Asshav Creek 83, 116
Belfort 402
Belgrade 397
Bosphorus... ... ... 46
Boulogne ... ... ... 31
Burnauf, Railway Station 403
Cairo
Capetown ...
Constantino ;)!(•
Cracow
287, 290
... 504
43
... 218
Danzig
Dardanelles
Dixmude ..,
Fao
215
Fort Chanak 73
177, 184
84, 104
PLACES.
I' Mi K
Gerbcviller 404
Ghent, St. Pierre Railway
Station 194
Gizeh, Great Pyramid of 290
Halicz 270
Henjam Island ... ...86, 98
Heliopolis Camp ... ... 286
Kiel Canal 143
Kishm Island, Basidu ... 93
Konigsberg ... ... 217
Koweit, the Bazaar at ... 88
Kurna 102. 106
Lemberg
Lille
Lodz
Lyck
212, 257, 265
4, 28
353
236
Madras, Oil Tanks ... 127
Magi], near Basra ... 113
Masurian Lake Country ... 234
Matra 91
Metz, The Deutsches Thor 419
Muscat 100
Nieuport
Nomeny
177, 184
... 418
PAGE
Oman, Malcolm Inlet, 90;
Elphinstone Inlet ... 96
Ostend JO. 35. 166
Pervyse 177. 184
Place de Baccarat ... 404
Port Stanley ... ... 13.5
Pretoria 488,502
Przemysl ... ... ... 273
Ramscappelle 177, 184, 474. 478
St. Adresse ... ... 5
Shargah 82,92
Sinai, Ain Musa Well ... 319
Soldau Barracks ... ... 227
Sphinx and Pyramids ... 283
Tabriz ... ... ... 75
Tannenberg ... ... 235
Thorn 219
Tiflis 78
Valmy 423
Valparaiso Harbour ... 128
Vitremont ... ... 412
Vryburg ... ... ... 499
Warsaw ... ... ... 216
Argonne, Fighting in the
420-421
Caucasus, the Campaign
in the ... ... 72
Champagne, Fighting in
the 420-421
Coeos - Keeling Islands,
Sketch illustrating
fight between H.M.S.
Sydnei/ a,nd the Emden 126
Coronel, Action off ... 131
Delta of Tigris and Eu-
phrates ... ... 105
Eastern Theatre of War 220, 221
Egypt and the Turkish
Empire ... ... 301
Euphrates and Tigris,
Delta of 105
MAPS AND PLANS.
Falkland Islands, Action
off, 128; position of ... 133
Flanders, Operations in
3, 20, 21, 181
Franco-German Frontier 407
Galician Campaign 260, 346
Indian Ocean
122
Kurna, Plan of Actions at 117
Persian Gulf 87
Poland, Operations in ... 337
Port Stanley Harbour,
British Squadron in 135
Russo- Prussian Frontier... 224
Serbia, Second Austrian
Inva.sion of, 372 ;
Third Austrian In-
vasion of ... 380, 381
Shatt-al-Arab, Scene of
Actions on the ... 102
South Africa ... ... 497
Syrmia, Expedition in ... 368
Tigris and Euphrates,
Delta of 105
Turkish Empire, The,
Distribution of Army
Corps ... ... 61
Warsaw Front
329
Yser, Battle of the ... 188
Yser Inundations... ... 479
Ypres, Battle of (First
Phase) ... 460, 461
^
BINDING SECT. SEP 2 3 1982
D The Times, London
501 The Times history of the
T5 war
-•3 S2.
PLEASE DO NOT REMOVE
CARDS OR SLIPS FROM THIS POCKET
UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO LIBRARY
-^
I* -v*. I
,<;tr
m.
^..%
«if/.
"tJ;
^« K M )
* '"^^^iA^
+J'
1*^
■^i^:
^i^]
- . u-".
SX.
Sstirfs,-**
J|
"itf.'if '■s*.
mi
■:^''4t^
-:^<x^ii
iiM
'% ^^f"
.Mf'
\Nt:i
i'Tc") *-4V;